Chief President Julius Lippmann and the Port of Stettin in the Weimar Republic

In December 2018, eleven German teachers began their appeal to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, supported by the German teachers’ union GEW (Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft). The reason is the strike ban for civil servants in Germany, which was confirmed by the German Constitutional Court on 12 June 2018 . Roughly one third of all civil servants in Germany are teachers. More than 80 percent of teachers in public schools are employed as civil servants; the remainder are employed on fixed term or permanent working contracts. The teachers appealing the Constitutional Court ruling are working as civil servants in several of the German federal states. They have participated in strike actions organised by GEW, which were aimed at achieving higher wages or a reduction in teaching hours. As a consequence of their participation, they faced disciplinary measures for unauthorised absence, ranging from reprimands (with possible negative impact with regard to promotions) to monetary penalties. The German strike ban for civil servants is not explicitly mentioned in the German constitution, the ‘Grundgesetz’. Instead, the constitution refers to a formulation known as ‘Hergebrachte Grundsätze des Berufsbeamtentums’, which refers to the traditional principles of the civil servant status that date back to the nineteenth century and the Weimar Republic (1918–1933). The interpretation of these principles is basically case law. The principles encompass a duty of allegiance on the part of the civil servant, meaning obedience to the law and loyalty to the employer. The employer in return is said to have a fiduciary duty to remunerate his civil servants in a decent way according to the dignity of the respective position. Succinctly put, this conception means that civil servants are allowed to neither strike nor do they have the necessity to strike. GEW as a union has repudiated this total strike ban for decades, in line with the other unions organised in the national umbrella organisation, Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB). In this, the unions do not stand alone. The International Labour Organisation and other international organisations constantly criticise the German legal framework withholding civil servant’s collective rights and have repeatedly requested the German Government to revise this violation of basic human and workers’ rights. Now and then, GEW members have nevertheless taken part in strike actions, tacitly or proudly accepting the collateral disciplinary measures, since the jurisprudence of German courts seemed to be totally static. This changed after the rulings of the European Court of Human Rights in the cases of Demir1 and Baycara2 and Yapi-Yol Sen3. The Court asserted that restrictions on the rights of collective bargaining and to strike should be exercised as narrowly as possible. Remaining restrictions must be justified by the function the respective person is fulfilling, being limited to sovereign responsibilities of public administration. The legal employment status is not a sufficient justification to deny basic human rights. GEW saw this as recognition of its own legal arguments. Therefore from 2009 onwards, the union has supported numerous lawsuits of members who were disciplined after taking part in GEW strike actions. Several levels of jurisdiction found diverging answers to the question of how to reconcile the conflicting outcomes of traditional German civil servant law on the one hand, and international labour law and human rights on the other. As these cases reached the German Constitutional Court in 2018, the total strike ban for civil servants was affirmed all along the line, referring to the above mentioned principles of German civil servant law being an indivisible set of rights and obligations. The judges refuted any contradiction between the rulings of the European Court of Human Rights and German jurisprudence. Since European human rights law had been at the centre of its cause of action in these cases, GEW motivated the eleven teachers to bring their cases to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. They will be advocated by the union-based lawyers, Gewerkschaftliches Zentrum für Revision und Europäisches Recht der DGB Rechtsschutz GmbH. Notes 1 2 BvR 1738/12, 2 BvR 1395/13, 2 BvR 1068/14, 2 BvR 646/15 2 Demir and Baykara v Turkey [2008] ECHR 1345 3 Enerji Yapi-Yol Sen v Turkey [2009] ECHR 2251 20...

Based on a case study on Germany in the first half of the twentieth century, this chapter addresses the administrative dimension of liberal-democratic backsliding by examining the role the state bureaucracy played in the process of system transformation from the Weimar Republic to the Nazi regime. It shows how the state bureaucracy in Germany was approached and transformed by illiberal politicians in the late Weimar Republic and under Hitler. Despite the existence of a professional Weberian bureaucracy with strong regulative barriers against politicization in the Weimar Republic, the civil service did not function as a safeguard of the democratic system. Instead, many civil servants welcomed the roll-back of democratic principles, which facilitated the radical transformation and politicization of the bureaucracy in a short time. This case study underlines the significance of institutionalizing democratic values in the civil service in processes of democratization in order to strengthen its resilience to attempts of eroding liberal democratic institutions.

