Chengyu 乘輿, Yuditu 輿地圖, and the “World-as-Country” View from the Warring States Period Through the Qin and Han Dynasties

The so-called nominalizer zhi, the function of which is still debatable, refers to a particle placed between subject and predicate forming a subordinate or embedded clause in the Pre-Qin period. It was known to be used frequently in the Pre-Qin period, but disappeared later in the stream of history. In this research, we investigated zhi from perspectives as follows: the distinction between the nominalizer zhi and other particles zhi, the grammatical function of zhi, the conditions on zhi's deletion, and the process and mechanisms of zhi's decline. The main conclusion is that the frequency of zhi decreased remarkably in the late Warring States period, and fell violently in the Western Han Dynasty. Through investigation on narrative documents of Old Chinese, we believe that the zhi in embedded clause could have been withdrawn from the colloquial language in the Western Han Dynasty. Another observation in this paper is that two motivations originally existed in the Pre-Qin period which may be responsible for zhi's decline: the first is that zhi is arbitrary under certain conditions; the second is that zhi is functionally deficient. The former says that the conditions for zhi's deletion, which were complex in the Pre-Qin period, were difficult for the people in the Western Han Dynasty to grasp when the construction of the language was in a state of fluctuation, subsequently, the rule was re-analyzed, and zhi was more easily to be deleted; the latter says that zhi's functional ambiguity, the functions of which correspond to functions of several conjunctions, together with its inability of nominalizing a clause without the appearance of a subject, make a good reason for zhi to give way to other conjunctions.

This paper analyzed five dragonfly eye beads excavated from M176 of the Hejia Cemetery in the Late Warring States period (around 3rd c. BC) by using a super depth of field 3D microscope system (OM), scanning electron microscope-energy dispersive spectrum (SEM–EDS) and Raman spectroscopy. The analytical results confirmed that all the beads were glazed pottery and the glaze material belongs to the lead-barium-silicate (PbO-BaO-SiO2) system. The color component of the glaze is Chinese Blue (BaCuSi4O10). Three beads, M176-2, M176-3, and M176-4, were formed with an inner core support and were made in the same batch. Additionally, two weathering products, CuPb4(SO4)2(OH)6 and PbCO3, were detected on the glaze layer surface. The results of scientific and technological analysis show that these beads have differences in the composition of the body and glaze, and the color composition in the glaze layer is relatively rare in previous studies. The discovery of lead-barium glazed pottery beads from the Late Warring States period in northern China provides new evidence for further exploration into the origins and evolution of early glazed pottery. The identification of weathering products formed on the beads’ surface within an alkaline burial environment holds valuable implications for the study of weathering and deterioration in silicate artifacts.

Subsistence economy in the eastern Ordos Plateau, China during the late Warring States Period (c. 221 BCE) by stable isotope analysis

Combing the “Historical Records”, “Local Records” and “Travel Notes” in the pre-Qin period in ancient China, and combining with the previous research results, the concept of ethnic geography in the pre-Qin period mainly expresses the orientation correspondence between the ethnic groups in the Central Plains and the surrounding ethnic groups, and views the surrounding ethnic groups with the Central Plains and China as the main body, and compares the “other culture” with the “standard culture”. The most representative view of ethnic geography in pre-Qin period is the Five-Party Pattern Theory in Book of Rites and Imperial System. This paper emphasizes that under the restriction of geographical environment, ethnic geography has changed in living, clothing, food, utensils, etc. These changes have changed the character and culture of the nation (ethnic group). Inspired by the Five-Party Pattern Theory in The Book of Rites, Imperial System, the modern and contemporary national geographical view is to understand the national culture from the cultural holders themselves, and it is an explanation of the integrity, humanity and differentiation of the geographical environment. Reflect the national geographical view, that is, the information carrier, through the aspects of food, clothing, housing and transportation. According to the cognitive level, there are three forms of ethnic geography: religious ethnic geography, theoretical ethnic geography and empirical ethnic geography. From the perspective of geography, ethnic geography also has temporal and regional characteristics.

