CLASSICAL DRAMA AND MODERN POLITICS - Vasileios Balaskas, Revivals of Classical Drama in Greece and Spain (1860s–1970s). Theatre in the Realm of Ideology. Pp. xxii + 249, ills. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2025. Cased, £99, US$130. ISBN: 978-0-19-892989-5.

Introduction

Robert E. Ward and Dankwart A. Rustow (ed.): Political modernization in Japan and Turkey. (Studies in Political Development, 3.) VIII, 502 pp. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1964. (Distributed in G.B. by Oxford University Press. 70s.) - Volume 28 Issue 2

Robert E. Ward and Dankwart A. Rustow (ed.): Political modernization in Japan and Turkey. (Studies in Political Development, 3.) VIII, 502 pp. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1964. (Distributed in G.B. by Oxford University Press. 70s.) - Volume 28 Issue 2

Allegorical Quests from Deguileville to Spenser

Political Modernization in Japan and Turkey Political Modernization in Japan and Turkey. Ed. by Robert E. Ward and Dankwart E. Rustow. Foreword by Gabriel A. Almond. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press; London: Oxford University Press. 1964. 502 pp. Bibliog. Index. (Studies in Political Development 3.) 70s. International Affairs, Volume 42, Issue 1, January 1966, Page 105, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/42.1.105b Published: 01 January 1966

This study is aimed at explaining classical drama and modern drama in general. It is also purposed to compare the differences between classical drama and modern drama. One of the most significant contrasts between classical drama and modern is the difference in the protagonists. Classical tragedy, for instance, involves royalty, the elite. The idea was that for a character to have a great and far-reaching influence over society he/she had to be in a position of great power and authority. In contrast, modern drama often uses common people as protagonists. Modern drama no longer had its heroes, heroines and villains of days gone by—the subjects of the stories were now ordinary people one might meet any day on the street. Keywords: Drama, Classical, Modern

