Collecting Rich Data from Afar

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Digital ethnography is proposed in this theoretical paper as a methodological innovation for investigating transpersonal care phenomena in contemporary public health contexts. The relevance of this research to public health is considered paramount, as the importance of holistic, spiritually integrated approaches to care that transcend traditional biomedical models is increasingly being recognized by healthcare systems globally. A new theoretical framework, termed the Digital Transpersonal Care Framework (DTCF), has been developed and is presented, which represents a significant departure from existing methodologies in public health research. The novelty of DTCF is found in its unique integration of three previously disconnected domains: transpersonal nursing theory, digital anthropological methods, and consciousness studies, through which an unprecedented approach to understanding spiritual dimensions of health in digital environments has been created. Unlike traditional ethnographic methods that are confined to physical spaces or existing digital health research that focuses primarily on technological functionality, the consciousness-based, spiritual aspects of healing relationships as they manifest in online environments are specifically addressed by DTCF. Building on Watson’s (2008) Transpersonal Caring Theory and recent developments in digital anthropology, it is argued that unique affordances for capturing the multidimensional nature of transpersonal experiences that are increasingly relevant to public health practice are offered by digital ethnography. Through systematic analysis of methodological literature and theoretical frameworks, a comprehensive approach has been developed that addresses three critical gaps in public health research. Firstly, the limitations of traditional ethnography in capturing transpersonal phenomena that are essential to holistic public health approaches are addressed. Secondly, the need for methodological tools that can investigate collective consciousness and spiritual dimensions of healing in digital spaces, which have become integral to modern healthcare delivery, is recognized. Thirdly, the absence of theoretical frameworks linking digital methods with transpersonal theory in ways that can inform public health policy and practice is identified. The theoretical contribution is found in the conceptualization of digital spaces as legitimate fields for transpersonal experiences and the proposal of specific methodological protocols for their investigation within public health contexts. Profound implications for public health practice are held by this framework, with new ways to understand and facilitate healing relationships in telehealth settings, online support communities, and digital mental health interventions being offered. The DTCF is found to be particularly useful for public health as evidence-based approaches to integrate spiritual care into digital health services are provided, the growing need for culturally sensitive healthcare delivery in diverse online populations is addressed, and methodological tools to evaluate the effectiveness of consciousness-based interventions in improving health outcomes across populations are offered.

Online ethnography is often criticized for being less immersive than traditional ethnography. However, this article argues that the digital medium offers a distinctive way to connect researchers with their interlocutors. Online ethnography can help balance being intimate while respecting research participants by maintaining appropriate distance in anthropological fieldwork. The article presents a case study of bathrooms during the Covid‐19 pandemic. It shows that online ethnography, which only allows access to what is seen and heard on the screen, creates a more limited, transient, flexible and ambiguous relationship with the research participants. This unique form of relatedness makes them more open to sharing their stories, images and videos about their bodily practices in bathrooms. The article emphasizes the potential of digital research methods to reveal the details of embodied practices. It invites anthropologists to explore the different ways of relating to digital and physical spaces in research.

Introduction. This paper discusses the use of digital ethnography to research the embodied information practices of ultrarunners. The paper considers the challenges of digital ethnography and explores how embodied and immersive methods could bring the body into digital ethnography. Method. Digital ethnographic methods have been used as part of ongoing research exploring how ultrarunners use the affordances of social media to share embodied information. Participant observation and interviews have been the main methods of data collection. Discussion. Embodied information can present challenges for the researcher as it is information which is difficult to access beyond the moment of practice. Reflection on use of digital ethnography has highlighted the importance of methods which bring the body into research. Conclusions. Turning to sensory, embodied and immersive methods can support deeper understanding of embodied information practices. The paper highlights the value of ongoing reflection on methodological issues to address the challenges of researching embodied information.

