Children’s literature during social and cultural change: editorial to the special issue

<div> <div> <div> <p>The Lombok earthquake of August 2018 killed approximately 555, injured 1400, and displaced 353.000 people. With Indonesia being vulnerable to natural disaster due to its geographic location, events like these are not uncommon. However, this event was significantly different from the majority of disasters in the Indonesian archipelago. The difference pertains to how the communities researched in this thesis, coped with the adversity they had experienced and how they showed resilience in a unique way.</p> <p>A disaster drastically ushers in a liminal period wherein its victims are forced to rethink certain aspects of social life, give meaning to what has happened, and determine how to rebuild society sustainably.</p> <p>This thesis argues that going back to a pre-disaster state of society is not possible, due to the lived experiences during the disaster and aftermath. Instead of going back, the culture of response of the Indonesian government (and the NGOs and communities) on which this thesis is focused, started a process towards Dyer’s Phoenix Effect.</p> <p>This thesis explores the cultural, social, and organizational changes in post-disaster Lombok, which make the occurrence of the Phoenix Effect likely. (1) Cultural changes constitute the explanations for the earthquake from different religious perspectives and the resurgence of traditionally embedded building strategies. (2) Social changes equate to the reinvention of gotong royong from being a state-philosophy to an embedded set of mutual help. (3) Organizational changes, signify biopolitics of disaster management of the Indonesian government, the role of NGOs, and the emergence of peoples’ initiatives in order to become more resilient.</p> <p>This thesis concludes that the possibility of the Phoenix Effect is likely, if the involved communities can maintain their cultural, organizational, and social changes sustainably.</p> </div> </div> </div>

Globalization and Socio-Cultural Change in Qatar

Beyond the Medical Model: The Culture Change Revolution in Long-Term Care

Our knowledge is still insufficient to allow us to assess the overall significance of the mestizo in Philippine history. But on the basis of what we now know we can make some generalizations and some hypotheses for future study. It is clear, in the first place, that the activities I have described are those of Chinese mestizos – not Spanish mestizos. While the Chinese mestizo population in the Philippines exceeded 200,000 by the late nineteenth century, the Spanish mestizo population was probably never more than 35,000. Furthermore, those who commented at all on the Spanish mestizo noted that he was interested in military matters or the “practical arts” – never in commerce. The aptitudes and attitudes of the Chinese mestizo were in sharp contrast to this.Secondly, the Chinese mestizo rose to prominence between 1741 and 1898, primarily as a landholder and a middleman wholesaler of local produce and foreign imports, although there were also mestizos in the professions. The rise of the mestizos implies the existence of social change during the Spanish period, a condition that has been ignored or implicitly denied by many who have written about the Philippines. It needs to be emphasized that the mestizo impact was greatest in Central Luzon, Cebu, and Iloilo. We cannot as yet generalize about other areas.Third, the renewal of Chinese immigration to the Philippines resulted in diversion of mestizo energies away from commerce, so that the mestizos lost their change to become a native middle class, a position then taken over by the Chinese.Fourth, the Chinese mestizos in the Philippines possessed a unique combination of cultural characteristics. Lovers of ostentation, ardent devotees of Spanish Catholicism – they seemed almost more Spanish than the Spanish, more Catholic than the Catholics. Yet with those characteristics they combined a financial acumen that seemed out of place. Rejecters of their Chinese heritage, they were not completely at home with their indio heritage. The nearest approximation to them was the urbanized, heavily-hispanized indio. Only when hispanization had reached a high level in the nineteenth century urban areas could the mestizo find a basis of rapport with the indio. Thus, during the late nineteenth century, because of cultural, economic, and social changes, the mestizos increasingly identified themselves with the indios. in a new kind of “Filipino” cultural and national consensus.Those are my conclusions. Here are some hypotheses, which I hope will stimulate further study:1. That today's Filipino elite is made up mostly of the descendants of indios and mestizos who rose to prominence on the basis of commercial agriculture in the lattetf part of the Spanish period. That in some respects the latter part of the Spanish period was a time of greater social change, in terms of the formation of contemporary Philippine society, than the period since 1898 has been.2. That in the process of social change late in the Spanish period it was the mestizo, as a marginal element, not closely tied to a village or town, who acted as a kind of catalytic agent. In this would be included the penetration of money economy into parts of the Philippines. There were areas where the only persons with money were the provincial governors and the mestizos.3. That the Chinese mestizo was an active agent of hispanization and the leading force in creating a Filipino culture characteristic now of Manila and the larger towns.4. That much of the background explanation of the Philippine Revolution may be found by investigating the relationships between landowning religious orders, mestizo inquilinos, and indio kasamahan laborers.It is my hope that these hypotheses may stimulate investigation into this important topic which can tell us so much about economic, social, and cultural change during- the Spanish period of Philippine history.