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Yves Besson, “Identity Crises as a Paradigm of Middle Eastern Conflictuality,” International Social Science Journal, Vol. 43, No. 1 (1991), p. 136. 2. Leonard Binder, Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago, 1988), p. 83. 3. Arjun Appadurai, “Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy,” Public Culture, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Spring 1990), p. 7. 4. Mike Featherstone, Undoing Culture: Globalization, Postmodernism and Identity (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1995), pp. 102–103. 5. Mike Featherstone, Undoing Culture: Globalization, Postmodernism and Identity (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1995), p. 14. 6. E. Fuat Keyman, Globalization, State, Identity/Difference (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1997). 7. E. Fuat Keyman, Globalization, State, Identity/Difference (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1997), p. 79. 8. Roland Robertson, “Mapping the Global Condition: Globalization as the Central Concept,” in Mike Featherstone, Global Culture, Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity (New York: Sage Publications, 1990), p. 21. 9. In line with Robertson's arguments, discussions about the effects of globalization on Turkish national identity in this study starts with the Tanzimat era and the late nineteenth century, when political Westernization of Turkey began. 10. Modernization theories were the first social scientific theories that dealt with global cultural flows (civilization as a process). However, the fact that these theories emerged during the 1960s does not indicate that the events that were theorized occurred simultaneously with these theories. For example, issues of cultural integration and national identity formation, which were subjects of modernization and development theories, go back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Theories that emerged during the 1960s studied the events that were in progress and started earlier. In other words, discussions in this study about the modernization era as the beginning of contemporary cultural processes do not imply that the 1960s marked the beginnings of globalization. 11. David E. Apter, The Politics of Modernization (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago, 1965), p. 43. 12. Csaba Polony, “Editorial Statement: Tradition/Modernity/Postmodernity, the Commodity and Paradigmatic Shifts,” Left Curve, 1993, at: www.wco.com/ ∼ leftcurv/EdPosition.htm (March 3, 1999). 13. Lucien W. Pye, Aspects of Political Development (Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Co., 1966), p. 10. 14. The modernization era was the period of the establishment of nation states and their cultural bases in the Third World similar to their forefathers in Europe. Assimilation meant the homogenization of the national culture by dissolving differences. In that sense, what modernization claimed culturally for the nation state was claimed by globalization worldwide. While modernization dissolved national differences into a national culture, today globalization claims to dissolve national cultures into a global culture. Here, globalization arguments appear as a continuation of modernization arguments at a higher level. 15. Luis Roniger, “Public Life and Globalization as Cultural Vision,” Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, Vol. 32, No. 2 (1995), p. 261 fn. 16. Pye, Aspects of Political Development, p. 8. 17. Featherstone, Undoing Culture: Globalization, Postmodernism and Identity. 18. Featherstone, Undoing Culture: Globalization, Postmodernism and Identity, p. 116. 19. Featherstone, Undoing Culture: Globalization, Postmodernism and Identity, p. 14. 20. M. Kearney, “The Local and the Global: The Anthropology of Globalization and Transnationalism,” Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 24 (Oct. 1995), pp. 547–65. 21. Ulf Hannerz, “Scenarios for Peripheral Cultures,” in Anthony D. King, Culture, Globalization and the World System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), pp. 119, 123. 22. Featherstone, Undoing Culture: Globalization, Postmodernism and Identity, p. 3. 23. Abu-Lughod Janet, “Going Beyond Global Babble,” in King, Culture, Globalization and the World System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity, pp. 131–37. 24. Anthony D. King, “Introduction: Spaces of Culture, Spaces of Knowledge,” in King, Culture, Globalization and the World System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity, p. 8. 25. Claudio Lomnitz, “Decadence in Times of Globalization,” Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 9, No. 2 (1994), p. 262. 26. Edibe Sözen, “Batının Öteki Yüzü,” Zaman, March 25, 1999. 27. Roland Robertson, Globalization, Social Theory and Global Culture (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1992), pp. 58–59. 