Church Fathers and Antisemitism from the 2nd Century through Augustine (end of 450 CE)

The extremely heterogeneous, and in many cases even contradictory nature of the interpretation of the Law by the 2nd Century Church Fathers accurately reflects the doctrinal and dogmatic diversity of the Church of the time, a diversity that could also be called ‘polypoikilia’ elegantly in the language of the Epistle of Ephesus. However, apart from exceptional cases, this interpretive elegance is very far from the method and approach of the Christian auctors of the period. This could rather be called a kind of ‘theological furor’, which is fuelled by one common erudition: the theological anti-Judaism that can be detected even among Jewish-Christian converts. However, other common features can be found as well, the most important of which are the following: 1. The Greek equivalent of the Old Testament Torah, the term Nomos taken from the Septuagint, means radically different things even to diaspora Jews who do not know Hebrew than to the Church Fathers coming from various cultural traditions, especially to those whose mother tongue is not Greek, and this applies to their education and schooling as well. 2. Not only Jesus’ masals (parables) related to the law, but also the earliest interpretations of the most important passages of the Pauline epistles (Romans, Galatians) are permeated by the completely incorrect way of thinking, which is based on the juxtaposition of law and faith, law and gospel. 3. As a consequence of Markion and the exegetical war fought with the Alexandrian Gnostics in the 2nd century, the Nomos loses its pneumatic character, which was still emphasized by Paul, and at best sinks back to a psychic level. 4. The most essential part of the Old Testament Law (at least in Exile, the most essential part), the halachic mitzvahs and provisions, becomes completely unintelligible to the Christian world. The study traces the causes and natural history of the above contradictions in the extant works of some key authors – the Shepard of Hermas, the Epistle of Barnabas, Melito of Sardis, St. Justin and others.

Because the current resurgence of the mentalistic interpretation of cognitive events runs counter to scientific norms, it prompts a thorough analysis of the source and nature of Cognitivism. As to the source, Cognitive psychology is definitely a continuation of the spiritistic way of thinking developed by the Church Fathers as early as the 2nd century B.C. The evidence of this continuity is well symbolized by the antiscientific writings of St. Augustine.

One of the major obstacles to presenting a more balanced assessment of Jewish-Christian relations in the 2nd century C.E. is the virtual absence of Jewish literary sources for the period. Though Jews figure prominently in the writings of the 2nd century Church Fathers and later Christian Apologists, it is becoming increasingly evident in scholarship that these texts portray Jews in a tendentious manner, often reveal more about Christian self-definition than they do about either Jews or Judaism, and tend to talk at Jews more than they talk with Jews. Nevertheless, there is one oft-neglected work that might help to remedy these problems and contribute to a better understanding of Jewish perceptions of Christianity in the 2nd century. There is reason to believe that embedded within Celsus' True Doctrine are authentic Jewish arguments against Christianity. This article presents a source-critical analysis of Celsus, analyzing the nature of Celsus' debt to 2nd-century Jewish sources and their significance for Jewish-Christian relations at that time.

It is indispensable to understand Marcion and his thought for understanding the Second-century Christianity. The Christian churches in the 2nd century turned their struggles with Marcion into an opportunity to be aware of new theological problems and to systematize their faith and theology. In addition the criticism and assessment of Marcion by the early church fathers and theologians help modern readers to estimate the situations of the time. This writing first of all tries to figure out and clarify the factual things around Marcion’s life through scholarly opinions. Then it focuses on investigating some of his main thoughts and on examining from the Christian perspective how 2nd-century Christians reacted to them and what his theological problems and influences were.

The article presents an analysis of the list of publications cited in the footnotes and text of Chronicum ecclesiasticum Prussorum (Chronicle of the Prussian Church), the seventh book of Deliciae Prussicae, oder preussische Schaubuhne (Prussian Curiosities or the Prussian Theatre), the manuscript by Matthaeus Praetorius (ca. 1635–1704). The manuscript of M. Pretorius’s Chronicle was fund to contain 231 footnotes at the bottom of the pages and more than 100 references in the text itself. M. Praetorius cites 100 authors and approximately 130 publications. From the chronological standpoint, the cited authors range from the 2nd century to 1698, the year of the completion of the Chronicle manuscript. The article discusses the following main groups of the topics and genres of the cited publications: chronicles and histories of the Teutonic Order and the Duchy of Prussia; chronicles and authorial histories published by historians of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania from the 15th to the first half of the 17th century; histories of the European Church; histories of regional Churches; texts of late-antique and medieval Christian theologians; key texts of the Lutheran theological doctrine and some Catholic theological texts of the 16th century; writings by regional theological polemists of the 16th–17th centuries. From the religious perspective, M. Praetorius refers to writings of the Church Fathers, early Christian and medieval theologians, authors representing Lutheran, Catholic (among them Jesuits), Calvinist, Aryan and Czech Brethren Churches of the 16th–17th centuries; he extensively cites texts pertaining to intra- and extra-Lutheran polemical disputes; in the end of the Chronicle he gives an account of the authors who seeked reconciliation within the Lutheran Church or between among Western European Churches. The majority of the cited authors and publications come from Central and Central Eastern Europe. The most often cited publication is the Bible. The texts concerning the Lutheran theological doctrine are cited most extensively. The selection of the sources was determined by the goals of the Chronicle: to write a history of regional Churches (those of Royal Prussia, Pomerania and of the Duchy of Prussia, which had been changing its political status throughout the 17 th century), and thereby it is oriented towards the early Christian and medieval Church historians and theologists, important for the theological disputes that took place in the region in the 16th–17th centuries. In the Chronicle, M. Praetorius cites a representative selection of contemporary and medieval authors writing on the topic of particular importance to him: the possibilities for the Prussians to encounter Christianity and the beginnings of their Christianization. His selection of historians of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania of the 15th–17th centuries is also comprehensive. The foundations of his erudition were laid in the German Evangelical universities and strengthened through independent studies of regional historians’ writings. The list of authors and publications cited by M. Praetorius in the Chronicle shows him as a very well-read, professionally qualified historian. From the broad repertoire of Central and Central Eastern European publications of the 16th–17th centuries, he opts for those that were relevant for his purposes; however, he essentially omits the works that fostered the new history-writing paradigms of the late 16th and 17th century. Fom the contemporary authors, he tends to select the ones who sought reconciliation within the Lutheran Church or among different Western European Churches and thereby laid the foundation for the Pietist and Irenic movements.

