CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY SINCE THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgement This research was successively supported by an Overseas Research Student Award of the UK and National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC) (No. 51008137). Notes 1. Mao Tse-tung, 'Some Experiences in Our Party's History (September 25, 1956)', in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Vol. 5 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1961). 2. Jack C. Westoby, '''Making Green the Motherland'': Forestry in China', in China's Road to Development, Neville Maxwell, ed. (Oxford: Pergamon, 1979), pp. 231–245. 3. Zhao Jijun 赵纪军, 'Sixty Years of Landscape Policies and Development in China (3): Making Green the Motherland' 新中国园林政策与建设 60年回眸(三)—绿化祖国. Landscape Architecture, 3, 2009, pp. 91–95. 4. The Mao era was considered in this study as from 1949 to 1978 despite Mao's death in 1976, since Hua Guofeng (1921–2008) who succeed as the chairman continued Mao's political orientation and policies by claiming that 'to support whatever policy decisions were made by Chairman Mao' and 'unswervingly follow whatever instructions were given by Chairman Mao'. A clear diversion of the policy was only made from the end of 1978 when the Reform and Opening-up Policy was initiated under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping (1904–1997). 5. For example, it was noted that foreigners visiting China during the Mao era were always subjected to tightly controlled itineraries to pilot projects, according to an interview with Professor Wang Shaozeng, currently editor of Chinese Landscape Architecture, 12 June 2009. This was also mentioned in: Anne-Marie Broudehoux, The Making and Selling of Post-Mao Beijing (London, New York: Routledge, 2004), pp. 30–32. 6. The Third Internal Revolutionary War, commonly known as the War of Liberation (1945–1949), was fought between the Chinese Nationalist Party and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The latter led by Mao Zedong defeated the former in mainland China where the founding of the People's Republic of China was announced on 1 October 1949 on Tiananmen, Beijing. 7. Joseph W. Esherick, Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900–1950 (Honolulu: University of Hawai' Press, 2000), p. 1. 8. Lu Duanfang, Remaking Chinese Urban Form: Modernity, Scarcity and Space, 1949–2005 (London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2006), p. 6. 9. 'National Landscaping and Gardening Movement' is a translation of 'Dadi yuanlin hua' in Editorial Board of Chinese Agricultural Encyclopaedia, Gardening Volume 中国农业百科全书总编辑委员会观赏园艺卷编辑委员会,中国农业百科全书编辑部, ed. Chinese Agricultural Encyclopaedia, Gardening Volume 中国农业百科全书,观赏园艺卷 (Beijing: Agricultural Press, 1996), p. 58. 10. 'Speed up greening construction, advance afforestation quality' 加快绿化速度,提高造林质量. People's Daily (9 March 1959). Author's translation. 11. The phrase 'landscape profession' was used in this research for a better communication in the English context, as the latter equate for the Chinese to what is meant by the former in the West. 12. Mao Tse-tung, 'Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing (February 8, 1942)', in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Vol. 3 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 63. 13. Keishu Saneto 实藤惠秀, A History of Chinese Studying in Japan 中国人留学日本史. trans. Tan Ruqian 谭汝谦, Lin Qiyan 林启彦 (Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore, 1956), p. 334. 14. Department of Landscape of Tokyo University of Agriculture 東京農業大学造園学科, 2nd ed. Landscape Dictionary 造園用語辞典 (Syokoku publication, 2002). 15. It is therefore not correct to consider that the Chinese term, lühua, might be a result of the translation of the corresponding Russian term in the 1950s, as some studies suggested. See: Lin Guangsi 林广思, 'Review and Prospect: A Study of the Landscape Architecture Education in China (1)' 回顾与展望—中国LA学科教育研讨 (1). Chinese Landscape Architecture, 9, 2005, pp. 1–8. 16. Zhang Guoqiang 张国强, 'How old is the word yuanlin?' '园林'一词有多早? Chinese Landscape Architecture, 6, 2007, p. 7. 17. Chen Zhi 陈植, Collected Works on Landscape Architecture of Chen Zhi 陈植造园文集 (Beijing: China Architecture and Building Press, 1988), pp. 175–181. 18. 'Towards National Landscaping and Gardening' 向大地园林化前进. People's Daily (27 March 1959); China Forestry Press. National Landscaping and Gardening (Vol. 1) 大地园林化(第一辑) (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1959), p. 1. 19. Wang Shaozeng 王绍增, 'Justification of name: re-discussion of Chinese translation of Landscape Architecture (LA)' 必也正名乎—再论LA的中译名. Chinese Landscape Architecture, 6, 1999, pp. 49–51. 20. Zhao Songqiao, Geography of China: Environment, Resources, Population, and Development (New York; Chichester: Wiley, 1994), p. 74. 21. Jack C. Westoby, '''Making Green the Motherland'': Forestry in China', in China's Road to Development, Neville Maxwell, ed. (Oxford: Pergamon, 1979), p. 236. 22. Sun Zhongshan 孙中山, 'Statement to Li Hongzhang (June, 1894)' 上李鸿章书(—八九四年六月), in The Complete Works of Sun Zhongshan. Vol. 1 (1890-1911) 孙中山 全集 (第一卷, 1890–1911) (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1981), pp. 8–18. 23. Traditionally, over 80% of the total population consisted of farmers, which has remained the case till the modern era. At the time of CCP's 1949 takeover, about 480 million of the total 540 million population were peasants. See Zhao Songqiao, Geography of China: Environment, Resources, Population, and Development (New York; Chichester: Wiley, 1994), p. 69; Tien H. Yuan, China's Population Struggle: Demographic Decisions of the People's Republic, 1949–1969 (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1973), p. 43. 24. National Programme for Agricultural Development 1956–1967 (Peking: Foreign Language Press, 1960), p. 18. 25. China Forestry Press 中国林业出版社, Let Us Make Green the Four-Side 我们来绿化四旁 (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1958). 