This article situates civil servants’ responses to regime change in 1933 in their longer-term context. Focusing particularly on the process of ‘self-coordination’ – a term used by historians to describe and explain ministerial bureaucrats’ voluntary adaptation to changed political circumstances by implementing the Third Reich's policy agenda – it argues that this process was far from unique, being in fact the typical response to regime change throughout the twentieth century. By examining how civil servants facilitated regime change in 1918/19 and 1933 specifically, it also argues that the central pillar of the ‘self-coordination’ thesis – that it was informed by civil servants’ political or ideological beliefs – needs to be revisited. Indeed, the fact that many began their careers in Imperial Germany and served under both the Weimar Republic and National Socialism suggests that it was not only ideology that informed their actions. So, in conclusion, the essay looks at how bureaucratic organisations like government ministries function and, more importantly, how individuals function within them, presenting a different angle, based on organisational theory, from which to assess civil servants’ propensity to ‘self-coordinate’.

Osmanlı Devletinin son dönemine damgasını vuran İttihat ve Terakki’nin ortaya çıkmasında, Batılılaşma hareketleri ile Fransız İhtilali’nin ortaya çıkardığı milliyetçilik akımlarının önemli etkileri olmuştur. Siyasal düşüncelerinin şekillenmesinde, Avrupa’da ortaya çıkan meşrutiyet yönetimlerinin, ekonomik sistem düşüncelerinin şekillenmesinde de Osmanlı Devleti’nin Batı karşısındaki ekonomik gerilemesinin etkileri görülmektedir. Bu reel duruma bir tepki olarak Milli İktisat daha doğru bir ifade ile korumacı iktisat politikalarına yönelmişlerdir. Batı ile ilgili düşüncelerinin oluşmasında, Harbiye, Tıbbiye ve Mülkiye mekteplerinde görev yapan yabancı hocaların önemli etkilerinin olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Ancak referans kabul ettikleri batılı düşünce ve değerler sistemi konusunda derinlikli bir bilgiye sahip olamadıkları gibi bu değerler ile geleneksel değerler arasındaki çatışmadan kurtulamamışlardır. Bu nedenle bütün idealist kaygılarına rağmen önerdikleri fikirler eklektik ve pragmatik olmaktan öteye gidememiştir. Bu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki döneminde ülkenin ekonomik açıdan kalkınması ile ilgili olarak ileri sürülen iktisat politikaları incelenmiş siyasal, sosyal ve felsefi konulara ekonomi politikalarını etkilediği ölçüde değinilmiştir. İttihat ve Terakki’nin ekonomi politikalarına ilişkin düşüncelerinin iktidara gelene kadar olgunlaştığını söylemek zordur. İttihat ve Terakki içinde ekonomik sistem tercihleri açısından liberal iktisat ve milli iktisat taraftarları olmakla beraber uygulamada milli iktisat politikaları daha etkili olmuştur. Sosyalist iktisada yönelik düşünceler toplumun sosyo-ekonomik yapısı itibariyle gelişeceği uygun bir zemin bulamamıştır. İttihat ve Terakki dönemi boyunca ekonomi yönetimi açısından tek bir uygulamadan ziyade günün şartlarına uygun farklı politikalar ve uygulamalar geliştirilmiştir. Özetle ekonomik sistem ve politika tercihlerinde derinlikli bir bakış açısından ziyade, konjonktüre uygun olarak pragmatik ve eklektik bir yol tercih edilmiştir.

Judicial Review of Economic Policies: Implications on Policy Formulation and Implementation

On April 7,1933, ten weeks after Hitler’s accession to power as Chancellor, a law was promulgated with the innocuous sounding title “Law for the Restitution of the Permanent Civil Service.”* One might at first assume that it was designed to lay the legal foundation for the dismissal of civil servants who, during the Weimar Republic, had belonged to a party of the left and been given administrative duties not on the basis of their training but for party-political reasons (such dismissals had already been practised by the von Papen government). But, in fact, the first sentence of § 3 showed the law’s true intent and spelt disaster for German Jews: “Civil servants who are not of aryan descent are to be retired... .” A more detailed definition followed in the First Order of Implementation of April 11,1933: “That person is considered not aryan who descends from nonaryan, especially Jewish parents or grandparents... .” As if this was not clear enough, further explanation was added: “It suffices if one parent or one grandparent is non-aryan... .” Thus all professors and directors of institutes [they were legally civil servants] who came under this law lost their right to teach and soon after also to publish. In April and May 1933 the validity of this law was extended to university lecturers who were not civil servants, as well as to employees and workers in public services. “The files say little about the suffering of the affected who without any preparation suddenly had the experience that the State, up to now respected and understood, arbitrarily destroyed a secure existence as civil servant or a promising academic career.” [Mussgnug/Wolgast:7].KeywordsCivil ServantForeign CurrencyBook TradeTitle PageGerman JournalThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