The rapid development of digital technology has transformed social interaction patterns, particularly among Generation Z, who have grown up immersed in the internet, social media, and virtual worlds. Roblox, as both an online gaming platform and a game creation system, represents a unique digital cultural space where identity, creativity, and social interactions converge. This study aims to analyze Roblox as a site of digital humanities by examining how Generation Z constructs digital identity, expresses creativity, and engages in social interactions within the platform. This research employs a qualitative approach with a digital humanities paradigm, using virtual ethnography (netnography) as the primary method. Data were collected through participant observation within Roblox, where the researcher engaged in community activities, observed avatar customization, and recorded communication patterns. In addition, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 active Generation Z players, and secondary data were gathered from relevant literature on digital culture and virtual communities. Thematic analysis was applied to identify and interpret key themes related to identity formation, creative expression, and social interaction. The findings reveal three major dimensions. First, digital identity in Roblox is fluid and dynamic, with avatars serving as symbolic representations of self-expression and experimentation. Second, creativity thrives through participatory culture, as Roblox Studio enables users to become producers of digital content, shaping virtual worlds and narratives while gaining social recognition. Third, social interaction in Roblox reflects the formation of global digital communities, where collaboration, roleplay, and communication foster new forms of relationships and cultural practices. In conclusion, Roblox should be understood not merely as a gaming platform but as a complex cultural arena where Generation Z negotiates identity, exercises creativity, and develops social connections. From a humanities perspective, Roblox exemplifies how digital spaces contribute to the construction of cultural values ​​and social meaning in the technological era.

The global COVID-19 pandemic continues to affect Fiji beyond public health, in profound ways. The indirect effects of the pandemic in Fiji coalesce primarily around social, economic, and political issues, presenting individuals, organizations, and communities with livelihood challenges for years to come. With the closure of state borders and ships ceasing to sail, Fiji's supply chains have been disrupted, and food insecurity has increased. Displaced individuals and households are becoming refugees of the COVID-19 crisis. Some businesses (specifically Medium, Small and Micro Enterprises) are closing, while others are suffering losses, with workers being laid off. Fijian households, including both indigenous families and those of Indian descent, face uncertainties and the already vulnerable are turning into extremely vulnerable community members. To explore the experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic in Fijian society, this research adopted a qualitative approach and utilized the following research instruments: (a) virtual ethnography, i.e. keeping track of activities and updates on social media sites such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter as the COVID-19 situation evolved in Fiji, (b) participant observation, and (c) people shadowing, to gain a deeper understanding of how different segments of the Fijian society behaved and responded to the situation as it advanced, and (d) informal interviews with ten individuals who were randomly selected from households along the Suva-Nausori corridor. Six females and four males participated in the informal interview component of this research. The youngest participant was a 28-year-old female of iTaukei origin while the eldest was a 54-year-old female, also of iTaukei origin.1 In the present research, my identity was somewhat ambiguous, as both an 'insider' and an 'outsider' of the research community. As a Fijian citizen, and faced with the brunt of the COVID-19 pandemic as much as my fellow country folks, I was to a large extent, positioned in this research as an 'insider'. On the other hand, I was also an 'outsider', approaching the community as a professional international civil servant working as Head of Community Research and Ethnographic Solutions Mapping with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Accelerator Lab, Pacific.2 I present the material according to the four phases that have been widely noted for the COVID-19 pandemic: (i) identification and acknowledgement of the virus in mainland China by the World Health Organization (WHO), (ii) virus imports to Fiji, (iii) community transmission, and (iv) containment.3 As mainland China started to battle the virus, authorities around the globe and in Fiji also started stepping up their 'game', making tough decisions in real time to protect their citizens' wellbeing. In early January 2020, Fiji tightened its border security. As cases spiked in mainland China, borders were immediately closed off to foreign nationals who had been in mainland China within 14 days of their intended travel to Fiji. Moris informs me that he has not seen his family since December 2019. His spouse, who is of Chinese descent, has gone to China to celebrate the Chinese New Year with their two daughters, but has not yet been able to return to Fiji. Moris has tried all possible ways to get them back into the country, but all strategies have failed. A mother who left her two-year old behind in Fiji and returned to the West Indies to get the daughter's passport made so that she could take her daughter with her to West Indies has since not been able to return to Fiji. The two-year-old has since been living with her nanny here in Fiji. The only way that she can communicate with her daughter is via Zoom or other online media applications. Shabilo is on a working visa in Fiji. Because her work requires travel