26. Interview with Professor Zhu Junzhen, one of the graduates in the early 1950s from China's first landscape architecture programme, 8 October 2005. She also mentioned stamp-like residential parks, which so appeared on plans of residential areas. This also indicated that greening would normally be done after the completion of building constructions. 27. 'Making Green the Motherland' 绿化祖国. People's Daily (17 February 1956). 28. Liu Chieh, 'Our country's forest wealth'. China Reconstructs, IV/8, August 1955, p. 18. 29. The Chinese text is '自己动手,丰衣足食'. Mao Tse-tung, 'Get Organized! (November 29, 1943)', in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Vol. 3 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 154. 30. 'A new ''Great Wall'' of trees'. China Reconstructs, I/3, May-June 1952, pp. 42–44. 31. Publicity Department of the Forestry Ministry of the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国林业部宣传科, Making Green the Motherland 绿化祖国 (Beijing: Chinese Society of Science and Technology Popularization, 1956), p. 14. 32. For example, Jia Yi (贾谊, 200–168 bc) in his article 'On the Faults of Qin (过秦论)' wrote, 'Sovereign and subject, firmly entrenched in defence, eyed the House of Zhou, with thoughts of rolling up the empire like a mat, enveloping all in the universe, pocketing everything within the four seas, and swallowing all in the eight directions'. (君臣固守以窥周室,有席卷天下,包举宇内,囊括四海之意,并吞八荒之心) Translated in http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/User:Yeu_Ninje/Sandbox. Accessed 24 July 2012. 33. The phrase was referred to in one of Mao's poems in 1963, which read 'The Four Seas are rising, clouds and waters raging. The Five Continents are rocking, wind and thunder roaring'. The Chinese sentences are '四海翻腾云水怒,五洲震荡风雷激'. Translated in Christopher L. Salter, 'In memoriam: selected landscape poetry of Mao Tse-Tung'. The China Geographer, No. 5, Fall, 1976, p. 62. 34. 'Man wins over ''fate'''. China Reconstructs, I/1, January-February 1952, p. 38. 35. Publicity Department of the Forestry Ministry of the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国林业部宣传科, Making Green the Motherland 绿化祖国 (Beijing: Chinese Society of Science and Technology Popularization, 1956), p. 10. 36. Liu Chieh. 'Our country's forest wealth', China Reconstructs, IV/8, August 1955, pp. 18–21. 37. 'To accomplish ''hundred, thousand, ten thousand'', forestry cadres should try to outdo the others' 实现' 百千万' ,林业干部要争先, in Forestry Ministry of the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国林业部, The High Tide of Making Green the Motherland (Vol. 1) 绿化祖国的高潮(第一辑) (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1958), pp. 9–11. 'mu' is a unit of area in China. One mu is equivalent to 1/15 hectare or 1/6 acre. 38. Liu Qingquan 刘清泉, 'From Four-Side Greening to Whole Land Greening' 由四旁绿化到全境绿化, in China Forestry Press 中国林业出版社, Let Us Make Green the Four-Side 我们来绿化四旁 (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1958), pp. 7–16. 39. Mao Tse-tung, 'On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People (February 27, 1957)', in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. 5 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1961), p. 419. 40. The Eight-Character Principle is in Chinese '调整,巩固,充实,提高'. 41. Maurice Meisner, Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic (New York: Free Press, 1999), pp. 245–259. 42. Zhao Jijun and Jan Woudstra, 'In Agriculture, Learn from Dazhai' : Mao Zedong's Revolutionary Model Village and the Battle against Nature. Landscape Research, 32/2, April 2007, pp. 171–205. 43. Hua Linmao 华林茂, 'Striving for afforestation, Making Green the Motherland' 植树造林,绿化祖国. People's Daily (8 March 1972). 44. Edwin T. Morris, The Gardens of China: History, Art, and Meanings (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1983), p. 25. 45. The Forestry Ministry of the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国林业部, A Collection of Statistics of Chinese Forestry (1949–1987) 全国林业统计资料汇编 (1949–1987) (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1990). 46. China Forestry Society 中国林学会, The Development of China's Forestry 中国森林的变迁 (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1997), p. 54. 47. Some articles during the Cultural Revolution referred to the vision of a 'sea', such as: 'A picturesque forest "sea" of Gaofeng Mountain' 高峰山林海如画. People's Daily (6 January 1973); 'A forest "sea" in Taihang Mountain' 太行山上一林海. Hebei Daily (2 April 1973). 48. There was no reference to the 'Great Wall' in publications about afforestation during the Cultural Revolution, such as: Hua Linmao 华林茂, 'Striving for afforestation, Making Green the Motherland' 植树造林,绿化祖国. People's Daily (8 March 1972); Forestry Department of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry of the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国农林部林业组, Making Green the Motherland (Vol. 5) 绿化祖国(第五集) (Beijing: Agricultural Press, 1973); Forestry Bureau of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry 农林部林业局, Making Green the Motherland (Vol. 7) 绿化祖国(第七集) (Beijing: Agricultural Press, 1974); Forestry Bureau of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry 农林部林业局, Making Green the Motherland (Vol. 9) 绿化祖国(第九集) (Beijing: Agricultural Press, 1976). 49. Department of Resources and Forest Management of the Forestry Ministry 林业部资源和林政管理司, Survey of Contemporary Chinese Forest Resources (1949–1993) 当代中国森林资源概况 (1949–1993) (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1996), p. 3; Editorial Board of Forest of China 《中国森林》编辑委员会, Forest of China (Vol. 1) 中国森林 (第1卷) (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1997), p. 206. 50. Interview with Professor Wang Shaozeng, 12 June 2009. 51. Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局, A Collection of Working Experiences in Beijing Landscape Architecture (1949–1959) 北京市园林工作经验汇编 (1949–1959) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1960), p. 2. 52. Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局, A History of Beijing Modern Landscape Architecture 当代北京园林发展史 (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1987), p. 224. 53. The orchards included 571 mu (c. 38 hectares) vineyards, 1280 mu (c. 85 hectares) apple, 529 mu (c. 35 hectares) pear, 185 mu (c. 12 hectares) peach, and 100 mu (c. 7 hectares) apricot. See: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局, Annual Report of Beijing Landscape Architecture (1961–1962) 北京市园林绿化工作年报 (1961–1962) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1963), p. 1. 54. Sun Boxun 孙伯勋, 'Management of the vineyards of Dongzhi Road in 1961' 东直路 1961 年葡萄管理情况介绍, in Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局, Annual Report of Beijing Landscape Architecture (1961–1962) 北京市园林绿化工作年报 (1961–1962) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1963), pp. 114–115. 55. The Chinese text is '以农业为基础,大办粮食'. See Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局, Annual Report of Beijing Landscape Architecture (1960) 北京市园林绿化工作年报 (1960) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1961), p. 4. 56. Editorial Board of Joyous Pavilion Park Records 陶然亭公园志编纂委员会, Joyous Pavilion Park Records 陶然亭公园志 (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1999), p. 31. 57. The 'ten-side land' means the small plots of lands by the side of fields, trenches, roads, channels, graves, houses, walls, woods, barren banks, and ponds. The Chinese text is '地边、渠边、道边、沟边、坟边、房边、墙边、树林边、荒滩边、水坑边'. 58. Editorial Board of Historical Records of the Construction of Beijing 北京建设史书编辑委员会, The Construction of Beijing from the Founding of the People's Republic of China 建国以来的北京城市建设. Restricted publication (1986), p. 353. 59. Editorial Board of Joyous Pavilion Park Records 陶然亭公园志编纂委员会, Joyous Pavilion Park Records 陶然亭公园志 (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1999), p. 31. 60. Quoted from Hangzhou Park Management Bureau 杭州市园林管理局. 'It is good to combine gardens with production, and the West Lake takes on a new look' 园林结合生产好,西湖风景面貌新. Architectural Journal, 1, 1976, p. 44. Author's translation. 61. The name of 'May Seventh Farm' was derived from the 'May Seventh' rural cadre school, which was first established on 7 May 1968 for officials and 'brain workers' to regularly participate in productive labour as a process of 'ideological revolutionization'. 62. 'A brief history of the construction of Zhongshan Park, Shantou' 汕头中山公园建设史略, available at http://stcg.shantou.gov.cn/stgk4-b.htm. Accessed 22 December 2006. 63. Among the misappropriations, an area of 5028 square metres was occupied by the Real Estate Management Bureau of Xuanwu District in 1966 for establishing a residential area; 218 square metres by Beijing Qianxiang Leather Shoes Factory in April 1967; and 900 square metres by Beijing Tannery in April 1970. See Editorial Board of Joyous Pavilion Park Records 陶然亭公园志编纂委员会, Joyous Pavilion Park Records 陶然亭公园志 (Beijing: China Forestry Press, 1999), pp. 34–35. 64. Editorial Board of Shanghai Landscape Architecture Records 《上海园林志》编纂委员会, Shanghai Landscape Architecture Records上海园林志 (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 2000), p. 377. 65. Lin Xiaoxia 林晓侠, 'Why are factories built in parks?' 工厂为什么办到公园里去了?People's Daily (9 June 1978). 66. It turned out as a result of Western influences from the mid-nineteenth century. For example, in view of the contemporary defeat by Western imperialist powers, Zeng Guofan (1811–1872), one of the initiators of the Westernization Movement (1861–1894), once recorded that 'each committee member examines in detail the machine illustrations, and with the laws of point, line, plane and volume, pursue the functionality of square, circle, the horizontal and the vertical' (各委员详考图说,以点线面体之法,求方圆平直之用), in order to produce vessel and cannon fighting against imperialists. See: Zeng Guofan, The Complete Works of Zeng Guofan 曾文正公全集 (Taibei: Taiwan Eastern Bookstore, 1964). 67. Liu Shanghua 柳尚华, Fifty Years of Chinese Landscape Architecture: 1949–1999 中国风景园林当代五十年:1949–1999 (Beijing: China Architecture and Building Press, 1999), p. 23. 68. Leonid Borisovich Lunts, Greening Construction 绿化建设, trans. Zhu Junzhen 朱钧珍, Liu Chengxian 刘承娴, Ma Shiwei 马士伟, and Shen Dalun 沈大纶 (Beijing: Architectural Engineering Press, 1956), p. 222. These guidelines were consistently followed in the only Chinese handbook on residential greening, published in the late 1950s. See: Research Unit of Regional and City Planning of Architectural Science Research Institute 建筑科学研究院区域规划与城市规划研究室. Neighbourhood Greening 街坊绿化 (Beijing: Architectural Engineering Press, 1959), p. 7. 69. Quoted from Liu Shanghua 柳尚华, Fifty Years of Chinese Landscape Architecture: 1949–1999 中国风景园林当代五十年:1949–1999 (Beijing: China Architecture and Building Press, 1999), pp. 4, 19. Author's translation. 70. Interview with Professor Lü Junhua of Tsinghua University, 17 January 2005. 71. Chen Youmin 陈有民. 'Celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the establishment of garden making group (gardening discipline)' 纪念造园组(园林专业)创建五十周年. Chinese Landscape Architecture, 1, 2002, pp, 4–5. Leningrad Forestry Academy is now St Petersburg State Forest-Technical Academy. 72. The Chinese text is '普遍绿化,重点提高'. Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局. A Collection of Working Experiences in Beijing Landscape Architecture (1949–1959) 北京市园林工作经验汇编 (1949–1959) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1960), p. 5. 73. The Chinese text is '先绿化,后美化'. Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局. A Collection of Working Experiences in Beijing Landscape Architecture (1949–1959) 北京市园林工作经验汇编 (1949–1959) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1960), p. 87. 74. Research Unit of Regional and City Planning of Architectural Science Research Institute 建筑科学研究院区域规划与城市规划研究室, Neighbourhood Greening 街坊绿化 (Beijing: Architectural Engineering Press, 1959), p. 9. 75. Editorial Board of Shanghai Housing Construction Records 《上海住宅建设志》编纂委员会, Shanghai Housing Construction Records 上海住宅建设志 (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1998), p. 280. 