The beginning of modern Jewish history in central Europe is associated with the Haskalah, or Jewish enlightenment (cited under Beginning of Periods: Haskalah and Emancipation, 1780–1871). During the middle decades of the 19th century, Jews in the German states achieved a remarkably high social mobility, moving as a group in little more than one generation from the margins of rural societies into the urban bourgeoisie. Emancipation (cited under Beginning of Periods: Haskalah and Emancipation, 1780–1871), even though it was first developed and debated in late-18th-century Berlin, proceeded only fitfully and differed between German states. All Jews were only fully emancipated when the German nation-state was founded in 1871. In Imperial Germany (see New Period: Imperial Germany, First World War, and Weimar Republic, 1871–1933), Jews were important innovators as entrepreneurs in banking, journalism, new academic fields such as chemistry or theoretical physics, and sociology. Rabbinical seminaries in Breslau and Berlin established Imperial Germany as a renowned center of academic Jewish studies. Jewish women were at the forefront of the women’s movement in and beyond Germany. Jews faced anti-Semitic discrimination and were excluded from certain positions in the civil service, the judicial system, the traditional academic system, and the Prussian officer corps. Before it was overtaken by the United States during the 1890s, Imperial Germany was home to the largest Jewish community outside of eastern Europe. By 1910 the 615000 Jews in Imperial Germany represented slightly less than 1 percent of the general population; almost 70 percent lived in cities. The First World War and the postwar political and economic crisis shattered the relative security Jews had enjoyed. In the war’s aftermath, anti-Semitic violence became more common. The democratic Weimar Republic provided more opportunities to Jews, especially in the civil service, the legal system, and the political sphere. Jewish scientists, writers, journalists, and artists were acclaimed representatives of Germany’s academic and cultural avant-garde. Eleven German Jews won Nobel Prizes before 1933, none after that date. The 1923 hyperinflation and the Great Depression of the early 1930s hit bourgeois Jewish families hard. After 1918 a growing number of younger Jews questioned the values of their parent’s generation and explored new forms of sociability. Some joined Zionist organizations. After coming to power in January 1933, the Nazi Regime systematically isolated Jews, drove them out of cultural and economic life as well as the civil service, stripped them of civil rights, and “aryanized” Jewish-owned businesses and property (see Aryanization). State-sponsored violence reached new levels of destruction during the occupation of Vienna in March 1938 and the notorious “Reichskristallnacht” pogrom on 9–10 November 1938. Between January 1933 and September 1939 about 304000 Jews emigrated from Germany. Of the estimated 192000 Jews living in Austria in 1938, about 117000 left between 1938 and 1940. The Nazi regime deported between 160000 and 180000 German Jews to ghettos, extermination camps, and other killing sites between 1939 and 1945. Few survived; few returned to their homeland. After liberation, Jewish survivors and refugees, mostly from eastern Europe, found protection in camps for Displaced Persons (DP), especially in the American-occupied zones in South Germany and Austria. Jewish life reemerged outside the DP camps, albeit on a modest scale. After most Jewish DPs had left for Palestine/Israel and the United States by the mid-1950s, the Jewish population in West Germany decreased to 30000. Many fewer Jews lived in East Germany. After German reunification in 1990, Jews from the Soviet Union and its successor states boosted the membership of Jewish communities to slightly over 100000 (as of 2010).

The starting point of this article is the observation that economic theory, policy and reality seem to coexist, to a large extent, as separate entities. Informed by the psychoanalytic understanding of symbolic thinking and of learning from experience, my aim here is to explore the nature of this separation, as well as the tensions that this isolation can create. I submit that the main cause of separation and tension between economic thought, policy action and reality is the presence of uncertainty and the responses it invites from academics, civil servants and politicians. Furthermore, I argue that the main difficulty in academia relates to developing and sharing knowledge in the context of the unknown, when it feels as if omniscience is part of the job description. The turning of a blind eye to uncertainty in the making of economic policy indicates that the primary difficulty here lies in civil servants and politicians feeling and acting as if omnipotence was in the job description. Finally, I conclude that uncertainty and the way one deals with it appears to be the underlying cause for these gaps and tensions, as well as a powerful driving engine for personal change.