28. Anthony D. Smith, “Is There a Global Culture?” Intermedia, Vol. 20, Nos. 4–5 (1992), pp. 11–12. 29. Kearney, “The Local and the Global: The Anthropology of Globalization and Transnationalism,” p. 554. 30. Lomnitz, “Decadence in Times of Globalization,” p. 259. 31. Jonathan Friedman, “Global System, Globalization and the Parameters of Modernity,” in Mike Featherstone, Scott Lash, and Roland Robertson, Global Modernities (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1995), p. 250. 32. David McDowall, A Modern History of the Kurds (New York: I. B. Tauris, 1997), pp. 131–37. 33. Edward Said supports the argument about the clash of civilizations happening within nations. According to him, Huntington's error “is that he does not see the battle is not between civilizations but inside them.” Edward Said, “What is Islam?” An interview by Alexander Cockburn, New Statesman and Society, Vol. 8 (Feb. 10, 1995), pp. 20–22. 34. Philip Schlesinger, “Wishful Thinking. Cultural Politics, Media, and Collective Identities in Europe,” Journal of Communication, Vol. 43, No. 2 (1993), p. 7. 35. W.J.M. Mackenzie, Political Identity (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978), p. 130. 36. On the chart, there is no perfect match between the areas of a culture and of a national identity. Portions of a national identity are left purposefully outside the cultural area to indicate external influences and the effects of globalization on identity formation processes. Even though Schlesinger argues that a culture constitutes “the boundaries for versions of national identity,” the author contends that there are external influences affecting a national identity outside culturally defined boundaries. Philip Schlesinger, “On National Identity: Some Conceptions and Misconceptions Criticized,” Social Science Information, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1987), pp. 219–64. If we think of the circle of national identity as a soft water ball, external forces push and stretch that ball and change the overlapping areas between culture and national identity. As a result, a previously excluded identity can be included in the national identity, or the opposite. A national identity, apart from its internal dynamics, cannot remain constant because of the effects of globalization: external pushes and pulls. 37. Burkart Holzner and Roland Robertson, “Identity and Authority: A Problem Analysis of Processes of Identification and Authorization,” in Burkart Holzner and Roland Robertson, Identity and Authority: Explorations in the Theory of Society (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1980), p. 5. 38. Ulf Hannerz, Cultural Complexity: Studies in the Social Organization of Meaning (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), p. 7. 39. Hannerz, “Scenarios for Peripheral Cultures,” in King, Culture, Globalization and the World System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity, pp. 112–16. 40. Anthony D. Smith, “The Formation of National Identity,” in Henry Harris, Identity: Essays Based on Herbert Spencer Lectures Given in the University of Oxford (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), pp. 129–53. 41. Anthony D. Smith, “The Formation of National Identity,” in Henry Harris, Identity: Essays Based on Herbert Spencer Lectures Given in the University of Oxford (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), p. 131. 42. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973), p. 314. 43. Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1963), p. 13. 44. Gabriel Almond, “The Intellectual History of the Civic Culture Concept,” in Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, Civic Culture Revisited (Boston, MA: Little Brown and Co., 1980). 45. Politicization of a culture does not necessarily suggest the institutionalization of a cultural movement, their representation in a political party, or political demonstrations. Any kind of public expression, especially through speeches and writings, of cultural traits, both within the members of that culture and the ones outside the assumed collectivity can be considered as politicization. In this way, an identity comes into existence through expression, and becomes politicized. Even though consciousness of people is crucial for an identity, unexpressed consciousness is insufficient to form an identity. Identity cannot exist unless its existence is felt both within and outside a group and this can only occur through public expressions. Tehranian argues that “our identities are thus formed through our primary culture (identification with significant others), secondary culture (language and cosmology), and tertiary culture (mediated communication). According to her, identities are formed through a public discourse in which these three elements interact. Katherine Kia Tehranian, “Global Communication and Pluralization of Identities,” Futures, Vol. 30, Nos. 2–3 (1997), p. 212. 