76. Other street names included Chinese Flowering Crab-apple Riverside Road (棠浦路), Plum Hill Road (梅岭路), Maple Bridge Road (枫桥路), Flower Brook Road (花溪路), Orchid Brook Road (兰溪路), Plum River Road (梅川路), Jujube Spring Road (枣阳路), and Apricot Hill Road (杏山路). It was common that limited provision of trees resulted in a lack of planting diversity at the time. As a result, this naming approach was so important for the envisioned comprehensiveness that some people in Beijing complained for such scarcity that, 'There was no road with a name associated with trees, such as Bodhi Avenue'. See: Liu Zhonghua 刘仲华, 'Oppose Right deviation, go all out, achieve greater, faster, better and more economical results in making green the capital' 反右倾,鼓干劲,多快好省绿化首都, in Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局. A Collection of the Working Experiences in Beijing Landscape Architecture (1949–1959) 北京市园林工作经验汇编 (1949–1959) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1960), p. 1. 77. Editorial Board of Shanghai Housing Construction Records 《上海住宅建设志》编纂委员会, Shanghai Housing Construction Records 上海住宅建设志 (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1998), p. 279. 78. Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局, A Collection of Working Experiences in Beijing Landscape Architecture (1949–1959) 北京市园林工作经验汇编 (1949–1959) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1960), p. 211. 79. This could be read in the figure of increment of numbers of Chinese public parks in: Li Min 李敏, Modern Parks in China: Development and Evaluation 中国现代公园-发展与评价 (Beijing: Beijing Science and Technology Press, 1987), p. 22. 80. Su Zemin 苏则民, 'Investigations into the experience in Tiananmen Square's reconstruction and planning' 天安门广场改建和规划的经验探讨 (unpublished Master of Architecture Thesis, School of Architecture, Tsinghua University, 1965), p. 1. 81. Imperialism, feudalism and capitalism were claimed as the 'Three Big Mountains', which weighed on the backs of the Chinese people in the 'old society' before the 1949 Liberation. 82. Wu Liangyong 吴良镛, 'The design achievements of the Monument to the People's Heroes' 人民英雄纪念碑的创作成就. Architectural Journal, 2, 1978, p. 4; Dong Guangqi 董光器, 'Some records of Tiananmen Square' 天安门广场纪事, in Fifty Years' Retrospection: Urban Planning of the New China 五十年回眸-新中国的城市规划, Urban Planning Society of China, ed. (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 1999), p. 514. 83. In the speech delivered by Premier Zhou Enlai in the founding ceremony of the Monument to the People's Heroes on 30 September 1949. See: Wu Liangyong 吴良镛, 'The planning and design of Tiananmen Square' 天安门广场的规划和设计. Collected Essays in Architectural History, 2, 1979, p. 19. 84. Li Jiale 李嘉乐, 'The greening of Tiananmen Square' 天安门广场的绿化, in Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局. A Collection of the Working Experiences in Beijing Landscape Architecture (1949–1959) 北京市园林工作经验汇编 (1949–1959) (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1960), p. 21. 85. Wu Liangyong 吴良镛, 'The Planning and Design of the Tiananmen Square' 天安门广场的规划和设计. Collected Essays on Architectural History, 2, 1979, p. 31. 86. Fan Yaobang 范耀邦, 'Suggestions for reasonable density of residential areas' 关于居住区合理密度的几点意见. Architectural Journal, 3, 1980, p. 22. 87. Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局, 'Greening for Chairman Mao's mausoleum' 毛主席纪念堂的绿化工程. Building Technology, Z1, 1978, p. 113. 88. Quoted from Red Flag of Faculty of South China College of Technology 华南工学院教工红旗 ed. A Collection of Criticisms of the Crimes of Tao Zhu in the Architectural Profession 陶铸在建筑领域的罪行批判集 (Guangzhou: South China College of Technology, 1967), p. 2. Author's translation. 89. Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks 北京市园林局, A History of Beijing Modern Landscape Architecture 当代北京园林发展史 (Beijing: Beijing Municipal Bureau of Parks, 1987), p. 44. 90. This was announced in the Member of the Standing Committee of the Fifth National People's Congress. 91. Liu Shanghua 柳尚华, Fifty Years of Chinese Landscape Architecture: 1949–1999 中国风景园林当代五十年:1949–1999 (Beijing: China Architecture and Building Press, 1999), p. 72. 92. 'Every one should plant three to five trees annually' 每人每年种三至五棵树. People's Daily (16 December 1981). 93. Interview with Professor Wang Shaozeng, 20 November 2010.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. For example unipolar hegemony, neo-liberal globalization, the September 11 2001 attacks in New York and Washington, the spread of Islamic fundamentalism. 2. The pioneering authority on Maoism, Stuart Schram, had been prescient when he opined as far back as 1963 that “For the moment there appears to be little possibility of meaningful dialogue, let alone of agreement between Mao Tse-tung and the United States. Yet, in the long run, Sino-American relations may well prove to be the most important single factor in shaping the world of the future.” See: Stuart Schram, The Political Thought of Mao Tse-tung (New York: Praeger, 1963), p. 74. 3. Kimmo Kiljunen, Kampuchea: Decade of the Genocide (London: Zed Books, 1984), p. 84. 4. A. Doak Barnett, Communist China and Asia (New York: Random House, 1961), p. 337. 5. Umberto Melotti, Marx and the Third World (London: Macmillan, 1971), pp. 128–140. 6. V.I. Lenin, “Backward Europe and Advanced Asia,” in The Awakening of Asia (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1973), pp. 28–29. 7. V.I. Lenin, “Better Fewer but Better,” in Selected Works (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1952), Vol. 11, Part 11, p. 750. 8. Isaac Deutscher in his “Marxism, Wars and Revolutions” posthumously published an anthology of essays from four decades with an introduction by Tamara Deutscher. See: Isaac Deutscher, Marxism, Wars & Revolutions: Essays from Four Decades, ed. Tamara Deutscher(New York: Schocken Books, January 1985), 256 p. 9. Isaac Deutscher in his “Marxism, Wars and Revolutions” posthumously published an anthology of essays from four decades with an introduction by Tamara Deutscher. See: Isaac Deutscher, Marxism, Wars & Revolutions: Essays from Four Decades, ed. Tamara Deutscher(New York: Schocken Books, January 1985), p. 182. 