The story of Philo Christianus's reception in the Christian tradition continues throughout the Later Roman, Byzantine and Medieval periods. The origins of Christianity can be located nowhere else than in the matrix of Second Temple Judaism, of which also Alexandrian Hellenistic Judaism formed a part. It is natural, therefore, that there are lines of resemblance between Philo's writings and the New Testament, which will later encourage the rapprochement that the Church fathers make between Philo and Christian thought. Philo is not explicitly named in Christian sources until the end of the 2nd century, when he is extensively used by Clement of Alexandria. Detailed studies of the transmission of the Philonic treatises may shed light on the extent to which the Christian reception of Philo has had influence on the constitution of the actual text. In various later Christian sources Philo is simply regarded as a bishop.Keywords: Christian tradition; Church fathers; Clement; New Testament; Philo Christianus; second temple Judaism

The 1945 discovery of ancient documents at Nag Hammadi in Egypt would have great significance for New Testament scholars. But it would take decades, and one woman, to unleash their meaning to the public. In the 1960s, Elaine Pagels was part of a team at Harvard University, studying the Nag Hammadi scrolls; in 1979 her slim bookThe Gnostic Gospels put the formerly suppressed writings of early Christians into the hands of ordinary people. The letters, gospels and poems from Nag Hammadi emerged from a community that had been condemned by the church fathers. They show a different set of beliefs about Jesus than were taught by the church. This radically different view of the crucifixion relates one of the central tenets of Gnosticism, that the material world is false, and that Jesus was not a human but a purely spiritual being, who only adapted himself to human perception. The church was not only concerned about Gnostic beliefs but also about heretical Christian practices, prompting this attack by an early church father, Tertullian in about the late 2nd century. Here follows an interview with Elaine Pagels, based on her new work,Beyond Belief, the Gospel of Thomas.

Tertullian was an African, living in Carthage during the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE. He grew up a pagan, then became a Catholic Christian, after which he moved on to the sect of Montanus, referred to as the New Prophecy in this article, where he became the leader in Carthage. While he was still a pagan, he studied and became an advocate and when he was converted to Christianity, he became a prolific writer of Christian treatises, mostly apologies in Latin. There was a heretic movement in Carthage with Praxeas as the leader, and Tertullian opposed this heresy, especially on the level of the Trinity, as most of the Christians in Carthage – the so-called simplices – were impressed by that heresy. Being ante-Nicene, Tertullian’s arguments should be understood within his time and in light of the Catholic Rule of Faith, as he was very orthodox. The question may well be asked whether something new can still be said about Tertullian or about his Adversus Praxeam? This article is a critical appreciation of Adversus Praxeam with the aim to gain more insight into Trinitarian’s point of view, specifically with reference to the Trinity. Hopefully, in this way something ‘new’ can be said about a well-known Church Father and his well-known treatise.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: Adversus Praxeam was a heretical treatise (modalist), mostly in line with the Catholic Rule of Law of the time, aimed at the Monarchianist heresy. Church History, Systematic Theology and a little Practical Theology are employed to discuss this early-3rd-century treatise within its time, specifically centred around the Trinity.