Iron production in the Central Plains area of China has been largely based on cast iron smelting since ca. fifth century BC, with different techniques developed in the following Warring States period and Han dynasty to convert this material into malleable soft iron. Whilst there is a broad consensus about the evolution of technological traditions in the Early Iron Age, the methodologies employed for differentiating artefacts derived from different iron smelting and decarburisation methods have been variable and not sufficiently conclusive. Taking advantage of renewed analytical approaches and archaeological evidence recovered in recent years, this paper summarises our current understanding of the decarburisation techniques employed in Early Iron Age China and sheds new light on this subject through the analysis of archaeological artefacts from two civilian cemeteries in the eastern part of the Guanzhong Plain (Shaanxi), dated to the third century BC. The analytical results indicate that both solid-state and liquid-state decarburisation were employed for soft iron production in this area during the Late Warring States period. The methodology employed in this paper, based on slag inclusion analysis, also provides a more systematic approach to differentiating soft iron production techniques in future archaeometallurgical research in China.

This article explores how and why standardization practices emerged and evolved in a particular domain of state administration in China in the late Warring States period, namely, the inscription of manufacturers’ labels on bronze weapons produced in state-run workshops. By analyzing bronze weapons produced in the state of Hán in the third century BCE, the study highlights the evolution of standards via gradual refinement rather than abrupt innovation, the interplay of central and regional governments and workshops in the reformulation of standards, and trailblazing micro-management in the major production center in the Hán capital of Zheng. The standardization efforts in Hán help us better understand the developments in administration at the very end of the Warring States period and provide a new context for the famous standardizations introduced after the Qin unification of China in 221 BCE.

In the late 20 century, archaeologists discovered some burial sites of the barbarian elite in the Ordos Plateau dated to 3rd century BC (late Warring States period). Among them Aluchaideng, Sigoupan M2 and Nalingaotu tombs contained burial goods made of precious metals in the style of Pazyryk and Sagly cultures in Altai-Sayan mountain region. There were finials with figures of an upstanding eagle and a hoofed eagle-headed deer-horned phantastic animal with bird heads at the tips of its horns (“hoofed griffin”), a torc with lying animals facing each other. Other items with ‘hoofed griffin’ images and images of a griffin with deer horns and feline body were collected here. There were also ornaments with images of a ram with the twisted body wrapped around its head, ‘swirling’ griffinheads, rooster heads, waterfowls, full-face ‘smiling’ cat heads, flame-shaped figures with ‘commas’ inside. All of the above mentioned artifacts and images have exclusive analogies in Pazyryk culture. As far back as in 1999, the author suggested that the elite of Ordos nomads of 3rd century BC constituted common religious and, possibly, ethnic unity with the Pazyryk people. New discoveries of Pazyryk culture kurgans in the south of Mongolian Altai support a idea that the Ordos part of the Pazyryk people might have connected with Mountain Altai directly via Alashan and Transaltai Gobi stony deserts bypassing foreign peoples of Mongolian Plateau and the Hexi Corridor. According to Shiji, people (or its elite) occupying the Ordos Plateau since 4th–3rd up to late 2nd centuries BC were known by the name “Loufan”, and in early 3rd century BC the Loufan people were controlled by the state of Zhao. As the written sources and archaeological evidence suggest, in the 3rd century BC, the north-east part of the Ordos Plateau (where the burials in question are located) was the area claimed by Zhao and Qin states; therefore, the barbarian tribes of the north-east of the Ordos Plateau should have been closely intertwined with these states. These relations are proven by Pazyryk-Ordos style artifacts manufactured in Qin and Zhao and found in barbarian tombs, as well as similar objects discovered in the Qin, Zhao and Yan territories. In Sigoupan M2 tomb were found such items bearing Chinese inscriptions of Zhao and Qin states. A large number of similar inscribed artifacts manufactured in Zhao found in Xinzhuantou M30 noble tomb in the Lower Capital of Yan state. It supports the theory that the Ordos barbarians were called Loufan, since as per written sources, Loufan people were included in both Zhao’s and Yan’s administrative systems. Some items identical to the M30 artifacts were found in tombs of Zhao dynasty members in Handan. In tomb of bronze caster of late Warring States period in Xi’an were found ceramic models made for casting bronze or gold decorative plaques in Pazyryk-Ordos style. However, some pictures in this style were represented on artifacts found in the tomb of Qin State Queen Dowager Xia (died in 240 BC). Artifacts with images of “hoofed griffin” are found among Qin state artifacts in Shuihude M47 and Shangwangqun M1 tombs dated to late Warring States period. Moreover, in Xi’an were also found two roof tile-ends with images of a sacred Pazyryk ‘hoofed griffin’ with twisted body. These tiles obviously belonged to luxurious mansion of Warring States period. These artifacts suggest that the Ordos Loufans did not only maintained cultural communication with the Qin state, but also became part of its people.