across the Pacific, she had traveled to the Solomons. She was stuck in the Solomons for over three months. They would not let her board the flight to Fiji as borders have closed. She had no money. She had given up on her accommodation and her sim card before she left for the airport. She was begging staff at the airport in Honiara to board the flight, but they did not allow her to do so. She was basically left stranded. In these three months she faced so many difficulties. To add to the difficulties, her mother has been hospitalized back in India. She had also run out of her special medications in the Solomons. On top of that she is a vegan and a female - both of which presented additional difficulties. As a female, she was worried for her safety and security, and as a vegan she faced lots of difficulties obtaining nutritious and fresh leafy vegetables for her meals. The vegetables are expensive in Solomons……She felt that decisions were just made overnight and lacked proper instructions. Now, as she is trying to return to India via a repatriation flight, she was told that her COVID-19 test which she did some days ago is invalid. A shop owner in Suva city informed me that his business has been heavily impacted by the pandemic, not because he is not able to make sales, but because he used to import products from mainland China to be sold in Fiji. As border restrictions become tighter, his importations have been affected. In light of the risk of community transmission and restricted travel freedoms, anthropologists like me could only engage in virtual ethnography. Virtual ethnography was the only means to get a sense of what was happening around the country during this period. A few days into lockdown, however, I realized that the virtual ethnography aspects of the research did not portray the full picture. Therefore, I decided to deploy participant observation and people shadowing as additional research tools to gain a deeper understanding of the effects of the pandemic on different segments of Fijian society and on their livelihoods (Figs. 1-3). The participant observation and people shadowing component of the research often entailed making spontaneous car rides to towns, supermarkets, hospitals, and other places such as bus stations to observe people's behaviour during the lockdown period. I could not, however, move out of the city or beyond the town borders. I recorded my observations as diary entries and took photographs that were later used for evidence and reflection purposes. Some of the behaviours and attitudes exhibited by citizens did not bode well for creating and sustaining an engaged COVID-19 society. It was observed that the majority of people continued to stockpile essential items during panic buying for themselves, disregarded the safety guidelines set by the government, and had placed their own needs ahead of other community members. For example, (i) some shop owners engaged in devious activities such as cheating consumers through price gouging face masks, hand sanitizers, and food items, (ii) some citizens recklessly displayed inconsiderate behaviours such as breaking curfew orders individually and as groups5 and (iii) many others engaged in non-compliant activities such as ignoring new instructions set by the Government relating to community gathering.6 The rapidly transformed 'new normal' resulting from the COVID-19 outbreak has left some citizens with a bitter taste in their mouth (Figs. 4, 5). Instances such as breach of quarantine measures by individuals arriving into the country has also caused concern and unease in the community. For instance, the public became outraged at a 62-year woman from Santa Rosa, California who arrived into Fiji on 23 March 2020 on a Los Angeles flight and defied self-quarantine orders by going to the Registrar of Marriage in Suva and requesting an urgent procedure of marriage on 27 March 2020 (Talei 2020). As the spread of the virus in the community was controlled and restrictions on movements scaled back, I started to employ informal interviews to elicit the views, feelings, thoughts, and opinions of individuals along the Suva-Nausori corridor on the COVID-19 pandemic and its impacts on households and livelihoods. This was only possible because I could now sit with individuals at a distance and carry out the interviews. The insights collected through informal interviews were then triangulated with the data obtained via virtual ethnography, participant observation, and people shadowing. We have lost our jobs. Our household income is affected. We are now taking out from our savings, whatever little we have. Our major worries are that of groceries and paying for the rent. I am frightened that he (landlord) will tell us to go. We also have our sickly elderly parents residing with us (Female, iTaukei, 29 yrs). My husband and I juggle with where and how to spend our money……health, medicine, construction……on top of that……you know our culture……we also have to look and provide for our extended family members living with us (Female, Indian descent, 36 yrs). Without a job at hand, no bank wants to give us loans, the only option is to access funds through our superannuation……even that is not enough……you know (Male, Indian descent, 30 yrs). We are now skipping meals. We cannot afford much food since COVID-19……we cannot put much items in the shopping list. Before we used to go and do shopping every Saturday but it's now like once or twice a month at most (Female, iTaukei, 33 yrs). Yes, at times we do get visited by NGOs that distribute food rations but they do have their own dramas……they come and check our kitchens, move around our house, try to speak to outsiders if we are receiving food from elsewhere……maybe that's the way they work (Male, Indian descent, 28 yrs). We are now cooking less and consuming smaller amounts of food (Female, Indian descent, 36 yrs). Before when the tourist ships used to come to Suva, my husband could make somewhere $200-300 per day……he used to do tour guiding……now no more ships (Female, iTaukei, 54 yrs). The price of