Building on theoretically oriented and empirically grounded research on two key macroeconomic institutions in Italy, this article explains how and why civil servants can engineer major policy changes, making a difference in a country's trajectory. Italy provides a challenging testing ground for this kind of analysis, as it is generally portrayed as a highly politicized system in which political parties and politicians fully control public policies. Three general lessons can be learned, the first being that the role of civil servants in changing modes of economic governance depends on the resources that they master in the system in which they operate. “Intangible assets” are of primary importance in complex and perceived technical policies, such as monetary and exchange rate policy, which have high potential for “technocratic capture.” Second, in these policies, certain intangible assets, such as specific bodies of economic knowledge or policy paradigms, have a considerable impact on policy making. Third, besides interactions in international fora, the professional training of civil servants is a mainstream way through which economic policy beliefs circulate and gain currency, laying the foundations for policy shifts. By highlighting the importance of the intangible assets of macroeconomic institutions, this research makes an unorthodox contribution to the primarily economic literature on central bank independence.

Human resource management in public administration considers the civil service broadly to include all those employed in mostly noncommercial entities funded by the state. These entities may range from government bureaus and departments to agencies and authorities with varying degrees of uniformity, at both the central and local levels, and include those in such nonprofit services as health and education that are completely or mostly publicly funded. The terms civil servants, government employees, and public servants are used interchangeably. Human resource management may include such functions as planning, recruitment and selection, performance management, training, compensation, and labor relations. Key challenges of managing human resource functions include motivating and compensating public employees to reward passion for public service, managing the political roles of civil servants and their political responsiveness, selecting for salient identities to achieve representation and diversity, and reforming the civil service. These challenges impact individual and organizational performance. Motivation and compensation focus on what binds individuals to organizations and energizes those individuals. One approach, inspired by rational choice, identifies self-interest and extrinsic incentives, including performance-based pay, monitoring and surveillance to manage employees. A second approach, inspired by self-determination theory, focuses on altruism and prosocial values, and prioritizes intrinsic incentives, job design, and careful selection to nurture a passion for public service. A key challenge is to identify and nurture those with public service motivation, and reward competence and passion for public service. Selecting and nurturing those with a passion for public service includes taking care that compensation policies and practices do not crowd out public service motivation. An additional challenge focuses on the political roles civil servants play in government and the extent to which civil servants are politically responsive. Selecting civil servants based on merit, with separate career structures for politicians and civil servants, is generally associated with more effective governance and economic growth, with some important exceptions. The tasks, role perceptions, and behavior of the senior civil service are dependent on historical tradition and political culture, and on structural characteristics, such as the presence or absence of political advisors, and the support civil servants receive or need beyond government from clients and interest groups. The role of senior civil servants also depends on their specialization and the capacity of political appointees. Systems that encourage more explicit political roles for senior civil servants do not appear to sacrifice public interest. Preparing senior civil servants for these roles is a critical human management resource challenge. Authorities also use human resource tools to increase political responsiveness, including training, discipline, and changes to civil servants’ security of tenure. As identities such as race and gender become politically salient, representation becomes another key challenge for human resource management in public administration. Passive representation has had wide currency in both Western-style democracies and in the developing world. Passive representation has symbolic effects and may increase citizen trust in the bureaucracy, making bureaucratic action more legitimate in the eyes of minority communities. Moreover, minority civil servants may affect outcomes directly—for example, by influencing the implementation of a policy—or indirectly—for example, by influencing minority clients to change their behavior, or influencing nonminority bureaucratic colleagues to change their behavior or influencing organizational policy. Active representation may thus affect overall public service performance. Representation is mediated by a number of variables including discretion, salience of identity, agency mission, socialization, professionalism, and administrative level among others. Human resource managers also need to manage diversity training, which can improve outcomes. The final challenge, civil service reform, cuts across public human resource functions and themes. Civil service reform is a fraught domain, littered with experiments and not amenable to evaluation, which is a long-term enterprise. Still, some radical reforms have fundamentally altered the terms of the public service bargains between politicians and civil servants. Introducing “radical” reform, such as at-will employment, undermines commitment and fails to produce the expected performance payoffs.

Jacques Rueff was a leading twentieth-century French classical liberal. Actively involved in academic life, a prominent monetary theorist, and one of the first international critics of John Maynard Keynes, Rueff played a central role in French public life and economic policy as a civil servant before World War II. A prolific author, most notably of his influential L’Ordre social (1945), Rueff was a major contributor to postwar conservative liberalism, the architect of Charles de Gaulle's economic stablization program of 1958, and the world’s foremost defender of the classic gold standard.