10. J.V. Stalin, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1972), pp. 30-32. 11. Isaac Deutscher, The Unfinished Revolution: Russia 1917–1967 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 91. 12. William Yandell Elliot, The Chomsky Reader (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987), p. 251. 13. Noam Chomsky, Radical Priorities (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1984), p. 226. 14. Harrison Salisbury, writing in 1969, envisaged the scenario and set out the consequences of any such rapprochement: “It would be dangerous to overlook the possibility that Mao's death could bring a sharp turn in Chinese policy, a switch back towards a line of arms-length collaboration with Moscow, a deliberate relaxation of border tensions, in ideology, and in relations with other Communist parties, an effort to minimize rather than maximize frictions. Such a right-angle turn in Chinese policy could … restore the Sino-Soviet alliance as a major actor in the world balance of power and inaugurate a new era of Russian-Chinese collaboration directed … specifically against the United States. It would confront the United States with the most critical foreign policy crisis of the century—the prospect of facing 1,000 to 1,200 million Chinese and Russians armed with nuclear weapons in bewildering array, the latest in modern military technology, striding the Eurasian supercontinent like a colossus.” See: Harrison Salisbury, The Coming War Between Russia and China (London: Pan, 1969), p. 205. 15. Keith Richburg, “Back to Vietnam,” Foreign Affairs (Fall 1991), pp. 111–132. 16. “The United States qualitatively expanded its relationship with China. As early as 1980 U.S.–Chinese cooperation assumed a more direct strategic dimension with sensitive undertakings not only toward Afghanistan but also on other matters. Thus the Soviet Union faced the growing geopolitical menace of a counter-encirclement.” See: Zbiegniew Brzezinski, “The Cold War and Its Aftermath,” Foreign Affairs (Fall 1992), p. 42. 17. See: “Resolution on CPC History (1949–1981),” adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on June 27, 1981 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1981). 18. Franz Schurmann and Orville Schell, eds., Communist China (London: Penguin, 1968), pp. 598–602; also Mark Selden, ed., The People's Republic of China (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979), p. 107. 19. Lin Piao, The International Significance of Comrade Mao Tse-tung’ s Theory of Peoples’ War (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), in Franz Schurmann and Orville Schell, eds., Communist China (London: Penguin, 1968), pp. 342–354. 20. Hugh Seton Watson, “The Great Schism,” Encounter, 116 (London, May 1963), p. 61. 21. Regis Debray, Critique of Political Reason (London: Verso), 1983. 22. Harrison Salisbury, The Coming War Between Russia and China” pp. 184–185. 23. Fredric Jameson, The Political Unconscious (London: Methuen, 1981), pp. 101–102.

As on other fronts, the situation in literature and art is fine and thriving. Guided by Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line on literature and art and paced by the model revolutionary theatrical works, mass revolutionary creative activities are developing vigorously and a growing number of good and fairly good works are appearing. These have been enthusiastically greeted by the workers, peasants, and soldiers who encourage the creation of such works. The recent North China Theatrical Festival in Peking reflected the vigorous development of socialist literature and art and was a new victory for Chairman Mao's revolutionary line on the literary and art front. But on this front things are never calm and tranquil. As an instrument for class struggle, literature and art always sensitively reflect the political struggles in society, so it is not surprising that a poisonous weed should crop up despite the excellent situation.

Our mine has been operating for half a century. In 1962, when influenced by the revisionist line, some alleged that the mine shafts were on the verge of decline. The daily output of the whole mine would go down by 1,000 tons every year, and it would come to a shutdown in the seventies. The allegation frustrated the revolutionary initiative of the staff and workers and caused the coal output to fall off year after year. Since the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, staff and workers of the whole mine, guided by Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, have grasped revolution and promoted production. Their spiritual outlook has undergone a great change, and the old mine has been revitalized by the youthful spirit of revolution. The state plan has been exceeded for eight years in a row, with increased output amounting to more than a million tons annually, as much as that of a large-sized mine shaft. The Campaign to Criticize Lin Piao and Confucius initiated another new phase. The current output of the T'ang-chia-chuang Mine doubles that of 1965.

Under the guidance of Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, an excellent situation unknown before has emerged on the food grain front in our country since the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

China's socialist agriculture has continued to develop under the guidance of Chairman Mao's revolutionary line. Particularly through the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticize revisionism and rectify the work style, the broad cadres and the masses have raised their consciousness of the struggle between the two lines, and the mass movement to learn from Tachai in agriculture has developed with still greater vigor. The entire agricultural front is showing signs of growing prosperity.