윤가촌유형은 적석목관묘나 합구식 옹관묘, 윤가촌식 동검, 윤가촌식 토기, 장각식 두형토기 등의 유구·유물 복합체가 특징적인 시공간성을 나타내고 있어 요동 남부지역 또는 요동반도의 세형동검문화를 대표하는 지역 유형으로 설정된다. 윤가촌유형은 전국 후기(요동 2기)를 전후하여 대련지역과 그 주변의 해안 도서지역에서 크게 유행한다. 요동 1기 무렵 요동 남부지역의 토착 토기문화 기반위에 요서지역의 물질문화 요소들을 선택적으로 수용하여 성립하였으며, 요동 3기에는 서북한지역으로 파급되어 한반도의 초기철기문화에 일정한 영향을 주었다고 할 수 있다. 전국연의 요동군과 인접하여 있음에도 불구하고 관련 유적들이 거의 확인되지 않고 세형동검문화가 유행하는 것을 고려할 때, 윤가촌유형은 전국연의 직접적인 군현 지배를 받았다기보다 요동군의 거점을 통하여 간접적인 지배를 받았다고 보는 것이 타당하다. 전국 후기 단계의 윤가촌유형은 연과 고조선의 사이에서 어느 한쪽으로 완전 귀속되지 않는 지역집단으로 남아있었다고 본다.Yinjiachun Culture Pattern is characterized by assemblages including wooden coffin tombs filled with stones, cymbal-style jar coffin tombs, Yinjiachun-type bronze daggers, Yinjiachun-type pottery and mounted dishes (called Dou). Its temporo-spatial specificity reflects the local cultural pattern represented by slender bronze dagger culture in the southern Liaodong or the Liaodong Peninsula. Yinjiachun Culture Pattern was widespread in the late Warring States Period (Liaodong Phase 2) in Dalian and the nearby coastal area. It was formed during the Liaodong Phase 1 from selectively integrating some elements of the material culture in the Liaoxi area into the local pottery culture in southern Liaodong. In the Liaodong Phase 3, it spread to the northwestern Korean peninsula and affected the Early Iron Age culture in the Korean peninsula. Though geographically close to Liaodong-Gun(遼東郡) of Yan, the slender bronze dagger culture was dominant and few Yan cultural elements are found. This indicates that the Yinjiachun Culture Pattern was indirectly influenced by Yan through the Liaodong-gun area where the garrison of Yan army was stationed, instead of being directly ruled by the Yan. In the late Warring States Period, Slender Bronze Daggers Culture remained independent, fully belonging neither to Yan nor Gojoseon.

Central-south Inner Mongolia, China, is highly sensitive to the cultural interactions between sedentary agriculturalists and nomadic pastoralists during the Eastern Zhou Period (770–256 BC). The previous pattern of multiple cultures and diverse ethnic groups has been transformed to the increasingly dominated cultural system of Central Plain since the middle and late Warring States Period, when the states of Zhao and Qin have conquered the most parts of central-south Inner Mongolia. However, the variation of subsistence strategies during this historical process has never been evaluated. Particularly, as the typical representative of Central Plain cultures, the effect of intensive millet agriculture is still unknown in the process of population integration and culture interaction. Thus, to explore the shift of subsistence pattern, carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis of bone collagen from Dabaoshan site (410–180 BC) have been performed. The isotopic result indicates a large amount of C4-based animal protein consumed by Dabaoshan humans. According to the archaeological backgrounds, we propose the Dabaoshan persons intensively relied on the millet agriculture and developed the agro-pastoral economy, which hinted the comprehensive influences from Central plain civilizations in late Warring States Period. Further compared with other published isotopic data in the same region during different periods, we suggest the millet agriculture has played the positive role in the process of population integration and culture fusion in central-south Inner Mongolia during the Eastern Zhou Period.