Public houses have long served an important social role in the United Kingdom, yet in recent decades the conditions under which they operate have changed dramatically. While research has examined adaptations in the pub sector, there is little analysis of how this relates to social change as experienced in the lives of individuals and communities. Pubs are therefore a useful topic of sociological inquiry. Using focus groups data, this article examines how people experience the changing form and function of pubs reveals insights into perceptions of social change. Findings show that participants were aware of how pub culture has changed over recent decades and that this was linked to perceptions of wider social and cultural changes in society. Talking about pub going was a means to express dynamic feelings of belonging and attachment, particularly where they arise at the intersection of personal life changes and wider social transformations.

Our knowledge is still insufficient to allow us to assess the overall significance of the mestizo in Philippine history. But on the basis of what we now know we can make some generalizations and some hypotheses for future study. It is clear, in the first place, that the activities I have described are those of Chinese mestizos – not Spanish mestizos. While the Chinese mestizo population in the Philippines exceeded 200,000 by the late nineteenth century, the Spanish mestizo population was probably never more than 35,000. Furthermore, those who commented at all on the Spanish mestizo noted that he was interested in military matters or the “practical arts” – never in commerce. The aptitudes and attitudes of the Chinese mestizo were in sharp contrast to this.Secondly, the Chinese mestizo rose to prominence between 1741 and 1898, primarily as a landholder and a middleman wholesaler of local produce and foreign imports, although there were also mestizos in the professions. The rise of the mestizos implies the existence of social change during the Spanish period, a condition that has been ignored or implicitly denied by many who have written about the Philippines. It needs to be emphasized that the mestizo impact was greatest in Central Luzon, Cebu, and Iloilo. We cannot as yet generalize about other areas.Third, the renewal of Chinese immigration to the Philippines resulted in diversion of mestizo energies away from commerce, so that the mestizos lost their change to become a native middle class, a position then taken over by the Chinese.Fourth, the Chinese mestizos in the Philippines possessed a unique combination of cultural characteristics. Lovers of ostentation, ardent devotees of Spanish Catholicism – they seemed almost more Spanish than the Spanish, more Catholic than the Catholics. Yet with those characteristics they combined a financial acumen that seemed out of place. Rejecters of their Chinese heritage, they were not completely at home with their indio heritage. The nearest approximation to them was the urbanized, heavily-hispanized indio. Only when hispanization had reached a high level in the nineteenth century urban areas could the mestizo find a basis of rapport with the indio. Thus, during the late nineteenth century, because of cultural, economic, and social changes, the mestizos increasingly identified themselves with the indios. in a new kind of “Filipino” cultural and national consensus.Those are my conclusions. Here are some hypotheses, which I hope will stimulate further study:1. That today's Filipino elite is made up mostly of the descendants of indios and mestizos who rose to prominence on the basis of commercial agriculture in the lattetf part of the Spanish period. That in some respects the latter part of the Spanish period was a time of greater social change, in terms of the formation of contemporary Philippine society, than the period since 1898 has been.2. That in the process of social change late in the Spanish period it was the mestizo, as a marginal element, not closely tied to a village or town, who acted as a kind of catalytic agent. In this would be included the penetration of money economy into parts of the Philippines. There were areas where the only persons with money were the provincial governors and the mestizos.3. That the Chinese mestizo was an active agent of hispanization and the leading force in creating a Filipino culture characteristic now of Manila and the larger towns.4. That much of the background explanation of the Philippine Revolution may be found by investigating the relationships between landowning religious orders, mestizo inquilinos, and indio kasamahan laborers.It is my hope that these hypotheses may stimulate investigation into this important topic which can tell us so much about economic, social, and cultural change during- the Spanish period of Philippine history.