Reviewed by: Zhou Enlai: The Enigma Behind Chairman Mao by Michael Dillon Yafeng Xia (bio) Michael Dillon. Zhou Enlai: The Enigma Behind Chairman Mao. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2020. xi, 302 pp. Paperback $29.95, isbn 978-178-831-930-0. Among several books in English on the late Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai (who served from 1949 to 1976), two stand out. The first, by Barbara Barnouin and Yu Changgen, “explores the nature of” Zhou’s political behavior and assesses how such behavior affected twentieth-century Chinese history.1 The second, by former senior Chinese Communist Party (CCP) historian Gao Wenqian, which is based on classified party documents and personal interviews with high-level party officials, provides a revisionist account of Zhou Enlai. This volume is an abridged English translation of Gao’s Wannian Zhou Enlai (Zhou Enlai’s Later Years), which, having been adapted for Western readers, includes the stories of Zhou’s earlier years prior to the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) and elaborates the political context of the Cultural Revolution and the behavior of other actors (chapters 2–7, pp. 21–104).2 Relying primarily on Chinese sources supplemented with writings by Western journalists who visited CCP bases during the War of Resistance against Japan and foreign diplomats stationed in Beijing in the 1950s and the 1960s, Michael Dillon presents a sympathetic account of Zhou’s life from his birth in 1898 to his death in 1976 in twenty-three chapters. This is a standard biography of Zhou, covering his childhood, education, upbringing, personality, political activism, and revolutionary activities, presenting a thorough picture of Zhou the diplomat and statesman. Dillon argues, “This private side of Zhou Enlai is one [End Page 263] of the reasons why he became the world’s favorite Chinese Communist, but Zhou’s character was complex” (p. viii). According to Dillon, Zhou “was a statesman rather than simply a political operator and achieved much on the international stage” (p. ix). But scholars on Zhou Enlai and the history of the CCP will not be pleased, as the book does not add much to what they have already known about Zhou. To correctly understand and evaluate Zhou’s historical role in the Chinese Communist movement and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), it is crucial that we correctly understand Zhou’s relationship with Mao Zedong, the CCP Chairman and China’s paramount leader from 1949 to 1976. The reviewer cannot agree with several of Dillon’s major assertions, such as, “Zhou had remained personally close to Mao, never criticized him in public, and was himself never criticized openly :: : . Eventually he was attacked, viciously but covertly, by Mao’s wife, Jiang Qing” (p. 264). I feel that the author is unfamiliar with some of the new findings on Zhou Enlai that have been revealed in the last two decades. In the following paragraphs, I try to set the record straight. The relationship between Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong has attracted much scholarly attention, and it is a key issue in our understanding of Chinese politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. There are three popular models of the relationship: Zhou was a faithful follower of Mao; Zhou was a puppet of Mao; and Zhou was a moderating force on Mao, which is the version the official Chinese Communist historiography promotes.3 Dillon falls into the third model, as he writes, “During the Great Leap and particularly the Cultural Revolution, Zhou was in an impossible position. To survive, he said and did things he would have preferred not to. By surviving, he ensured a degree of damage limitation and protected many friends and colleagues” (p. 270). For years, Zhou was “the Beloved People’s Premier,” a sensitive and effective administrator and a moderating force in the PRC’s politics. He was good-looking, urbane, brilliant, and a master diplomat. He always valued the nation’s needs above his own. He managed to save hundreds of purged officials during the Cultural Revolution. But Gao Wenqian turns the tables on Zhou. According to Gao, Zhou was a tragic backroom schemer, a puppet of his master Mao, and a man who so rigorously observed a...

In December of last year, a few clowns appeared on the grand and spectacular stage of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. These clowns were the reincarnated ghosts from the Capital Red Guard West City, East City, and Haidian Districts Pickets. They viciously attacked Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, engaged in slander on the Central Cultural Revolution Group, called dear Comrade Jiang Qing names, and sabotaged the organizations under the proletarian dictatorship. They provoked violence, created chaos, searched and confiscated the possessions of revolutionary organizations, and spread reactionary declarations. The crimes they committed are simply too numerous to mention. These clowns were none other than the "Capital Red Guards United Action Committee."

In the Cultural Revolution, the broad masses of the workers, peasants, and soldiers across the country are all "conservative" and have all "made mistakes." To date, there is still a considerable "conservative force" among them. People cannot help but ask, "What on earth is Chairman Mao's revolutionary line? Why is the present line is so unpopular with the masses?"

The Developing EconomiesVolume 12, Issue 1 p. 23-40 Free Access NOTES ON THE CHINESE MODEL OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT —Its Impact on and Influence from Foreign Economic Systems— Katsuji NAKAGANE, Katsuji NAKAGANESearch for more papers by this author Katsuji NAKAGANE, Katsuji NAKAGANESearch for more papers by this author First published: March 1974 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1049.1974.tb00315.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat REFERENCES 1 Peijingshi-geming-weiyuan-hui, Xiezuo-xiaozu. Zhongguo shehuizhuyi gongyehua-de daolu [The road to China's socialist industrialization], Hongqi, 1969, No. 10. 2 Chen, K. I. The Outlook for China's Economy, Current History, September 1972. 3 Donnithorne, A. China's Economic System ( London : George Allen and Unwin, 1967). 4 Donnithorne, A.. China's Cellular Economy: Some Economic Trends since the Cultural Revolution, China Quarterly, No. 52 (OctoberDecember 1972). 5 Eckstein, A. Communist China's Economic Growth and Foreign Trade: Implications for U.S. Policy ( New York : McGraw-Hill, 1966). 6 Etzioni, A. A Comparative Analysis of Complex Organizations ( New York : Free Press, 1961). 7 Fazhan gongye bixu he fazhan nongye tongshi bingju [Develop simultaneously industry and agriculture], editorial, Jihua jingji, October 1957. 8 Galbraith, J. K. The New Industrial State, 2nd ed. ( Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1971). 