Kava has gone down because people are not earning, and it is no longer in demand. Our client number and sales have decreased considerably (Male, iTaukei, 35 yrs). I will now have to search for some other work. The little money I make here is not enough. Life here in the urban area was already difficult but with COVID-19……I don't know what the future holds for me and my daughters. If I go back to the village, I will need to take my two daughters (aged 9 and 13) with me. I will need to change their schools also if we return. I can't say much about what our status or the future will look like in the village as there are also no good health care facilities, and our house lacks basic utilities. I am worried about my daughters (Female, iTaukei, 28 yrs). I have seen my husband's behaviour change. He spends most of the time at home with us now because of his reduced hours of work. He picks on everyone very quickly almost every day……to the point that me and my children have become victims of his short temperament. My kids get scared of his sudden change in behaviour (Female, Indian descent, 37 yrs). My parents add fuel to the fire. They know very well that we are facing financial difficulties, yet they continue to invite people to come over for get together and dinners. At times we get financially and mentally drowned. And it's difficult to say no considering our cultural and religious values. In our culture, we cannot object to the decisions of our elderly and religion wise, every visitor is considered equal to God (Male, Indian descent, 35 yrs). I feel for my children. They see those kids out there who are not affected from the effects of COVID-19 because their parents have jobs, and they ask for similar stuff……food……clothes……luxuries of life. But at this time, we just cannot afford all this (Male, Indian descent, 30 yrs). Loss of job has caused some other problems for us. My husband has nothing to do……he goes with his friends and returns either intoxicated with alcohol or kava……this has created the rift between us……I have been tortured twice by my husband……I cannot take it anymore……I am planning for a divorce (Female, Indian descent, 36 yrs). We have already had a big fight regarding who to allow into our house. My parents live with us and they think it is ok to let my other siblings and their families come to our house at any point in time, whenever they desire. I guess it's just the parental instincts (Male, Indian descent, 30 yrs). The International Labour Organization estimates that 115,000 Fijian workers have been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic (Krishant 2020). Considering that these 115,000 workers support on average a family of three individuals each, Fiji is set to face serious consequences, especially with regards to food security. While most of the world's nations have favourable food production and manufacturing systems, small island developing states like Fiji lack them. Therefore, Fiji requires care packages, accommodation, food, clothing (including school uniforms), and supplies to cater for these extraordinary circumstances. The absence of widespread local production and manufacturing additionally pose food security challenges, specifically in terms of growing crops and vegetables. There is the additional challenge of developing transnational relationships in the region, as other nations are already dealing with their own difficulties. Initially, Fiji faced an immediate risk of inadequate supply of processed food items which it imports from overseas and heavily relies on as a food source for its people. All these bundled together may lead to food scarcity on the island. Nonetheless, as of 26 August 2020, it has been 129 days since Fiji recorded a new case of COVID-19 in the community, and the Government aims to maintain this unbroken streak (Deo 2020). While some argue that Fiji may become a case study for the rest of the globe, this comes with some caveats (Personal Communication 2020). The key elements of a successful containment of the virus involve (i) strictly following guidelines as set out by the WHO, (ii) open and transparent communication, (iii) continuous updates via radios, and more importantly social media, and (iv) partnerships and engagement. These key touchpoints help strengthen national culture and responses to the pandemic, creating a more COVID-19 informed society in the country. Given Fiji's weak structural economy, 'resource poor' status, unequal household income distribution, and dependence on processed and imported food items, foreign food aid, and remittance, agriculture-based interventions and solutions will need to be part of the immediate response to the threat of COVID-19. The breakdown of support required by the 'Fijian Government National COVID-19 Response Budget Estimate 2019-2020' features food security as the major priority.10 In order to rapidly strengthen Fiji's capacity to increase its own local food supply, it is recommended that concerned parties deploy tools and methodologies that will help identify, innovate, and test agricultural approaches that have the potential to be adapted and scaled up by the local subsistence farming community in a relatively short timeframe. Innovation in food security is something that is also supported by the UNDP Pacific Office's Accelerator Lab. If agriculture is the way forward for a country like Fiji, this will require working with local lead users to identify and test local solutions for sustainable resilient agriculture via rapid experimentation and training.11 This may include a mixture of solutions such as hydroponic farming, high-raised bed farming systems, diversified farming systems, and urban and backyard gardening using lead users of such interventions that have already been identified in past engagements. Such interventions require relatively little financial or technological inputs and could be implemented in a way that strengthens the capacity of the local farming community immediately and in the long-term. It is envisaged that the uptake of these solutions will improve