China’s climate governance from 2009 to 2019: motivations, instruments, actors, and geopolitics

This chapter engages the key legal debates surrounding the role of non-state actors (NSAs) in climate law. NSAs—a wide category that reflects the expansion of international climate governance beyond the state—include entities as diverse as individuals, companies, international organizations, industry associations, cities, indigenous peoples, and civil-society organizations. Over the past decades, and especially since the adoption of the Paris Agreement, the many roles of NSAs in addressing climate change have attracted significant interest from treaty negotiators, business man-agers, environmental activists, policymakers, and researchers. Seen as performing vital functions ranging from innovation and agenda-setting to implementation, monitoring, and enforcement, NSAs are widely considered as bringing about dynamic forms of climate governance. The potential of direct mitigation effort by NSAs, such as voluntary emission-reduction commitments by companies and cities, is similarly highlighted as a key component in any future solution to climate change. The growing climate action by NSAs forces a rethink of the legal underpinnings of the climate regime and opens new perspectives on the logic of NSA-driven climate governance. This chapter discusses the legal dynamics of non-state climate governance. Using three archetypical NSAs—companies, cities, and civil-society organizations—as proxies, the chapter isolates three primary debates that frame the interactions between NSAs and climate law. These debates focus on the responsibility of NSAs for causing climate change, the legal techniques of NSA governance, and the role of NSAs as agents of legal change and they reflect the rise of polycentric climate governance and illustrate the expansion of climate law beyond its original emphasis on states. However, the discussion also exposes the difficulties that emerge when embedding different NSAs in a single conceptual frame, as well as the limits of NSA-driven governance more broadly.

ABSTRACTThis article disaggregates the often complex, hierarchical and still-evolving structure of China’s climate governance into three dimensions: the state, the market and civil society. The three dimensions are not exclusive of each other but overlap in many important respects, and their roles and relative levels of importance in China’s climate governance have changed over time. The state determines the blueprint of all climate change policies and management, reflecting an essential condition of China’s political economy and public administration. It sets overall targets and goals, and also acts as a supervising framework, sometimes enabling, at other times constraining, the activities of the market and civil society. The latter two dimensions, however, have become more important in recent years. Market-based policies, particularly emissions trading systems, are becoming an important tool for emissions control. Civil society has also begun to play a more active role in climate governance, an indication of which is the growing number of environmental NGOs, and their growing collaboration with international counterparts. All three dimensions and the ways in which they overlap will remain crucial to climate governance in China into the foreseeable future.Key policy insightsAs the world’s largest GHG emitter, China faces increasing pressure to control its emissions and shift to a low-carbon economy.This pressure is both international and domestic, reflecting China’s central role in global mitigation efforts, as well as the growing demand by citizens for better environmental conditions.In the period after the 2015 Paris Climate Conference, the evolution of China’s climate governance – with corresponding shifts in the roles of state, market and civil society – will continue to have significant implications for the global effort to combat climate change.

Many observers view the 1972 United Nations (UN) Conference on the Human Environment, held in Stockholm, as the event that heralded the active involvement of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in international policy making. In the intervening years, NGO participation in international policy making has grown exponentially, as has the number of multilateral environmental conventions, global environmental conferences and other efforts to facilitate a global governance of the human environment. The increasing numbers of NGOs with a stake in global environmental politics has been well documented, as has the presence at multilateral negotiations and their influence on negotiation outcomes (Betsill and Corell 2008). This paper examines the role and influence of non-state actors (NSAs) in multinational, supranational and transnational policy making. We have selected three models of rulemaking to help explain the role and influence of NSAs in different governance systems, reflecting developments within global environmental governance over the past three decades. Whereas multinational cooperation remained the model of choice whenever international environmental rules were created until the 1980s, the model has been joined in recent years by supranational and transnational rulemaking models. We begin by briefly reviewing the three models before presenting three case studies. In the first we examine how NSAs brought their influence to bear in a particular case of multinational environmental negotiations: the International Whaling Commission (IWC). This should shed light on some of the conditions that allow NGOs to exert such a high degree of influence in multinational policy-making processes. Next we explore the role and influence of NSAs in the making of the European Union (EU) Emissions Trading System (ETS). This is a prime example of supranational policy making, and serves to demonstrate the complexity of assessing the influence of NSAs in a dense institutional context. Focusing on social and environmental certification programs, the third case examines a growing tendency for NSAs to act as transnational rule makers in policy areas where states have been unwilling or unable to provide governance. Three Models of Rule Making and the Role of Non-State Actors In multinational cooperation, here represented by the IWC, member states enjoy in principle full authority. The legitimacy of rule-making is ensured by consent between sovereign states based on international law. In this liberal intergovernmental rule-making model, NSAs belong to the set of domestic special interest organizations with sufficient clout to influence negotiating positions. Of course, their efforts to influence negotiation positions meet with varying success; nation-states always have the final word. In supranational cooperation, in this paper represented by the EU ETS scheme, nationstates have transferred some of their sovereignty to other actors. In the EU case, this is most visible is the rules on qualified majority voting, co-decision making by the European Parliament and the policy-initiating role of the Commission. In short, as the consent of a state in itself is sometimes wanting in terms of legitimacy, there need additional sources of