46. Holzner and Robertson, “Identity and Authority: A Problem Analysis of Processes of Identification and Authorization,” in Holzner and Robertson, Identity and Authority: Explorations in the Theory of Society,” pp. 5–10. 47. Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, “Introduction: From the Moment of Social History to the Work of Cultural Representation,” in Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National: A Reader (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 6; Holzner and Robertson, “Identity and Authority: A Problem Analysis of Processes of Identification and Authorization,” in Holzner and Robertson, Identity and Authority: Explorations in the Theory of Society, p. 14. 48. Kevin A. Hill and John E. Hughes, “Computer-Mediated Political Communication: The USENET and Political Communities,” Political Communication, Vol. 14, No. 1 (1997), pp. 3–27. 49. Tehranian, “Global Communication and Pluralization of Identities,” pp. 211–17. 50. Thomas K. Fitzgerald, “Media and Changing Metaphors of Ethnicity and Identity,” Media, Culture & Society, Vol.13, No. 2 (1991), p. 195. 51. John Nguyet Erni, “On the Limits of ‘Wired Identity’ in the Age of Global Media,” Identities, Vol. 2, No. 4 (1996), pp. 419–28. 52. David J. Elkins, “Globalization, Telecommunication, and Virtual Ethnic Communities,” International Political Science Review, Vol. 18, No. 2 (1997), pp. 139–52; and Tehranian, “Global Communication and Pluralization of Identities.”. 53. Nevzat Soğuk, “Transnational/Transborder Bodies: Resistance, Accommodation, and Exile in Refugee and Migration Movements on the US–Mexican Border,” in Hayward R. Alker and Michael J. Shapiro, Challenging Boundaries: Global Flows, Territorial Identities (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 285–326. 54. Melucci's arguments are cited in Philip Schlesinger, “On National Identity: Some Conceptions and Misconceptions Criticized,” Social Science Information, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1987), pp. 236–38. 55. Actually, Habermas is the first person to discuss these two categories of an identity crisis in Legitimacy Crisis. A similar classification can be found in Roy F. Baumeister, Jeremy P. Shapiro, and Dianne M. Tice, “Two Kinds of Identity Crisis,” Journal of Personality, Vol. 53, No. 3 (1985), pp. 407–25. 56. Tehranian, “Global Communication and Pluralization of Identities,” p. 213. 57. Guy E. Swanson, “A Basis of Authority and Identity in Post-Industrial Society,” in Holzner and Robertson, Identity and Authority: Explorations in the Theory of Society, p. 191. 58. Gaetano Mosca, The Ruling Class, Hannah D. Kahn (trans.) (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1939), p. 72. 59. Roland Robertson, “Aspects of Identity and Authority in Sociological Theory,” in Holzner and Robertson, Identity and Authority: Explorations in the Theory of Society, p. 258. 60. Roland Robertson, “Aspects of Identity and Authority in Sociological Theory,” in Holzner and Robertson, Identity and Authority: Explorations in the Theory of Society, p. 249. 61. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1996). 62. Philip Schlesinger, “A Question of Identity,” New European, Vol. 5 (1992), p. 11. 63. Erik Erikson, Identity, Youth and Crisis (New York: Norton & Company, 1968) p. 16; Andre Gunder Frank, “Crisis of Ideology and Ideology of Crisis,” in Samir Amin, Giovanni Aarighi, Andre Gunder Frank, and Immanuel Wallerstein, Dynamics of Global Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1982), p. 109; and Immanuel Wallerstein, “Crisis as Transition,” in Samir Amin et. al., Dynamics of Global Crisis, pp. 11–54. 64. Samuel Huntington, Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Touchstone, 1996), p. 245. 65. Hannerz, “Scenarios for Peripheral Cultures,” in King, Culture, Globalization and the World System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity, pp. 17–19. 66. Lucian W. Pye, Politics, Personality, and Nation Building: Burma's Search for Identity (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1962), pp. 19–21. 67. Jonathan Friedman, “Transnationalization, Socio-Political Disorder and Ethnification as Expressions of Declining Global Hegemony,” at: www2.hawaii.edu/ ∼ fredr/friedman.htm (April 14, 1999), p. 6. 68. Seymour Martin Lipset, “Social Conflict, Legitimacy, and Democracy,” in William Connolly, Legitimacy and the State (New York: New York University, 1984), p. 90. 69. Seymour Martin Lipset, “Social Conflict, Legitimacy, and Democracy,” in William Connolly, Legitimacy and the State (New York: New York University, 1984), p. 88. 70. Philippe C. Schmitter, “Some Basic Assumptions About the Consolidation of Democracy,” in Takashi Inoguchi, Edward Newman, and John Keane, The Changing Nature of Democracy (New York: The United Nations University, 1998), p. 28. 