the food security of the people of Fiji, in anticipation and response to the current concatenation of socio-economic shocks that the country faces. This research drew upon a range of observations on how the global COVID-19 pandemic has impacted Fijian households and families, and the domestic economy. From the research, it can be concluded that Fiji (and perhaps the region) has already started to feel a developmental and inequality crisis. Notably, food accessibility is a challenge, although the effects of this on households and families are disproportionate. There are chances that the COVID-19 pandemic will increase the number of people suffering from mental traumas, social insecurity, hunger, and undernourishment in Fiji. Hence, it is important that a small island developing state like Fiji takes the necessary decisive rules and collective actions in order to ensure equal prosperity for all. This paper represents the views of the author and not that of UNDP. Mohseen Riaz Ud Dean is currently working with the UNDP Accelerator Lab, Pacific office based in Suva, Fiji, as Head of Community Research and Ethnographic Solutions Mapping. He holds a PhD in Anthropology from the University of Waikato in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Mohseen's cross-disciplinary PhD thesis drew upon the agronomic, ecological, and social sciences to analyze the current crisis in the Fijian sugar industry. It focused particularly on the livelihood crisis faced by smallholder sugarcane growers and explored the potential of local and traditional farming knowledge to address this crisis. Mohseen also holds a M.Sc in Environmental Sciences from Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, India, a Post Graduate Certificate in Tertiary Teaching, and a B.Sc in Environmental Science from the University of the South Pacific. Before joining the UNDP, Mohseen worked as an academic at Fiji National University. [Correction added on 07 January 2021, after first online publication: Author biography section has been added.]

This article aims to explore the complex relationship between feminist movements in the region and the state’s efforts to suppress their activities, both in physical and online spaces. It problematizes the incidence and place of digital platforms in the political dispute in specific authoritarian contexts. The objective is to analyze the role of the feminist dispute in the Cuban digital space in the face of state control. A qualitative methodology was employed, drawing on the Cuban case study and digital ethnography, which utilized documentary literature reviews, in-depth interviews, and social network analysis techniques. The main results indicate a strategic use of social networks to promote demands and pressure, challenge the State, and foster feminist pedagogy within civil society. Digital spaces serve as a form of resistance in the face of challenges and fears associated with protest in physical spaces.

We are our own subjects. How our subjectivity becomes entangled in the lives of others is and has always been our topic. (Denzin 27)This article reflects on the process of disclosing the ethnographic self, particularly in relation to the use of e-mails and social networking sites, such as Facebook. Previous work has examined virtual ethnography as the main research method or its place within a mixed method approach (Orgad; Hine, Virtual Ethnography; Fay; Greschke). My focus lies on the voluntary and involuntary intertwining of physical ethnographic work (i.e. going to a specific location to immerse oneself in a culture) and the virtual relations formed with informants in the course of such fieldwork. Connecting with informants on Facebook has brought a new dimension to the active approach of impression management that is encouraged in traditional texts on ethnography and participant observation (Hammersley and Atkinson; Taylor and Bogdan; Ellen). Examples are drawn from my experience of three phases of geographically located fieldwork for my thesis on Spanish- and English-language media and the Cuban-American community in Miami, Florida, and from online “repercussions” of my physical presence in the field.In an ideal (research) world, the process of immersing oneself in a culture, studying and understanding its values, dynamics and symbolism is paired with professional and personal distance and reflexivity. Most of the time, the reality of fieldwork does not adhere to this ideal (Kleinman and Copp). Data collection does not take place in a void. On the contrary, it is a personal, emotional, embodied and challenging experience in which the researcher’s persona is highly involved: “If informants are people and have rights that affect ethical practice, ethnographers are also human and have identities that affect research practice” (Brewer 99).The researcher’s identity has a strong influence on the research process, but the same holds true the other way around. Ethnographic encounters have an effect on the ethnographer’s sense of identity or sense of self. The researcher’s identity, just like the informant’s, is ever-changing and in a constant process of negotiation that continues throughout the ethnographic experience. As Sarah Pink (47) points out, individuals not only position themselves and their identity in relation to others, but also in relation to objects and discourses (see also: Miller).Therefore the process of relating to the field does not end with physically removing oneself from it (Coffey). Dealing, relating and “coming to terms” with the field and those we encounter is much more complex. The assumption made that the researcher would not be influenced by this, meaning that the field has no impact whatsoever on the one collecting data, has been challenged severely, often by feminist scholars among others, over the past decades (Hey; Roberts; Berger).Establishing and positioning oneself and one’s role in the field can be a daunting process (Lindner). It can be informed by fears of acceptance, uncertainties about conventions not (fully) understood yet and