Sima Qian 司馬遷 described the expansion of Yan"s 燕 territory in the late Warring States period in the “Xiongnu liezhuan” 匈奴列傳 and the “Chaoxian liezhuan” 朝鮮列傳, dividing its targets into Donghu 東胡 and Joseon* 朝鮮. His arrangement is untenable however, since historical records dealing with the expansion of Yan"s territory were not conveyed at the time of writing the Shiji 史記. Even anecdotes about major events and historical information of the Warring States period failed to deliver the specific information. This study analyses the way of describing the establishment of Peripheral Commandery 邊郡 of Qin 秦, Zhao 趙, and Yan 燕 during the Warring States period in the “Xiongnuliezhuan,” and explains why the enlargement of Yan"s territory was divided into the “Xiongnu liezhuan” and the “Chaoxian liezhuan,” respectively. At the time of composing the Shiji there were few historical texts remained, because the First Emperor of the Qin 秦 Dynasty destroyed most historical records regarding other feudal states. Sima Qian 司馬遷 describes Donghu 東胡 as the only enemy against Yan’s expansion. But there must have been many other different groups forgotten by the Han period in the region. The reason Sima Qian mentions Donghu as the sole object of Yan’s conquest is that the anecdote about King Wuring of Zhao 趙武靈王 depicted Donghu and Yan as threats in the vicinity of Zhao 趙. Another important reason is the fact that Donghu is depicted as a thriving power in the northern area of Five Commanderies during the Qin-Han transition period. The later recognition of Donghu as one of the strongest counterparts of China Proper caused Sima Qian to narrate its history anachronistically. It is almost impossible to find the exact location of Donghu during the Warring States period. Many scholars’ search for the archaeological remains of the group seems to be useless as well.

The historical literatures about “Shanghai Museum Bamboo Manuscripts” were diverse and highly valuable. The manuscripts were the productions of mid and late Warring States Period. Although they were secondary sources, as compared with other historical records, there were less subjective additions and deletions or slips of the pen from later scholars, and their academic value was undoubtedly higher. While conducting historical research, the closer the era of historical events, it is always also the more possible to preserve its true face. Although these bamboo manuscripts were the works of the Warring States Period, they were mutual referred and proved by later literatures, their lacks were also supplemented. All of these activities demonstrated the academic value of these bamboo manuscripts, and their historical literatures were worth for further study. In these bamboo manuscripts, the contents related to King Zhuang, Ling and Ping of the Chu were “zhuang wang ji cheng”, “jeng tz jia sang”, “shen gong chen ling wang”, “ping wang wen zheng shou”, and “ping wang yu wang zi mu”. These five brief writings were included in the sixth and seventh volume of “Shanghai Museum Bamboo Manuscripts”. They were novel and complete, and many incomprehensible characters or explanatory notes required to be explored. These brief writings would be important historical reference and proof materials, however, historians could get useful information from them only after the characters or explanatory notes could be unraveled and the manuscripts become readable to them. Therefore, the thesis focuses on the textual explication and explanatory notes of the bamboo manuscripts, and involves in historical proofs. Some difficult characters that involve lots of reference materials are systematically discussed in individual sections. The above-mentioned brief writings were the first-hand materials of Chu written by Chu men. Among them, only the corresponding words of “ping wang yu wang zi mu” were found in “Bianwu, Shuouan” and “Fuyang Bamboo Slips”, the rest chapters of these writings were lost after Han Period. The author takes these five writings as object of study, tries to determine the writing, to researches historical facts, and expects to make the writings plain and to manifest their values.

In 2006, the Majiayuan Cemetery of the Warring States period (475 BCE to 221 BCE) was discovered in Zhangjiachuan county of Gansu province, northwest China. The thousands of exquisite gold/silver artifacts, bronze wares, potteries, and beads unearthed, and have attracted great interest when investigating the dynamics of exchange, mobility, and transcultural encounters in Eurasian artifacts. During the excavation, plenty of blue and purple faience beads were found arranged around the tomb owner in grave M52. Faience beads of the same style unearthed from other graves of the region indicate their mature production at the time of burials. By adopting scientific methods for the chemical and compositional characterization of the faience beads, this study explained their materials and production techniques and provided new insights into faience production in the late Warring States period.