By continuing to focus on the necessity for replication, psychological science misses an important and all-pervasive psychological phenomenon: the impact of social and cultural change on behavior. Or put otherwise, our discipline misinterprets failure to replicate behavioral results if we do not consider that social and cultural change can produce systematic shifts in behavior. Data on the connection between social change and behavioral change point to a new role for “replication”: not to show that results can be duplicated, but to reveal behavioral effects of sociodemographic and cultural change in the intervening years between original and replicated procedure, whether those be surveys, standardized behavioral procedures, or intelligence tests.

The unique arts-and-crafts tradition of the American Southwest illuminates this economic and social history of colonial New Mexico, casting new light on the development of New Mexico's Hispanic community and its changing relationship with Pueblo Indians. Ross Frank's analysis of Pueblo Indian pottery, Pueblo and Spanish blankets, and Spanish religious images - or santos - links economic change to social and cultural change in this region. Using these cultural artifacts to gauge shifts in power and status, Frank charts the creation of a culturally innovative and dominating Hispanic settler - or vecino - community during the final decades of the eighteenth century. Contrary to previous views of this period as an economic backwater, Frank shows that Spanish New Mexico instead experienced growth that tied the region closely to colonial economic reforms of the Spanish empire. The resulting economic boom dramatically altered the balance of power between the Spanish settlers and the Pueblo Indians, giving the vecinos the incentive and the means to exploit their Pueblo Indian neighbors. Frank shows that the vecinos used different strategies to take control of the Pueblo textile and pottery trade. The Hispanic community began to define its cultural identity through the economic and social subordination of the Pueblo Indians. Connecting economic change to powerful cultural and social changes, Frank provides a new understanding of this 'borderlands' region of northern New Spain in relatoin to the Spanish colonial history of Mexico. At the same time, From Settler to Citizen recovers the previously unexplored history of an important Hispanic community.

Book synopsis: Consumption and Gender in Southern Europe since the Long 1960s offers an in-depth analysis of the relationship between gender and contemporary consumer cultures in post-authoritarian Southern European societies. The book sees a diverse group of international scholars from across the social sciences draw on 14 original case studies to explore the social and cultural changes that have taken place in Spain, Portugal and Greece since the 1960s. This is the first scholarly attempt to look at the countries' similar political and socioeconomic experiences in the shift from authoritarianism to democracy through the intersecting topics of gender and consumer culture. This comparative analysis is a timely contribution to the field, providing much needed reflection on the social origins of the contemporary economic crisis that Spain, Portugal and Greece have simultaneously experienced. Bringing together past and present, the volume elaborates on the interplay between the current crisis and the memory of everyday life activities, with a focus on gender and consumer practices. Consumption and Gender in Southern Europe since the Long 1960s firmly places the Southern European region in a wider European and transatlantic context. Among the key issues that are critically discussed are 'Americanization', the 'cultural revolution of the Long 1960s' and representations of the 'Model Mrs Consumer' in the three societies. This is an important text for anyone interested in the modern history of Southern Europe or the history of gender and consumer culture in modern Europe more generally.