71. Philippe C. Schmitter, “Dangers and Dilemmas of Democracy,” Journal of Democracy, Vol. 5, No. 2 (1994), p. 59. 72. Philippe C. Schmitter and Terry Lynn Karl, “What Democracy is … and is Not,” Journal of Democracy, Vol. 2, No. 3 (Summer 1991), pp. 50–54. 73. Doh Chull Shin, “On the Third Wave of Democratization. A Synthesis and Evaluation of Recent Theory and Research,” World Politics, Vol. 47 (Oct. 1994), pp. 148–49. 74. Takashi Inoguchi, Edward Newman, and John Keane, “Introduction: The Changing Nature of Democracy,” in Inoguchi, Newman, and Keane, The Changing Nature of Democracy, pp. 15–16. 75. John S. Dryzek, “Political Inclusion and the Dynamics of Democratization,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 1 (1996), p. 486. 76. Chantal Mouffe, “Democracy, Power and the ‘Political,’” in Seyla Benhabib, Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 245–56. 77. Dryzek, “Political Inclusion and the Dynamics of Democratization,” p. 477. 78. Iris Marion Young, “Communication and the Other: Beyond Deliberative Democracy,” and Joshua Cohen, “Procedure and Substance in Deliberative Democracy,” both in Benhabib, Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, pp. 102 and 126. 79. Dryzek, “Political Inclusion and the Dynamics of Democratization,” p. 481. 80. Sheldon S. Wolin, “Fugitive Democracy,” in Benhabib, Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, p. 34. 81. Alberto Melucci and Timo Lyyra, “Collective Action, Change, and Democracy,” in Marco G. Giugni, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly, From Contention to Democracy (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1998), p. 220. 82. Mouffe, “Democracy, Power and the ‘Political,’” in Benhabib, Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, p. 246. 83. Joshua Cohen, “Procedure and Substance in Deliberative Democracy,” in Benhabib, Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, pp. 95–97. 84. Larry Diamond, “Three Paradoxes of Democracy.” Journal of Democracy, Vol. 1 (Summer 1990), pp. 119–20. 85. Schmitter and Karl, “What Democracy is … and is Not,” p. 53. 86. Wolin, “Fugitive Democracy,” p. 42. 87. Schmitter, “Some Basic Assumptions About the Consolidation of Democracy,” in Inoguchi, Newman, and Keane, The Changing Nature of Democracy, p. 29. 88. Mouffe, “Democracy, Power and the ‘Political,’” in Benhabib, Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, pp. 247–48. 89. Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977), p. 5. 90. Quoted by Ahmet Taner Kışlalı in Cumhuriyet, May 28, 1999. 91. The term “full democratization” should be read as “a consolidated democracy.” In the literature, consolidated democracies are defined as the political regimes where democracy becomes “the only game in town” and other alternatives are inconceivable. If a country is fully democratized, democracy in that country is consolidated. 92. Simten Coşar, “Liberalizmin Açmazlarına Bir Giriş: Ahmet Ağaoğlu,” in E. Fuat Keyman and A. Yaşar Sarıbay, Küreselleşme, Sivil Toplum ve İslam: Türkiye Üzerine Yansımalar (Ankara: Vadi Yayınları, 1998), p. 151. 93. Fred Dallmayr, “Democracy and Multiculturalism,” in Benhabib, Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, pp. 288–89. 94. Yehuda Amir, “Contact Hypothesis in Ethnic Relations,” Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 71, No. 5 (1969), pp. 319–42; Corinne Kosmitzki, “The Reaffirmation of Cultural Identity in Cross-Cultural Encounters,” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 22, No. 3 (1996), pp. 238–48; Walter G. Stephan, “The Contact Hypothesis in Intergroup Relations,” in Clyde Hendrick, Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, Review of Personality and Social Psychology Vol. 9 (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1987), pp. 13–40. 95. Amir, “Contact Hypothesis in Ethnic Relations.”. 96. Amir, “Contact Hypothesis in Ethnic Relations.”, p. 330. 97. Nicolas Berdyaev, The Origin of Russian Communism (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1937), p. 18. 98. Hüsamettin Arslan, “Pozitivizm, Bir Bilim İdeolojisinin Anatomisi,” in Sebahattin Şen, Türk Aydını ve Kimlik Sorunu (İstanbul: Bağlam Yayıncılık, 1995), p. 567. 99. Hüsamettin Arslan, “Pozitivizm, Bir Bilim İdeolojisinin Anatomisi,” in Sebahattin Şen, Türk Aydını ve Kimlik Sorunu (İstanbul: Bağlam Yayıncılık, 1995), p. 568. 100. Baskın Oran, Atatürk Milliyetçiliği: Resmi İdeoloji Dışı Bir İnceleme (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1990), p. 240. 101. Baskın Oran, Atatürk Milliyetçiliği: Resmi İdeoloji Dışı Bir İnceleme (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1990), p. 251. 102. Baskın Oran, Atatürk Milliyetçiliği: Resmi İdeoloji Dışı Bir İnceleme (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1990), p. 253. 103. Baskın Oran, Atatürk Milliyetçiliği: Resmi İdeoloji Dışı Bir İnceleme (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1990), p. 140–241. 