Political extremism is one of the characteristics of Weimar Germany.Its differences, escalating in murder and open street violence, have been considered to be one fundamental reason for the decline of the contested democracy.In retrospect its failure seemed almost inevitable.It is a challenging task for historians to analyse history as an open process and not to interpret it deterministically, blinded by the light of the already known outcome.This is what Dirk Schumann took as a principle when he started his investigation of political violence in the Weimar Republic.Published in German in 2001, his study has recently been translated into English and released in a revised and slightly shortened version.It continues to be an important contribution for better understanding this issue.Political radicalism and violence have been explained as arising both out of the Bolshevik revolution (with fascism as its countermovement) and out of a common 'brutalization' deriving from front-line experiences of war.However, such civilwar-like conditions did not last longer than two years following the war.According to Schumann, political violence must rather be seen as a 'by-product of a fight for public space'.He does not put into question the consensus on its destructive impact but insists that it should be conceived mainly as 'a symbolic show of force' that could have been bridled if a government would have been strictly determined to do so.For this reason, Schumann suggests a view of the Weimar state as one certainly 'with alternatives to the Nazi takeover' (viii).In order to achieve deeper empirical insight, Schumann's examination concentrates on a 'mid-size level', the Prussian province of Saxony, a highly industrialized but in some areas still agricultural province (it equates today, with the exception of some smaller districts, to the federal state of Saxony-Anhalt).Paramilitary forces of the right like the 'Stahlhelm', the largest of the Combat Leagues, and the 'Wehrwolf' as well as the social democratic and bourgeois-republican 'Reichsbanner' and the communist 'Rote Frontka¨mpferbund' were founded in this part of Germany (in the cities of Magdeburg and Halle).The only attempted revolutionary uprising of the KPD, the 'March action' of 1921, also took place in this region.Schumann primarily draws on provincial government and administration files, but also on the internal communication of the KPD and the regional daily press.The book contains a helpful index of subjects as well as an index of peoples and places.The period of fierce political violence at the beginning of the Weimar Republic accentuated by the assassinations of republican representatives like Erzberger and Rathenau can be considered as a 'circumscribed civil war' (1).However, this was

This chapter discusses the varying approaches of the different political factions in Iran to economic issues and the impact of the rivalries for power, between the factions, on economic developments since the Islamic revolution. In the early years after the Islamic revolution the position on economic policies that became dominant in the IRI was that of the Radical Left faction which promoted state intervention, high taxation, and the limitation of property rights. This was followed by comprehensive economic restructuring policies in all sectors of the economy: industry, services, and agriculture. The end of the Iran-Iraq War in 1989 provided the framework for economic reform in Iran. After the failed economic reform program during Rafsanjanis Presidency, many Iranians laid their hope in Mohammad Khatami, who was elected President in 1997. The Iranian economy requires major structural reforms, including the privatization of the religious foundations.Keywords: economic policies; economic restructuring policies; factional rivalries; Iran-Iraq War; IRI; Islamic revolution; Mohammad Khatami; Rafsanjani

Hyperinflation, depression, and the rise of Adolf Hitler

This contribution discusses the politicization of the civil service system in Kosovo as a framework through which politicians exert influence in the system. The article employs the concept of formal-political discretion, as a means of explaining and elucidating the extent to which both the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and current legislation regulating civil service preconditions/pre-favours the politicization of the senior civil service in Kosovo. It first discusses the concept of politicization based upon current scholarship and gives hints on the way in which these concepts fit with both UNMIK and Kosovo’s current situation. Next, the article discusses and compares the previous civil service system built by UNMIK with the current one – built in post-independence Kosovo based upon the formal-political discretion model. The article further argues that the former system of civil service – in contrast to the current system – provided less formal-political discretion to political elites with which to politicize the senior civil service. The article concludes by suggesting that the current post-independence legislation regulating the civil service grants the executive institutions a significant level of formal-political discretion in the appointment, dismissal and promotion of civil servants.Points for practitionersThe articles offers a thorough, both theoretical and practical, policy explanation of the model and structure of Kosovo's civil service, hinting on the previous and current legislative gaps that allow for partisan influence and control. The article also portrays the routes via which the politicization of the civil service in Kosovo is being developed, giving insights on how civil servants perceive such a process. Comparing the previous civil service system with the current one, the article informs practitioners on the directions that the new reform on Kosovo's civil service should take. Finally, the article provides in-depth policy information on the means to redesign the key protection mechanisms of Kosovo's senior civil service management.