the underlying dynamics one still hopes to uncover. The process of role(s) and identity negotiation of the researcher in the field goes on when writing the field, going through field notes and making sense of what we have experienced (Okely). So even though strict temporal and spatial boundaries might never have existed to the extent ethnography textbooks would have us believe, the use of e-mails and social networking sites have brought the field even closer to home. I have structured the following reflections on disclosing the ethnographic self in face-to-face conversations, that is, exposures made while being physically present in the field, and those taking place online. However, it is worth remembering that this is an artificial distinction as they are clearly interlinked and can overlap in time. Disclosure in Face-to-Face ConversationsWith establishing and negotiating one’s identity in the field and fieldwork relations comes the question of how much to disclose of oneself. How much should informants know about me? There are obvious ethical requirements: Every researcher should be clear about scope and aim of the research project, institutional affiliations, the way data will be stored and used (Mauthner et al.). But beyond that, how much of myself do I have to expose? What stands in the way of a straight-forward answer is the undefined nature of relationships of those we meet in the field: “Fieldwork relationships are at once professional and personal, yet not necessarily readily characterized as either”(Coffey 39).Arguably, there is not one right way to proceed, as it depends on the kind of field the researcher is finding herself in, her personality, role, identity and the type of relationship she wishes to establish with informants. The process of relationship-building to the field as a whole as constructed in the ethnographer’s mind and to individuals in the field is of course ongoing and very likely to evolve and change over time. This applies not only to the relationships built but also to the researcher’s sense of self and how he or she relates to those encountered in the field. It is partly in and through these encounters that the researcher’s understanding of self is influenced, shaped and negotiated on a continual basis. During three phases of fieldwork in 2006, 2007 and 2008 I interviewed over 40 Hispanic journalists, media executives and active members of the Cuban-American community in Miami, Florida. How much was I willing to disclose of myself during these encounters and subsequent e-mail exchanges? Should I correct informants when they wrongly assumed I was British because I was based at a British institution? Do they need to know why I have chosen to research this particular topic and them as a group, why I was based at a Scottish university and what brought me to the U.K. in the first place? The answers were no secrets, but neither was I comfortable to share them with all informants I met in the field. Gender and age-related dynamics came into play here with the majority of interviewees being male and significantly older than me (Easterday). At times, I was uneasy when it came to talking about myself. While I defined the majority of my initial relations as mostly, though not entirely, professional, some interviewees did have a different take on this. In particular, I felt that one interviewee who after the interview started asking me personal questions about my move to Scotland, clearly overstepped an invisible line, although it would have been perfectly alright from my perspective to ask him questions similar, though different in tone, within the context of an interview. A further aspect of disclosure within the context of ethnographic work is the open discussion of the research process with informants. Although this can be very fruitful, it can also be source of scorn and end in closed doors, especially in the highly polarised field I was researching: Once interviews were finished, some interviewees would ask whom I had interviewed previously—maybe just out of interest, maybe to go on and suggest future interviewees. I had never considered in detail what kind of reactions interviewees might have by my naming of previous contacts because for one, reactions had so far been positive and secondly, all interviewees had some understanding of what research entails and that I would naturally want to speak to as many people and as many “sides” as possible. In one particular case, though, the interviewee showed clear disapproval of my talking to a journalist at a well-known Miami-based newspaper. At the time, I did not take this minor condemnation very seriously, but in retrospect it turned out that this interviewee could have been a valuable source for further information and contacts. It taught me that it is wise to hold my cards closer to my chest in such a sensitive environment. This does not mean, however, that secrecy and constant striving towards a neutral position is always the best way to proceed, nor a believable position to hold as Kloos (511) found out: “One of the clergymen in Eastern Flevoland asked me once: ‘Do you have any opinions of your own?’”Virtual Exposure and DisclosurePrevious studies underlined that relationships forged and maintained online mirror offline everyday-life contacts, interests, concerns and vice versa. (Castells; Miller and Slater) For ethnographers whose informants have ready Internet access, this can bring significant advantages as well as challenges. Contacting informants whom I had heard about but not yet met in person by e-mail proved an extremely useful approach. An e-mail allowed me to say a few words about myself and introduce my research project. If there was no response to the e-mail, I was much more comfortable to call the person at this stage—rather than before an e-mail had been sent. E-mails proved a very successful way in contacting informants, thanking people after the interview and exchanging further information that had been touched upon in conversation. What surprised me, however, was that e-mails were also used by interviewees to contact me months after I had been in touch with them and had physically left the field. On a couple of occasions, interviewees sent me information that they thought was essential for my research or, in fact, asked me to fill out a questionnaire and comment on matters relating to my research topic. My role in the field and my relation to informants had turned from researcher to research participant, or interviewee in this case.While e-mails offer a rather controlled environment when approaching informants, other information about the researcher might be more unpredictable and harder to control or manage. I sometimes found myself wondering what information about me informants would find when they Googled my name. How would they combine and make