Since anthropogenic causes accelerate rapid climate change with intensifying the adverse impacts of climate induce hazards, Non-State Actors (NSAs) have emerged as pivotal actors in climate governance. The aim of this research is to explore the diverse roles and contributions of NSAs in climate governance and analyze the challenges and institutional barriers they encounter with proposing some recommendations to strengthen their impact. It employs a qualitative approach where data were collected through KII method. Thematic analysis reveals some meaningful role of NSAs in climate governance including advocating for climate justice, raising awareness, promoting sustainable technologies, enhancing community adaptation and resilience, and collaborating across sectors. Digital awareness campaign of Greenpeace during the Copenhagen and Paris Conference and BRAC's climate-resilient housing and rainwater harvesting initiatives in Bangladesh can be placed as notable examples of NSAs’ roles. Despite their significant contributions, several persistent challenges such as poor coordination among NSAs and with state actors, legitimacy deficits, governance gaps, lack of institutional support and insufficient financing impedes them to realize their full potential. To overcome these challenges, this study recommends the need for legal inclusion of NSAs’ roles, inclusive participation, incorporating intersectionality, stronger accountability mechanisms and sustainable financial frameworks. Furthermore, this study offers actionable recommendations for policymakers and practitioners seeking to enhance the effectiveness of non-state engagement in climate action.

Feminist analysis focuses on gender relations, thereby it goes beyond a mere focus on women and women’s role in climate governance. While the representation of women in politics and governance is of relevance to such studies, feminist theory makes it possible to also seriously discuss and question the relation between women’s and men’s interests and values in the gender order, and problematize the relation between a critical mass of women and critical acts in policymaking. There are different feminist perspectives, and here I suggest that particular attention be paid to theories with a critical epistemology because they call attention to the gender normative setting of climate governance and climate institutions, and draw attention to intersectional power relations, including how gender relations intersect with other power relations such as class, ethnicity and age. A critical analysis and problematization of climate governance using feminist perspectives is not merely an academic exercise but essential to advance climate governance towards gender sensitivity, equality, inclusion and justice. This chapter outlines the main elements in three different feminist perspectives to illustrate how they are relevant for an analysis of climate governance. Using several empirical examples the chapter demonstrates what feminist insights imply for the prospects of engendering climate governance, regarding representation in policymaking, in scientific discourse on climate and in the local context regarding transport planning. First, it is necessary to determine what climate governance is. (Less)

International cooperation has played a major role in climate governance. With a particular focus on China, this study develops a comparative framework to understand three pathways to international cooperation on climate change: multilateralism, bilateralism and transnationalism. Drawing on cooperation theory, we compare the three pathways in terms of their leaders, organisations, bargaining process, agreement, and enforcement efforts, and analyse their comparative strengths and limitations. We suggest that, given the ever-increasing difficulties and uncertainty experienced in climate multilateralism, the government should pay more attention to developing climate bilateralism and transnationalism in order to leverage the benefits of international cooperation on climate governance.

This paper explores Chulalongkorn University’s (CU) role in climate governance and sustainability, focusing on its alignment with Sustainable Development Goal 13 (SDG 13). This study employed quantitative text analysis and content analysis to examine Chulalongkorn University’s approach to climate change through five main areas: policies and management, curriculum and pedagogy, dissertations and theses, research and development, and public outreach and engagement. Data was gathered from CU’s course descriptions, dissertations, and theses from 2002 to 2023, journal articles from 2013 to 2022, the 2022–2023 Sustainability Report, and other relevant documents. These sources helped map out CU’s academic and operational commitment to addressing climate change, classifying the integration and focus of climate change topics across different academic and policy-driven initiatives. Collaborative efforts with the government, private sector, civil society, and international organizations are essential for advancing SDG 13 in Thailand. Despite challenges, the university’s multidimensional approach to climate action underscores its commitment to promoting climate resilience and sustainability in the higher education sector. Through education, research, and community engagement, Chulalongkorn University is a model for other institutions seeking to enhance their contributions to SDG 13 and sustainability efforts, driving positive change toward a more sustainable future.