9 Galbraith, J. K. A China Passage ( Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1973). 10 Hoffmann, C. Work Incentive Practices and Policies in the People's Republic of China, 1953–1965 ( Albany , N.Y. : State University of New York Press, 1967). 11 Howe, C. Wage Patterns and Wage Policy in Modern China, 1919–1972 ( Cambridge : At the University Press, 1973). 12 Ishibashi, K. ChūBgoku keizai kensetsu no shinhōBkōB [ New direction of China's economic construction], Ajia , February 1974. 13 Ishikawa, S. Impact of the Emergence of China on Asian-Pacific Trade, Paper presented at the Fifth Pacific Trade and Development Conference, January 1973. 14 S. Ishikawa, ed. ChūBgoku keizai no genjōB to tembōB [The present conditions and prospects of the Chinese economy] ( Tokyo : ChūBgoku-Ajia-bōBeki-kōBzōB-kenkyūB-sentāB, 1972). 15 Iwata, M. Hikaku shakaishugi taisei-ron [Comparative analysis of socialist systems] ( Tokyo : Nihon-hyōBron-sha, 1971). 16 Jinmin ChūBgoku, 1974, No. 1. 17 Kast, F. E., and Rosenzweig, J. E. Organization and Management: A Systems Approach ( New York : McGraw-Hill, 1970). 18 Kawata, T. TōBnan-Ajia o meguru keizai kankei to Nihon [ Economic relations in Southeast Asia and the position of Japan], Keizai hyōBron, June 1973. 19 Kojima, R. Tsuchi ni nezuku ChūBgoku keizai [ The Chinese economy rooted in the earth], Sekai , November 1972. 20 Koopmans, T., and Montias, J. On the Description and Comparison of Economic Systems, in Comparison of Economic Systems, ed. A. Eckstein ( Berkeley : University of California Press, 1971). 21 Kornai, J. Anti-Equilibrium ( Amsterdam : North-Holland, 1971). 22 Lange, O. Introduction to Economic Cybernetics ( Warsaw : PWN, 1965). 23 Masamura, K. Sengo Nihon no keizaishi-teki sōBkatsu [ A summary of economic history of postwar Japan], ChūBōB kōBron , August 1973. 24 Meier, G., and Baldwin, R. Economic Development: Theory. History, Policy ( New York : John Wiley and Sons, 1957). 25 Niwa, H. 1956-nen ChūBgoku sangyōB-renkan-hyōB suikei no gaiyōB [Outline of estimated input-output table of China, 1956] ( Tokyo : Institute of Developing Economies, 1970). 26 Parsons, T., and Smelser, N. Economy and Society ( London : Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1956). 27 Peking Review. 28 Riskin, C. Maoism and Motivation: Work Incentives in China, Bulletin of Concerned Asia Scholars, Vol. 5, No. 1 (July 1973). 29 Schurmann, F. Ideology and Organization in Communist China, 2nd ed. ( Berkeley : University of California Press, 1968). 30 United Nations, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE). Economic Survey of Asia and the Far East 1972, preliminary draft. 31 Wheelwright, E. L., and Mcfarlane, B. The Chinese Road to Socialism; Economies of the Cultural Revolution ( New York : Monthly Review Press, 1970). 32 Writers' Group of the National Construction Committee. ”Develop Simultaneously Large-Scaled and Medium and Small-Scaled Enterprises, Peking Review, 1970, No. 50. 33 Yamanouchi, K. ChūBgoku keizai o dōB miruka [What is happening in the Chinese economy] ( Tokyo : Nihon-keizai-shimbunsha,, 1973). Volume12, Issue1March 1974Pages 23-40 ReferencesRelatedInformation

The Developing EconomiesVolume 34, Issue 2 p. 154-185 Free Access EXPLAINING CHINA'S BUSINESS CYCLES Hiroyuki IMAI, Hiroyuki IMAISearch for more papers by this author Hiroyuki IMAI, Hiroyuki IMAISearch for more papers by this author First published: June 1996 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1049.1996.tb00735.xCitations: 4AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL REFERENCES 1 Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. “Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Some Issues concerning the Establishment of the Socialist Market Economic Structure,” Beijing Review, Vol. 36, No. 47 (November 1993). 2 Chen Jidong, Li Ruoyu, and Gao Hongfang, eds. Zhonghua renmin gongheguo jingji dashiji, 1949--1980 [Major economic events of the People's Republic of China, 1949--1980] ( Beijing : Zhongguo-shehui-kexue-chubanshe, 1984). 3 Chen Jinhua Report on the Implementation of the 1994 Plan for National Economic and Social Development and the Draft 1995 Plan for National Economic and Social Development,” Beijing Review, Vol. 38, Nos. 14--15 (April 1995). 4 China Daily. 5 Ding Hengjiang and Liu Xiaoqi “ Guanyu difang zhengfu ganyu yinhang jingying huodong di shenceng sikao” [Deep thoughts on intervention by local governments in the operational activities of banks], Jingji yanjiu, No. 12 (1993). 6 Eckstein, A. Economic Fluctuations in Communist China's Domestic Development,” in China's Heritage and Communist Political System, ed. Ho Ping-ti and Tang Tsou, Vol. 2 ( Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1968). 7 Fan Gang, Zhang Shuguang and Wang Limin. “ Shuanggui guodu yu shuanggui diaokong (I)” [Dual-track transition and dual-track macroeconomic management (I)], Jingji yanjiu, No. 10 (1993). 8 Imai, H. Inflationary Pressure in China's Consumption Goods Market: Estimation and Analysis,” Developing Economies, Vol. 32, No. 2 (June 1994). 9 Imai, H. Growth-Inflation Tradeoff in China,” Lingnan College, Centre for Asian Pacific Studies, Working Paper Series No. 25 (Hong Kong, 1995). 10 Kornai, J. The Socialist System ( Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1992). 11 Kornai, J., and Daniel, Z. The Chinese Economic Reform---As Seen by Hungarian Economists,” Acta Oeconomica, Vol. 36, Nos. 3--4 (1986). 12 Ma Hong, ed. Modern China's Economy and Management ( Beijing : Foreign Language Press, 1990). 13 Naughton, B. Saving and Investment in China: A Macroeconomic Analysis”. (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1986). 14 Naughton, B. Macroeconomic Policy and Response in the Chinese Economy: The Impact of the Reform Process,” Journal of Comparative Economics, Vol. 14, No. 3 (September 1987). 15 Naughton, B. Inflation in China: Patterns, Causes, and Cures,” in China's Economic Dilemmas in the 1990s: The Problems of Reforms, Modernization, and Interdependence, ed. Joint Economic Committee, U.S. Congress, Vol. 1, Compendium of Papers ( Washington , D.C. : U.S. Government Printing Office, 1991). 16 Nihon keizai shimbun. 17 Renmin ribao. 18 State Statistical Bureau, ed. Zhongguo maoyi wujia tongji ziliao, 1952--1983 [Trade and price statistics in China, 1952--1983] ( Beijing : Zhongguo-tongji-chubanshe, 1984). 19 State Statistical Bureau, ed. Zhongguo tongji nianjian [Statistical yearbook of China] ( Beijing : Zhongguo-tongji-chubanshe, various years from 1984 to 1995). 20 Wall Street Journal. 21 Wong, C. The Economics of Shortages and Problems of Reform in Chinese Industry,” Journal of Comparative Economics, Vol. 10, No. 4 (December 1986). 22 Wu Naitao Risk Investment System to Be Established,” Beijing Review, Vol. 37, No. 15 (April 1994). 23 Xu Kanghua and Wang Yaping Zhongguo shehui zhuyi jianshe xinshiqui jingji jianshi [Short history of the new period of China's socialist construction] ( Beijing : Zhongguo-wuzi-chubanshe, 1993). 24 Zhongguo caizheng tongji (1950--1991). [China finance statistics (1950--1991). ( Beijing : Kexue-chubanshe, 1992). 25 Zhongguo jingji nianjian, 1991 [ Almanac of the China's economy, 1991] ( Beijing : Jingji-guanli-chubanshe, 1991). 26 Zhongguo jinrong nianjian, 1993 [ Almanac of China's finance and banking, 1993] ( Beijing : Zhongguo-jinrong-nianjian-bianjibu, 1993). Citing Literature Volume34, Issue2June 1996Pages 154-185 ReferencesRelatedInformation