214 China Review International: Vol. 1, No. 2, Fall 1994 would have been much more valuable if it had focused on the patterning of relational networks in Pacific Asia through a more structured analysis of relational linkages, as done in the chapters by Gereffi and McMichael. Won Bae Kim East-West Center, Honolulu $ # ® Randall P. Peerenboom. Law and Morality in Ancient China: The Silk Manuscripts ofHuang-Lao. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. Hardcover $59.50, Paperback $19.95. Combining a close reading of the Huang-Lao Boshu (Huang-Lao Silk Manuscripts ) with recent developments in Anglo-European legal philosophy, R. P. Peerenboom identifies the unique characteristics of Huang-Lao thought by comparing its philosophical position on law and morality with the views of several classical philosophers. This study consists of two parts: the first (chapters 1-3) defines the Huang-Lao thought of the Boshu, the four silk scrolls attached to the Lao Zi Text A unearthed at Mawangdui in 1973; the second (chapters 4-7) distinguishes the thought from the ideas of several classical philosophers and considers its evolution from the late Warring States period through the Han. Peerenboom contends that Huang-Lao represents a "counter-current in classical Chinese thought" because it promotes "foundational naturalism coupled with a natural law theory." The thesis challenges several regnant claims concerning the general characteristics and specific features of early Chinese thought. Part 1 begins with a brief survey of Huang-Lao studies summarizing current debates concerning the tide, authorship, and dating of the Boshu. Peerenboom suggests that the text was probably written by an author(s) from Qi or Chu and dates from the late Warring States or Qin to Han periods. According to the author , Huang-Lao thought is best understood as a "foundational naturalism." First, as naturalism, humans are conceived of as part of the cosmic natural order understood as an organic or holistic system or ecosystem. Second, Huang-Lao privileges the cosmic natural order: the natural order has normative priority. It is taken to be the highest value or realm of highest value. Third, and correlate to© 1994 by University the second, the human-social order must be consistent and compatible with the ofHawai'i Presscosmic natural order rather than nature and the natural order being subservient to the whims and needs of humans. Huang-Lao advances a foundational naturalism in that the cosmic natural order serves as the basis, foundation, for con- Reviews 215 struction ofthe human order. This means, in the case ofthe Boshu, not simply that human behavior and social institutions are to be modeled on the way of nature. The natural order constitutes the foundation for the human social order in the more radical sense that the correct social order is held to be implicate in the cosmic order. The task of humans is to discover and implement it. In this way, the Boshu naturalizes the human order by grounding it in a predetermined natural order. The foundational character of Huang-Lao naturalism is signaled primarily in three ways: by the transcendence of the cosmic natural order, the realist underpinnings of Huang-Lao philosophy and the author's correspondence theory oflanguage and epistemology. (pp. 27-28) A strength of the book is that his theoretically systematic account of"foundational naturalism" captures aspects of Huang-Lao cosmology. The corresponding problem, however, is a tendency to oversystematize a text that is less uniform than Peerenboom assumes. For example, numerous passages in the Boshu that refer to the triad Heaven, Earth, and Humanity (tiandiren) often grant human and natural models ontological parity and depict an ideal ruler who derives standards from both. They indicate that nature was not the only model for the ruler and that it was not always the most privileged of models; nor was it simply discovered and replicated by the ruler. (See for example Mawangdui Hanmu boshu 49, lines 1314 ; 62, lines 14-15; 63, lines 1-2; 66, line 2; 71, line 1; 76, line 5; and 81, line 15.) To analyze the legal philosophy of the Boshu and to distinguish it from other classical legal theories, Peerenboom presents a thoughtful and insightful analysis of several interpretative theories of...