When considering the impact of migrants’ creative practices within superdiverse urban environments and their ability to both represent and engender linguistic, cultural and social change, there is a tendency to rigidly demarcate and separate the crucial roles played by artists, researchers, educators, students and activists. Furthermore, little consideration is usually given to the development of transcultural and multilingual youth’s ability to lead and engender such changes. The focus tends to be on the impact of the final artistic product, rather than on the impact of the complex participatory processes through which many of these artistic products have been developed. Drawing from the transdisciplinary work we conducted for ourYouth in the Cityinitiative (YITC), this chapter challenges these prevailing assumptions. Using theLa Nostra Pratoproject (2019–2020) as an illustrative example, we suggest an alternative model for understanding and engendering social and cultural change: one that focuses on the transdisciplinary and transcultural processes through which young people in superdiverse urban contexts develop leadership skills through creative practices.In loving memory of Salvatore Iaconesi, who taught us the meaning and power of facing the world with a sense of “meraviglia”.

In this brief preamble to my thesis I present a number of arguments that I will develop and ground within current theory in the chapters that follow. At this point it is not my intention to justify my views, but simply to identify the focus of this research.To date, researchers have generally structured their studies of youth cultures around the issues of class, gender race or some other category. This thesis interrogates the validity of such practices. In western societies, the teenager of the new millennium has grown up in a world of rapid communication and exposure to the diversity and difference of many peoples and places that may be accessed at the push of a button. They are increasingly subject to the power of a consumer culture that invites them to buy who they want to be. Optional identities are self-constructing and potentially fleeting. Change is the subtext of the 21st century. In a postcolonial, simultaneously global/local, or ‘glocal’ environment, the boundaries of traditional identity markers (race, gender, class) may be challenged. Coupled with cultural and social changes are economic restructurings that are altering the ways people view ‘work’ and define their life trajectories. In a post-Fordist economic landscape, the drift to contract work, downsizing and constant re-skilling has impacted upon expectations of a lifelong, secure career. The potentially powerful effects of such transformations also imply the limitations of a categorical approach to the study of youth.In Australia, stories of the apparently escalating misbehaviour and violence of young people have been common throughout the 1990s. Couched in discourses of individual deficit and deviant and/or pathological behaviour, the common response from educational authorities has been to institute more stringent measures of control. However, the potential consequences for young people of the social, economic and cultural changes of the last two decades have been largely ignored. Drawing upon contemporary poststructuralist theory, this thesis thus invites reflection upon popular assumptions about contemporary youth and the ways in which we seek to educate them. It is not an empirical study, but rather a multidirectional dialogue among a diverse group of individuals that includes researcher and researched and reader.Complementing the data, are visual and written artistic texts that are intended to supplement the layers of meanings that may be derived from this research. In keeping with this thematic approach, I have chosen the words of Bob Dylan’s Hard Rain to accompany this introduction. Such music frequently supplied the background ‘noise’ to the interviews and group discussions conducted for this project. It echoes the tapestry of ‘meanings’ that my students provide in their spoken and written texts within these pages.This is an open ended ethnographic study of a group of young people in their final years of high school at the end of the 20th century. In conducting this research I have chosen to use a feminist methodological framework. This is consistent with my argument that within contemporary western societies youth are subjected to powerful forced of categorization. Assumptions about the universality of ‘youth experience’ ignore significant economic, racial and cultural influences upon the young. Similarly, the paradigm of ‘youth development’ has been used to justify regimes of monitoring and control of young people. Thus, I argue that as a group, youth have to contend with many social processes of marginalisation that have the potential to deprive them of a ‘voice’. Within the context of schools, the effects are magnified via the traditional power relations of such institutions.In keeping with feminist methodology, this thesis is grounded in a recognition of the multiplicity of truths rather than a belief in one truth. It recognizes the subjective nature of all research and foregrounds the legitimacy of narrative and dialogic meaning making in the field. The voices of the young people who participated in this study are allowed maximum space. All student texts, whether transcribed or scanned into the document, retain their original spelling and grammatical constructions. Hopefully, the experiences and insights of these young people will make a significant contribution towards framing future sociologies of youth living in New Times.