The Chinese Communist Party was forty-eight years old in July, 1969: the Chinese Communist economy celebrated its twentieth anniversary in October 1969. This would therefore seem an appropriate point at which to attempt a review of China's economic development in the period 1949-69, and to examine the progress achieved in the light of the early promises made by the Peking regime. China, as a country, can fairly be described as one of the most enigmatic, unpredictable and (considering its size) volatile areas in the world. The importance of China to the world as a whole hardly needs stressing. Here is a country with one-fourth of the world's population, and the world's third largest nation in territorial extent (although its cultivable area is only one-third as extensive as that of the United States). Its per capita income, to take an average of various independent estimates made in 1968,1 is only 85 United States dollars a year. Yet China is a country with already a considerably developed nuclear programme. The economic paradox offered by this contrast between the highly sophisticated nuclear sector and the rest of China is remarkable. It demonstrates what can be done, even in a retarded economy, by the sufficiently authoritarian use of limited resources. One thing seems perfectly clear. The revolutionary impetus which the founder of the Chinese People's Republic, Mao Tse-tung, originally communicated to it is by no means exhausted. The 'Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution' is witness to that. Mao's revolutionary drive is as powerful and pervasive as ever, and this, while he continues as Chairman, could well be the most important single factor governing China's future. This drive is, of course, basically political. But economic factors obtrude, and will continue to do so. They act as a brake on Mao's revolutionary momentum, and were doubtless one source of the conflict with the now deposed Liu Shao-chi which initiated the Cultural Revolution: and they are now fanning the embers of that still smouldering conflagration, on the continuance of which there are many reports from within China.

The report examines rural development of the People's Republic of China and agricultural policy of the Communist Party of China in the second half of the 20th and early 21st centuries. After the end of World War II, the Chinese Communist Party largely secured its victory over the Kuomintang in the Civil War (1946-1949) thanks to the rural population of China, a predominantly agrarian country at the time. The reforms in the village envisage the implementation of an agrarian reform, expressed in the confiscation of land and means of production from the large landowners and wealthier peasants using hired labor and their distribution among the landless peasants. The first stage of the agrarian reform was carried out until 1952 and was related to the land acquisition of poor peasants. The second stage took place during the First Five-Year Plan (1953-1957) and was related to the collectivization of agriculture. In practice, the agrarian reform ends with the complete cancellation of private ownership of land. At the beginning of the period of the so-called "Great Leap Forward" (1958-1961), cooperatives were transformed into people's communes - basic public organizations in which agricultural and industrial production, trade, education, etc. was developed. After a short period of calm between 1962 and 1965, in May 1966 Mao Zedong launched the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution", whose vanguard were the student-run "Red Guard Squads", the so-called "Hóng Wèibīng". Undoubtedly, the impact of the Cultural Revolution (May 16, 1966 – October 6, 1976) on the PRC in social, political, cultural and economic aspects was very negative. The economy was hit particularly hard in 1967-1968. The death of Mao Zedong on September 9, 1976, the elimination of the far-left Gang of Four, the complete seizure of power by Hua Guofeng on October 7, 1976, and the rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping, set the stage for major changes in the country's economic management. The beginning of economic reform is associated with the 3rd Plenary Session after the 11th Congress of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held from December 18 to 22, 1978 in Beijing. The reforms start in the rural areas where 80% of China's population lived at that time and marked the beginning of the new path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, initially reviving the family form of land management, and then developing channels for the sale of agricultural products, reviving rural enterprises related to the processing of raw materials from the rural economy. First coined by Deng Xiaoping in 1982, the concept of socialism with Chinese characteristics aims to redefine the relations between planning and socialism, and market economy and capitalism. It has preserved institutions of socialism and public ownership while importing sophisticated management experience and advanced market mechanisms from developed countries. The term "socialist market economy" was introduced in 1992 by Jiang Zemin.

As the founders of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai dedicated themselves to the construction of the new country. Mao Zedong drew up the overall strategies for China and Zhou Enlai was responsible for their concrete implementation. They had good working relations. At the same time, Mao and Zhou had different opinions and disagreed on certain issues, as it was natural to have different perspectives and thinking. Despite sharing a common objective to carry out a socialist modernization, they slightly disagreed on priorities.

Under the guidance of Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, we have continuously fought with ideas of looking down on women, and have actively selected and trained women cadres for revolution. At present, three of the nine members of the Party branch are women. Of the sixty-eight principal cadres in the seventeen production teams, thirty-three are women. Having gone through the forge of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, these women have continued to raise their consciousness of class struggle, the line struggle, and permanent revolution. They form close links with the masses, actively lead the masses in grasping revolution and promoting production, and effectively promote women's work and other tasks in the brigade.