104. Orhan Pamuk, The Black Book, London: Faber and Faber, 1995, p. 54. 105. Taner Timur, Osmanlı Kimliği (Ankara: İmge Kitabevi, 1998). 106. Victor Gecas, “The Self-Concept,” Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 8 (1982), p. 6. 107. Victor Gecas, “The Self-Concept,” Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 8 (1982), p. 14. 108. Henri Tajfel, “Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations,” Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 33, No. 1 (1982), pp. 24–25; Louk Hagendoorn, “Ethnic Categorization and Outgroup Exclusion: Cultural Values and Social Stereotypes in the Construction of Ethnic Hierarchies,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 16, No. 1 (1993), pp. 26–51; Yueh-Ting Lee and Victor Ottati, “Perceived In-group Homogeneity as a Function of Group Membership Salience and Stereotype Threat,” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 21, No. 6 (1995), pp. 610–19; and Claude M. Steele, “A Threat in the Air: How Stereotypes Shape Intellectual Identity and Performance,” American Psychologist, Vol. 52, No. 6 (1997), pp. 613–29. 109. Antronette K. Yancey, “Identity Formation and Social Maladaptation in Foster Adolescents,” Adolescence, Vol. 27, No. 108 (1992), pp. 819–31. 110. Kenneth E. Boulding, The Image: Knowledge in Life and Society (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1961), p. 71. Even though Boulding uses the term “image” in the sense of knowledge about both ourselves and the things outside us, there is a great overlap between his use of the term and the the author the of a group by the can be as knowledge about the differences between the uses of the term “image” by Boulding and the author are Charles “The Politics of in the Politics of (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 32. Charles “The Politics of in the Politics of (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 64. of an identity to its of internal A identity to the nation as a The of is to the between identity and the image as An identity to its its Lee and In-group Homogeneity as a Function of Group Membership Salience and Stereotype that when their members of that group their group as when the are a of their Hagendoorn, “Ethnic Categorization and Outgroup Exclusion: Cultural Values and Social Stereotypes in the Construction of Ethnic Tajfel, “Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations.”. 116. and of Identity and Social on Ethnic in in Henri Tajfel, Social Identity and Intergroup University Press, 1982), p. Tajfel, “Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations,” p. 82. 16, Timur, in Osmanlı Kimliği the use of the term by as and argues that though and Eastern the he was was from on According to Timur, were not the during the and eighteenth but outside these in that era to about their and be in with the that is that Eastern a term in the political as the in as a but does not to as we to a group of people were by a and by the State as J. and History of the and Modern and The of Modern (New York: University Press, 1977), p. The of Modern Turkey Oxford University Press, p. 123. The of Modern Turkey Oxford University Press, pp. The of Modern Turkey Oxford University Press, p. and History of the and Modern and The of Modern pp. 126. (Ankara: pp. The of the A in the Modernization of Turkish Political (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1962), p. 4. The of Modern pp. The is the Turkish of the Islamic this the Turkish is 130. The of Modern pp. 131. about the or were because to the were not a group within the and of the the term to subjects in The of Modern p. Even as an identity and the of identity there was no on the Some people as as ve (İstanbul: 1998), p. The of Modern Turkey (New York: pp. and History of the and Modern and The of Modern p. The is in because a of these were not Turkish or the of its outside Turkish boundaries. Even people the of were from other In a sense, the of the of were not the of For example, a was from which today is within the boundaries of to these as Turkish in an sense is not be considered as of 8 March On the and Conditions in the with the of p. 136. p. 4. at: Yayınları, 1963), Yayınları, 1963), p. 15. Yayınları, 1963), p. 16. Yayınları, 1963), p. 27. Yayınları, 1963), p. 31. Yayınları, 1963), p. 46. Türk Türk Kimliği ve (İstanbul: 1998), p. The Turkish is as Türk Türk Kimliği ve pp. Türk Türk Kimliği ve p. The Turkish is as Türk ve (İstanbul: The Development of in Turkey (New York: 1998), pp. The of Modern p. in Cumhuriyet, ve Kimlik (İstanbul: Bağlam Yayınları, 1997), p. 58. in and Ahmet Türkiye (İstanbul: Yayınları, 1990), pp. argues that the of between the Kurds and the was In the of the the country the the Kurds to to According to the was not to in the to in Essays in and Turkish The of the University of Press, 1990), p. 151. Oran, Atatürk Milliyetçiliği: Resmi İdeoloji Dışı Bir pp. The State in Turkey Press,