This systematic review investigates the impact of social and cultural changes on physical activity and well-being through an academic lens. A comprehensive analysis was conducted using peer-reviewed articles, books, and reports from databases such as PubMed, Google Scholar, and JSTOR. Keyword combinations, including “social change,” “cultural change,” “physical activity,” and “well-being,” guided the selection process, resulting in the review of 435 papers and 570 papers. Studies were included based on stringent methodological criteria, prioritizing data-driven insights and relevance to the research focus. The review places significant emphasis on understanding the effects of urbanization, globalization, technological advancements, and social isolation, particularly within rural and Indigenous populations. Findings were synthesized to identify thematic patterns and variations across the analyzed literature. Results underscore the necessity of integrating social and cultural contexts into health promotion interventions. The research advocates for culturally sensitive strategies that address barriers and capitalize on unique cultural assets, contributing to a deeper understanding of how societal changes influence physical activity patterns and health outcomes in diverse populations.

Social movements have traditionally been defined as organized efforts to bring about social change (cf. Jenkins, 1983; McAdam and Snow, 1997:xviii–xxv; McCarthy and Zald, 1977:1217–18; Tarrow, 1998:4–6; Wilson, 1973:3–4). Yet, as several scholars have noted (Burstein, Einwohner, and Hollander, 1995; Giugni, 1998, 1999; Huberts, 1989; Lofland, 1993:347–8), whether and how they actually cause social change has received little attention. Social movement research has long focused on questions of emergence and participation. Some attention has been paid to immediate social movements outcomes but scant attention has focused of social movement change. By the latter, we mean the distinctive contribution of social movements to change net of ongoing changes and social processes. Many studies have examined the short-term or immediate outcomes of movements, for example, life course change (Fendrich, 1993; McAdam, 1988), policy enactment (Burstein, 1985; Burstein and Freudenberg, 1978; Costain, 1992), and policy implementation (Button, 1989; Handler, 1978), but few have placed these processes in a multivariate framework and controlled for the relevant societal influences. Most studies of movements have focused inward and have been "movement-centered" (Lofland, 1993:289–91), thus neglecting their possible impact on social change in the broader society. When movement outcomes have been studied, they have typically focused on immediate public policy effects and not the broader institutional and cultural changes central to long-term movement objectives. Understanding social movement change is central to political sociology because the field is defined as the study of social power (see chapter 1). Similarly, social movements are defined as organized efforts to bring about social changes in the distribution of power.

Cultural, social, and economic changes are closely correlated; however, understanding such a relationship requires a theoretical model. The present paper has provided a conceptual model for explaining the relationship between culture and economy. Some economists consider culture resistant to change and some other very flexible, also some consider cultural values as universal and some as specific to societies. The purpose of this article is to outline the relationship between these theories and provide a model for complicated relationship between culture and economic development and understanding cultural stabilization and changes. The main question is why some societies are incapable of expanding universal values. We apply a conceptual discourse analysis. The analyzes are performed in new institutional economics framework. Three issues were discussed: First of all the speed and orientation of cultural changes. Then the process of socialization and cultural transfer. The relation between culture and formal institutions and also the Hobbesian problem is the last issue covered in this paper to build a model of cultural stabilization and change in a developing economy.

Social change is multi-dimensional which is measured against space, time, speed, direction, content and impact. Social change occurs because of culture, conflict, idealistic factors, the need for adaptation, environmental factors, economic and political factors, demographic changes, and social movements and change. The process of social change in contemporary Ethiopia is related to the history of transition of the country from the feudal system to the socialist revolutionary government and then to ethnic-based federal system of government. One of the social actions that contributed for the formation of new social order during the socialist regime in Ethiopia was the mass campaign against illiteracy through adult learning program. Post 1991 Ethiopia has entertained immense and rapid social changes reflected in the citizens socio-economic, political and cultural changes. Social work is supposedly responding to a social change process by unfolding and revisiting its teaching curricula and practice models to fit into the current needs of social change. According to advocates of structural social work, social change and social movements are the cores of social work action to overcome the root causes of injustice and oppression. In Ethiopia, like any other developing countries, social work is a very new profession. In contrast to the existing challenges of lack of professionalization of social work, there are promising efforts exerted in Ethiopia where social work becomes responsible for social change. However, social work in Ethiopia is in its early stage to evaluate its contribution for social change.