There is increasing interest in the use of ethnography as a qualitative research approach to explore, in depth, issues of culture in health professions education (HPE). Our specific focus in this article is incorporating the digital into ethnography. Digital technologies are pervasively and increasingly shaping the way we interact, behave, think, and communicate as health professions educators and learners. Understanding the contemporary culture(s) of HPE thus means paying attention to what goes on in digital spaces. In this paper, we critically consider some of the potential issues when the field of ethnography exists outside the space time continuum, including the need to engage with theory in research about technology and digital spaces in HPE. After a very brief review of the few HPE studies that have used digital ethnography, we scrutinize what can be gained when ethnography encompasses the digital world, particularly in relation to untangling sociomaterial aspects of HPE. We chart the shifts inherent in conducting ethnographic research within the digital landscape, specifically those related to research field, the role of the researcher and ethical issues. We then use two examples to illustrate possible HPE research questions and potential strategies for using digital ethnography to answer those questions: using digital tools in the conduct of an ethnographic study and how to conduct an ethnography of a digital space. We conclude that acknowledging the pervasiveness of technologies in the design, delivery and experiences of HPE opens up new research questions which can be addressed by embracing the digital in ethnography.

Situated in critical sociocultural theory of literacy with a particular focus on literacy in relation to space and displacement, this qualitative study considers how nine teenage girls who were resettled as refugees from Thailand engage in productions of translocality through multimodal literacy practices in digital spaces. The girls are ethnically Karen, Burmese Muslim, Poe Karen, and Burmese, and they bridge histories of displacement, resettlement, and belonging in their translocal productions in digital spaces. Data was gathered over eight months through semi‐structured in‐depth interviews, multimodal interviews, document collection, and participant observation, and was analyzed thematically. This research adds to the growing understanding of language and literacy practices as global, as well as local, by offering a perspective on how newly resettled youth learn, use, and develop their multimodal literacy practices in digital social spaces.

Ethnography has been used to research various people and topics online, primarily using netnography and digital ethnography. Researchers and businesses employ digital ethnographic methods to access an assortment of social media platforms in order to learn about social media users. Researchers seek to understand relationships between social media users and organizations from both academic and practitioner perspectives. These organizations run the gamut from for-profit businesses, to nonprofits, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and government agencies. The specific focus here is on social media research as it relates to businesses. Organizations make use of social media in a variety of ways, but chiefly to market to clients and to gather information on followers; the latter of which, in turn, helps them understand their target markets. While this social media data is both quantitative and qualitative in nature, the emphasis here centers on qualitative data, particularly the ways businesses interact with social media users. While some firms mainly use older forms of one-way marketing that solely focus on disseminating information, other firms increasingly seek ways to interact with customers and co-create products with clients. Additionally, social media users are creating their own communities, formed due to a shared interest in a brand. Companies strive to learn more about their customers through these groups. Influencers also play a role in the relationship between organizations and social media users by linking their own followerships to products and brands. In turn, influencers develop their own relationships with organizations through sponsorships, thus becoming brands themselves. Influencers risk losing their followerships when followers perceive them as no longer accessible or authentic. This change in perception can occur for a variety of reasons, including when followers believe that an influencer has prioritized brand alignment over building connections with followers. Due to multiple relationships with different brands and their followers, influencers must negotiate the ambiguity and evolving nature of their role. As social media and digital spaces develop, so must the tools used by anthropologists. Anthropologists should remain open to incorporating hallmarks of ethnographic research such as fieldnotes, participant observation, and focus groups in new ways and alongside tools from other disciplines, including market and UX (user experience) research. The divide between practitioners and academics is blurring. Anthropologists can solve client issues while contributing their voices to larger anthropological and societal discussions.