The Shifting Contours of the Confucian Tradition Philip J. Ivanhoe Imagining Boundaries: Changing Confucian Doctrines, Texts, and Hermeneutics. Edited by Kai-wing Chow, On-cho Ng, and John Henderson. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999. Pp. 269. Hardcover $74.50. Paper $25.95. Imagining Boundaries: Changing Confucian Doctrines, Texts, and Hermeneutics, edited by Kai-wing Chow, On-cho Ng, and John Henderson, is an anthology containing nine original essays plus an introductory chapter written by two of the three editors. The essays offer contemporary theoretical accounts of the practice of Confucian interpretation, examine traditional Chinese views on orthodoxy and heresy, and explore issues regarding syncretism and the struggle for self definition among a range of Confucian thinkers. The volume offers a rich resource for students of the Confucian tradition, and a number of the essays will be appreciated by anyone interested in the general or comparative study of traditions and their interpretation. I learned something important from every essay in this book, and each made me think about new issues in new ways. Some left me with questions as well as answers, which is often a mark of the best original scholarship. In "A Problematic Model: The Han 'Orthodox Synthesis,' Then and Now," Michael Nylan argues that there was no orthodox synthesis in the Han and that for most of the period the notion of what constituted being a Confucian was in a fluid state, much as it was during the late Warring States period. One of the first claims Nylan musters in defense of this view is the inherent vagueness of the term ju. This is a very good point, and one might support it further by noting that such vagueness can be found even within the Lunyü itself. If we consider Confucius' various "disciples"—several of whom he criticizes and some of whom he denounces in the course of the Lunyü—we find examples of all three senses of the word ju that Nylan describes (pp. 18-19). Nylan also is surely right to claim that contemporary scholars tend to read too much Neo-Confucianism back into the tradition, often accepting the accounts of later Confucians as accurate history. I wonder, though, whether her standard of "a single synthesis" (p. 23) might represent an example of reading later, idealized Confucian views back into the tradition. The ideal of "a single synthesis" strikes me as offering too high a criterion for any period of the Confucian tradition. Nylan begins by citing "the Ch'eng-Chu masters' palpable distaste for Han Confucianism." However, no one should accept the idea that the "Ch'eng-Chu masters" ever represented all of the Confucian tradition. Not only was there the competing Lu-Wang [End Page 83] school; there were also significant philosophical differences even at the very heart of the "Ch'eng-Chu orthodoxy"—for example, between the Ch'eng brothers themselves. In other words, Nylan's arguments against the idea that there was some clear and distinct definition of what constituted being a Confucian in the Han can be extended, with various qualifications, to the entire breadth of the tradition. Indeed, many of the essays in this volume offer strong evidence for such a view. If we accept that the idea of "a single synthesis" offers at best a notional standard that is never actually realized in practice, we might want to qualify some of Nylan's claims about the Han. For while Confucians of this period were a diverse and often eclectic group, Wu Di's decision to restrict the position of court scholar to those who had mastered the Five Classics, together with the remarkable and pervasive influence of the notion of correlative cosmology, did focus the term ju more than she suggests. Nylan's claim that there was a "partial synthesis" among late Warring States thinkers, which continued into the Han, shows the need for more nuance in our analysis of this issue. Part of the problem lies in the ambiguity of the expression "partial synthesis." Like the notion of a "shared language" this can mean everything from the minimal claim that two thinkers can talk with one another to the maximal claim that they agree about...

Japan’s Genpei War (1180-1185) has inspired generations of storytellers, artists and playwrights, whose work has brought alive stories featuring the warrior families of Minamoto and Taira. Many of the best-known tales about Genpei War warriors exist because of a collection of War Tale (gunki monogatari) texts known as the Heike Monogatari, which detail the highs and lows of the war, with embellishment and artistic licence. While much scholarly attention has focused on one fourteenth century performance version of this text, other variants have not been so closely studied. One such is Genpei Jōsuiki, the longest variant text of the Heike Monogatari family. Unlike the performance texts, Genpei Jōsuiki is not celebrated for its artistic properties. Instead it comprises what Matsuo Ashie terms a “pseudo-history,” using many sources to reinvent these individuals for later period audiences. This thesis explores how Genpei Jōsuiki presents both stories and its characters. Using close textual analysis and inter-textual comparisons, I explore how Genpei Jōsuiki frames praiseworthy and aberrant behaviour, and how these depictions influence the reputations of the key participants. Genpei Jōsuiki emphasises the role of horses, even blaming one for starting the war. I argue that horses are not just battle equipment in War Tale texts but used in scene construction to foreshadow and influence the fates of individual characters. By identifying key themes from scenes where characters and horses interact in my first chapter, I establish three main case studies for my subsequent chapters. I argue that ideas of centrality and peripherality are also related to legitimacy and hierarchy in these scenes, and that the text’s assessment of what makes aberrant behaviour depends more on the character’s standing than their actions. Through textual analysis, I posit that Genpei Jōsuiki’s morality suggests it is sixteenth century text, reflecting ideas of the late Warring States period.