The purpose of this study is to examine Origen’s thoughts on the subject of human free will. Origen has described the topic of free will separately in his 『Peri Archon』, but it is not easy to systematically understand the theory because it contains a mixture of biblical commentary, theology, and philosophy. In addition, just as many church fathers of the 2nd and 3rd centuries focused on guarding against heresy and Gnosticism, Origen also wrote his works with the purpose of refuting them, and for this reason, it is difficult to independently understand his theory of free will. Accordingly, chapters 2 and 3 of this thesis compare the claims of the Gnostics identified by Origen with the author's own theory. Rejecting the fatalism and natural determinism of the ancients, Origen generally emphasized the importance of free will and also mentioned reason as the basis for free will and the ethical responsibility of action. Chapter 4 attempts to understand free will in its relationship with divine providence. Origen believed that free will and God's providence is not in conflict, but is compatible, and he further spoke of their dynamism, in which God's providence helps and embraces human will, allowing humans to use their free will better. Lastly, through Origen's insight into divine foreknowledge, we understand that free will does not conflict with foreknowledge and can be harmonized within providence.

The purpose of this research is to prove that conflict in church music is nothing new. Even in the time of the early church fathers, dissenting views on what were acceptable and unacceptable practices in church music were present. The music of the 2nd century through the 14th century is examined.\nThe method used to find specific conflicts in church music history involved reading early Christian literature on music. When possible, both sides of the conflicts included in the project are presented. However, oftentimes only one side of an argument can be found since there is not an abundant supply of early Christian writings on music. When this is the case, a brief attempt at reconstructing the opposing side is made.\nThe most important resources for this research were James McKinnon’s Music in Early Christian Literature and Oliver Strunk’s Source Readings in Music History: Revised Edition. These were integral to this project as they provided primary sources translated into English.

The article presents an analysis of the list of publications cited in the footnotes and text of Chronicum ecclesiasticum Prussorum (Chronicle of the Prussian Church), the seventh book of Deliciae Prussicae, oder preussische Schaubühne (Prussian Curiosities or the Prussian Theatre), the manuscript by Matthaeus Praetorius (ca. 1635–1704). The manuscript of M. Pretorius’s Chronicle was fund to contain 231 footnotes at the bottom of the pages and more than 100 references in the text itself. M. Praetorius cites 100 authors and approximately 130 publications. From the chronological standpoint, the cited authors range from the 2nd century to 1698, the year of the completion of the Chronicle manuscript. The article discusses the following main groups of the topics and genres of the cited publications: chronicles and histories of the Teutonic Order and the Duchy of Prussia; chronicles and authorial histories published by historians of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania from the 15th to the first half of the 17th century; histories of the European Church; histories of regional Churches; texts of late-antique and medieval Christian theologians; key texts of the Lutheran theological doctrine and some Catholic theological texts of the 16th century; writings by regional theological polemists of the 16th–17th centuries. From the religious perspective, M. Praetorius refers to writings of the Church Fathers, early Christian and medieval theologians, authors representing Lutheran, Catholic (among them Jesuits), Calvinist, Aryan and Czech Brethren Churches of the 16th–17th centuries; he extensively cites texts pertaining to intra- and extra-Lutheran polemical disputes; in the end of the Chronicle he gives an account of the authors who seeked reconciliation within the Lutheran Church or between among Western European Churches. The majority of the cited authors and publications come from Central and Central Eastern Europe. The most often cited publication is the Bible. The texts concerning the Lutheran theological doctrine are cited most extensively. The selection of the sources was determined by the goals of the Chronicle: to write a history of regional Churches (those of Royal Prussia, Pomerania and of the Duchy of Prussia, which had been changing its political status throughout the 17 th century), and thereby it is oriented towards the early Christian and medieval Church historians and theologists, important for the theological disputes that took place in the region in the 16th–17th centuries.In the Chronicle, M. Praetorius cites a representative selection of contemporary and medieval authors writing on the topic of particular importance to him: the possibilities for the Prussians to encounter Christianity and the beginnings of their Christianization. His selection of historians of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania of the 15th–17th centuries is also comprehensive. The foundations of his erudition were laid in the German Evangelical universities and strengthened through independent studies of regional historians’ writings. The list of authors and publications cited by M. Praetorius in the Chronicle shows him as a very well-read, professionally qualified historian. From the broad repertoire of Central and Central Eastern European publications of the 16th–17th centuries, he opts for those that were relevant for his purposes; however, he essentially omits the works that fostered the new history-writing paradigms of the late 16th and 17th century. Fom the contemporary authors, he tends to select the ones who sought reconciliation within the Lutheran Church or among different Western European Churches and thereby laid the foundation for the Pietist and Irenic movements.

This article argues that the contemporary mainline understanding of marriage (theology of marriage), especially in the local South African denominational context, is not ‘based on the Bible’, but rather on a cultural construct. Moreover, this construct is not based on Judeo-Christian values and norms; it is the result of early Christianity’s enculturation into the world of the Roman Empire. It is also argued that a definition of Christian marriage as being an institution originated by God, consisting of a monogamous and lifelong relationship between a man and a woman, cannot be based on the Bible. The reason for this is that the institution of marriage in ancient times was something totally different from what we understand today, the fact that the Bible also gives evidence of different understandings (forms) of marriage from the time of the patriarchs up to the 2nd century, and that Jesus, Paul and the Church Fathers preferred celibacy to marriage. Contribution: This article aim to contribute to the current discussion, especially in the local South African denominational context, on the institution of marriage as being ‘biblical’, and its relationship to same sex-relations being typified as marriages.