There is increasing public debate about the governance of climate change and its repercussions for nature and human livelihoods. In today's digitalized communication landscape, both public and private actors involved in climate change governance use social media to provide information and to interact with stakeholders and the broader public. This Focus Article discusses two main aspects of debates about climate change and climate governance on Twitter, which previous theories suggest to shape climate governance across domestic and global levels: non‐state climate action and public opinion formation on the social media. We see significant advancement in the environmental social sciences studying these two areas. Yet, we also see the need for a better understanding of how public and private actors in the climate governance complex interact on Twitter, and how these actors shape, and are shaped by, experiences, values, and positions. This understanding will help to advance climate governance theories. This article proceeds in three steps. We first discuss previous social media research on non‐state climate action and public opinion formation related to climate change and its governance. Then we sketch avenues for future research, elaborating how Twitter data might be used to investigate how non‐state climate action and public opinion formation on social media are linked to and influence climate governance. We conclude by making the case for drawing together Twitter data and climate governance research into a more coherent research agenda.This article is categorized under: Policy and Governance > Private Governance of Climate Change Perceptions, Behavior, and Communication of Climate Change > Communication Policy and Governance > National Climate Change Policy Policy and Governance > Multilevel and Transnational Climate Change Governance

Climate change advisory bodies are rapidly proliferating around the world, often with statutory underpinning. While they are argued to be an important component of effective climate governance, few studies have systematically assessed their political influence. Using the UK Committee on Climate Change (CCC) as a case, this paper investigates how such bodies influence political debates on climate change. To do so, we build an original dataset of all CCC mentions in UK Parliamentary proceedings from 2008–2018. We find that CCC analysis is used by all major political parties, that its influence has grown over time and that it has influenced policy debates both within its statutory remit (carbon budgets) and more broadly (energy policy and flood defence spending). Furthermore, most politicians have been supportive of the CCC. They have utilized the information it produces to hold government accountable and to argue for more ambitious policy. We find little evidence that CCC analysis is politicized or that it merely functions as a ‘legitimiser’, providing justification for the government’s pre-decided policy choices. Instead, we find that the CCC functions primarily as a knowledge broker, offering trusted information to policymakers, and at times as a policy entrepreneur. Overall, the CCC experience demonstrates that climate change advisory bodies can play a key role in climate governance. Key policy insights The information and analysis produced by the CCC is widely cited by Parliamentarians across the political spectrum and is often used as the technical basis for political arguments calling for greater ambition. CCC evidence has substantial influence in areas that are directly covered by its core statutory mandate, but also wider climate change-related Parliamentary debates, indicating knowledge spillovers. The UK experience shows that an expert advisory body can strengthen climate governance by serving as an impartial knowledge broker, contributing to more evidence-based and ambitious policymaking.

ABSTRACTThe oil and gas industry has traditionally been reticent to engage with the issues surrounding climate change, typically being cast as a laggard. Yet, over recent years, the sector has begun taking on a more active role in climate governance, doing so in a variety of capacities – as initiators, catalysts and participants in industry-led or multi-stakeholder efforts. The Oil and Gas Climate Initiative is reviewed, as a case study to illustrate emerging climate leadership within the global oil and gas industry. In 2015, its members committed to a two-degree pathway. The paucity of research on the nascent role of oil and gas firms in climate governance is addressed.

Time to pay the piper: Fossil fuel companies’ reparations for climate damages

China's role in climate governance

This paper discusses Brazil’s role in climate governance, methodologically and metaphorically comparing it to chess pieces moves, based on national and regional official documents, commitments and data. Unlike other IR studies, our proposal suggests different behaviours at different levels of analysis for the same country. Nationally, the country played the role of pawn. Regionally, there is no unitary behaviour: in international cooperation (carbon pricing case), it moves like a queen; in the regional integration process (energy integration case), like a king. The current scenario raises doubts about these roles, suggesting that Brazil has been presenting an increasingly moderate and conservative behaviour in the past years.

How can AI application affect the enterprise carbon reduction performance?

Environmental nonprofit organizations (ENPOs) play a critical role in climate governance. Though ENPOs dedicate significant efforts to advocacy and providing public services, their interaction with public opinion on global warming has not been fully explored. Through multilevel regression analysis on county-level data in the U.S., this article examines the relationship between the presence of ENPOs and public perceptions of global warming, taking into account variations among ENPOs. The findings indicate that: (1) the overall presence of ENPOs is slightly, but not significantly, positively correlated with public perceptions of global warming, with advocacy-oriented ENPOs showing a more robust and statistically significant correlation; (2) there is an inverted-U relationship between the presence of ENPOs and public opinion on global warming, with advocacy-oriented ENPOs reaching tipping points earlier than service-oriented ENPOs; and (3) the partisanship of liberal counties influences this association. This study suggests a potential role for nonprofits in policymaking by interacting with public opinion.