O objetivo deste artigo é compreender como os membros de A.A. realizam o tratamento do alcoolismo em meio à pandemia, por meio de uma etnografia virtual em grupos de A.A. no Brasil. Realizou-se uma etnografia virtual em reuniões de recuperação online de grupos de A.A., localizados na Cidade de São Paulo-Brasil e entrevistas, via formulário Google Forms, com membros A.A de diversas cidades brasileiras. Com a pandemia, a etnografia migrou para o espaço virtual, o que tem provocado certos tensionamentos em relação à clássica noção de trabalho de campo em antropologia, ao emprego de técnicas de coleta de dados, tais como a observação participante e as modalidades de entrevistas. Busca-se, assim, contribuir para a compreensão da maneira como os membros de A.A. realizam o tratamento do alcoolismo em reuniões de recuperação online e, por essa via, dos desafios teóricos e metodológicos da etnografia virtual em tempos de pandemia.

Despite the widely recognised impact of both digital and physical spaces as active contributors to teaching and learning processes, relatively little is known about the learning environment. Furthermore, it is time to explore the interplay between these two spaces. Therefore, we proposed employing a holistic approach to develop a new conceptual model for Designing Teaching and Learning Environments (DTALE). To do this, the paper presents first a critical review of the research literature underpinning learning environments, with a particular interest in the integration of the physical and digital spaces, to develop the DTALE model. In the second step, the DTALE model has been developed and validated by applying the model to existing cases from different contexts. Based on the study’s findings, we outline the implications for theory and practice. Limitations and suggestions for future research are also included.

Social isolation poses significant challenges for older immigrants, particularly those who face cultural and linguistic barriers in their country of settlement. Despite these challenges, little is known about how older immigrants facilitate social connections. This study draws from the Inclusive Communities for Older Adults project to explore how Mandarin and Punjabi-speaking older immigrants utilize physical and digital spaces to mitigate social isolation. Data from semi-structured interviews with 20 older immigrants in Calgary, Canada, was analyzed thematically using deductive and inductive approaches. Findings reveal that physical spaces, such as community centers, facilitate social connections and recreational activities among older immigrants while providing volunteering opportunities that enhance meaningful community engagement. However, challenges such as transportation barriers and harsh winter conditions limit access to these spaces, highlighting the need for more localized and accessible facilities. To overcome these challenges, participants relied on digital platforms to maintain social networks, plan activities, and engage in virtual bonding activities. This study underscores the importance of hybrid approaches integrating community-driven physical and digital spaces to alleviate social isolation in older immigrant populations. Hence, the study recommends culturally and linguistically responsive programming, digital literacy initiatives, and policy measures to improve accessibility and inclusivity of physical and digital spaces.

Purpose The purpose of this study is to describe the evolution of fraud schemes with historically conducted with fiat money in physical space to the crypto-assets in digital space as follows: ransomware, price manipulation, pump and dump schemes, misrepresentation, spoofing and Ponzi Schemes. To explain how fraud schemes have evolved alongside digital asset markets, this study applies the space transition theory. Design/methodology/approach The methodology used is a review of the media regarding six digital asset fraud schemes that have evolved from physical space to virtual space that are currently operational, as well as a review of the literature regarding the space transition theory. Findings This paper finds that the digital space and digital assets may facilitate pseudonymous criminal behavior in the present regulatory environment. Research limitations/implications The field is rapidly evolving, however this study finds that the conversion from physical to virtual space obfuscates the criminal activity, facilitating anonymity of the perpetrators, and creating new challenges for the legal and regulatory environment. Practical implications This paper finds that the digital space and digital assets may facilitate pseudonymous criminal behavior in the present regulatory environment. An understanding of the six crypto-asset fraud schemes described in the paper is useful for anti-financial crime professionals and regulators focusing on deterrence. Social implications The space transition theory offers an explanation for why digital space leads criminals to be better positioned to conduct financial crime in virtual space relative to physical space. This offers insights into behavior of digital asset fraudster behavior that could help limit the social damage caused by crypto-asset fraud. Originality/value To the authors’ knowledge, this paper is the first to detail the evolution of fraud schemes with fiat money in physical space to their corresponding schemes with digital assets in physical space. This study is also the first to integrate the space transition theory into an analysis of digital asset fraud schemes.