Calligraphy, poetry and paradoxical power in Wenda Gu's Neon Calligraphy Series

Much mainstream legal comment on human rights law presents an unhelpfully crude picture of disagreement concerning the significance that should be attached to human rights in particular cultural co...

Reviews of Books

Modernization, Political: Alternate Paths

<i>I Cannot Forget: Imprisoned in Korea, Accused at Home</i>

<i>Sovereignty: Seventeenth-Century England and the Making of the Modern Political Imaginary</i>. Feisal G. Mohamed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. viii+220.

Reviewed by: Magic and the Mind: Mechanisms, Functions, and Development of Magical Thinking and Behavior Edward Bever Eugene Subbotsky . Magic and the Mind: Mechanisms, Functions, and Development of Magical Thinking and Behavior. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. Pp. xiv + 202. Most modern Western adults say they don't believe in magic, and undoubtedly believe they don't believe in magic, but in certain circumstances, when the stakes are high or the costs of appearing credulous are low, they act in ways that indicate that at some level they actually do. This disjunction between explicit and implicit convictions about magic is peculiar to modern Western adults. Young children accept magical and physical causation equally readily, and magical thinking plays a positive role in their cognitive development. Similarly, unschooled adults in traditional societies accept magical as well as physical causation and phenomena, and magic plays a prominent role in the folk cultures that organize their lives. Developing and sustaining conscious disbelief requires the deliberate creation and habitual deployment of active psychological defenses, which are instilled and supported by the powerful cultural forces of institutionalized religion and science. Together, these findings suggest that magical thinking is an integral part of human cognition not just in childhood but throughout the life cycle, and is driven from modern Westerners' consciousness not by the natural triumph of our innate rationality but by the concerted pressure of antagonistic cultural traditions. This line of reasoning is, in a nutshell, the core argument developmental psychologist Eugene Subbotsky advances in Magic and the Mind. In the first chapter he sets out key definitions and distinctions, like NIMBs (non-institutional magical beliefs) as opposed to both institutional magical beliefs (religion) and science, "magical thinking" (which in his definition necessarily involves a fantasy world), and "magical beliefs" (which are about the real world). He then proceeds in the next nine chapters to methodically detail the [End Page 215] series of experiments he has conducted over the past thirty years involving young children, older children, modern Western adults, and unschooled third-world adults that form the evidentiary foundation of the book. Each chapter focuses on a different developmental or cognitive issue: different aspects of younger and older children's beliefs and behaviors in regard to "mind-over-matter" magic (Chapters 2-4); adults' beliefs and behaviors concerning the same (Chapters 5-7, including a cross-cultural study in Chapter 6); beliefs and behaviors regarding "mind-over-mind" magic and its relationship to imagination and communications (Chapters 8 and 9); and magical beliefs and psychological defenses (Chapter 10). Throughout these chapters Subbotsky integrates his own research with related work by other psychologists and anthropologists, and in a long penultimate chapter (Chapter 11) draws the different strands he has been tracing together into a broad theoretical overview. In the short last chapter he surveys the role of magical thinking over the course of the life cycle, and in an epilogue he ruminates briefly on the socially and psychologically beneficial functions of magic, like its promotion of confidence in uncertain situations and its emphasis on the organic connection between humans and their environment. As this last topic suggests, Subbotsky's reflections range well beyond his core argument. In an earlier side excursion, for example, he discusses the role of suggestion and indirect persuasion, which he regards as secularized conceptualizations of magical techniques, in modern politics and advertising, while the theoretical chapter ends with a highly technical discussion relating changes in children's thinking about magic to a broader process that he calls "essentialization," which establishes hierarchies of ontological certainty. In both cases Subbotsky's professed goal is to show the connection between magical and mundane cognitive processes, but the excursions detract from rather than bolster his overall presentation. The first draws him into social and political issues he is not equipped to discuss authoritatively, while the second bogs the discussion down in an abstruse topic that, however important it may be to developmental psychologists, seems secondary to the larger issues the book raises. The book is also somewhat weakened by the omission of precise statistical analyses to support statements about the significance of results (although these are contained in the articles the chapters are based on...

On Being Revolutionary Julia V. Douthwaite Marisa Linton , Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship, and Authenticity in the French Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). Pp. 352. £65.00. Sanja Perovic , The Calendar in Revolutionary France: Perceptions of Time in Literature, Culture, Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). Pp. 290. 14 b/w illus. $103.00. Richard Taws , The Politics of the Provisional: Art and Ephemera in Revolutionary France (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013). Pp. 288. 24 color illus., 66 b/w illus. $74.95. What does it mean to be revolutionary? That is, what does it mean to exist, to live, to have a real state or existence for a longer or shorter time under a revolutionary regime? Such existential questions run through all three of these new works on the French Revolution by scholars working in Britain in the fields of history (Linton), French literature (Perovic), and art history (Taws). Perovic tackles the question of being in time quite literally in her study of the schemes invented to tabulate the days, weeks, and months of the period 1788–1805, some of which included astronomical or symbolic information. Taws embraces the conundrum of existence more philosophically, studying transient forms of art (objects such as passports, paper money, playing cards, and prints) that circulated widely during the tumult but which have left few traces in our day. As for Linton, the issue of being and nonbeing comes across viscerally in her biographical portraits of the men who destroyed each other and themselves in the name of the Republic. Given that Linton’s book encompasses the lives of real people whom one could expect readers to know, and aims to reveal the social relations and psychological dynamics that drove them to acts of cruelty and self-destruction, one might [End Page 435] expect Choosing Terror to be the most gripping read. The author claims to “go beyond how the Jacobins spoke publicly . . . [to] try to uncover what they actually thought” (6; emphasis in original), and draws on an impressive range of sources to do so. It is very informative, but alas, Choosing Terror reads more like disembodied reportage than the flesh-and-blood dramas it relays. In her detailed play-by-play accounts of infighting among the Girondins, the Hebertists, then the Dantonists, and finally the Jacobins, the author argues that much of the enmity emerged from fears of assassination schemes and conspiracies, some of which existed in effect (200). This is heady stuff! But Linton’s approach is dispassionate. As background to her exposition on how anxieties spread, she provides a generous overview on emotion in eighteenth-century theories of mind and cognition, recent cultural histories of early modern France, and the politics of emotion during the Revolution: all three are rapidly growing subfields in today’s academy. Contextualization, rather than narration, is Linton’s forte. In her exploration of the friendship networks and the gift economy that maintained and destroyed the careers of what she calls the “first modern politicians in France,” she establishes an important argument for continuities between the old regime and the Revolution (285). Her comments on the suspicion of carnival masquerade balls and extravagant cuisine, and the high-minded “politics of virtue” embraced by deputies of various revolutionary assemblies, are interesting and prove that the austere virtue associated with Incorruptible Robespierre was far from unique to him (68–69; 84; 285–86). Her analysis of the vast correspondence, speeches, and polemics written by the politicians, and her cool appraisal of the “heroic terms” used therein, are also appreciated. Unlike some critics writing on sensibility, Linton avoids falling into the intentional fallacy and wisely points out the role of generic and rhetorical conventions in such prose. Nevertheless, when read alongside The Politics of the Provisional and The Calendar in Revolutionary France, Choosing Terror feels a bit traditional. This may be construed as high praise, however, depending on the reader’s taste for theory and speculation. Indeed, Linton’s approach is far more sober than that of art historian Taws, whose chapters abound in playful speculation about the potential meanings of period icons and whose prose is peppered with asides by Jacques Rancière, Louis Marin, Jean...