CHAPTER NINE It Will Flourish as Long as a Civilized Society Survives

Reviewed by: Civic Engagement in Higher Education: Concepts and Practices Jennifer Gilbride-Brown Civic Engagement in Higher Education: Concepts and Practices. Barbara Jacoby and Associates. San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass Publishing, 2009, 265 pages, $40.00 (hardcover) Ambiguity abounds when conceptualizing the term, “civic engagement.” Higher education finds itself in a moment where parameters and definitions are needed in order to move its civic initiatives forward. Institutions are asking the question, “What do we mean by civic engagement?” The latest book from Barbara Jacoby and Associates, Civic Engagement in Higher Education: Concepts and Practices, offers a response and provides insight into what educating students for civic engagement might entail. Jacoby (2009) argues: If civic engagement is to gain real traction in today’s higher education, it must be clearly defined, and civic learning outcomes must be established. Opportunities to learn about and practice civic engagement must be embedded throughout the curriculum and the co-curriculum. This book shows how all this can be done, and is being done, at higher education institutions around the country. (p. 2) Drawing from expertise around the country, the contributing authors in this book offer a wide range of perspectives and examples while drawing from the rich base of research upon which civic engagement work can and must rest. The intended audience is broad and ranges from entry and midlevel professionals on the forefront of civic engagement initiatives to assistant/associate deans/directors who supervise them. This book has clear implications for policymakers, foundations, and associations. Fundamentally, this is a book for anyone who is charged with enacting the civic mission of higher education and is an important resource for determining what might be accomplished. This edited book is divided into two sections. The first section provides a structure for conceptualizing civic engagement grounded in its historical context and includes an exploration of the dimensions of civic learning. The second section investigates a wide range of civic engagement initiatives, both curricular and co-curricular, happening across the country in diverse institutional contexts. The book flows like a conversation among the authors with many of the contributors referring to the important conceptual and historical mapping offered in the opening chapters. In the introductory chapter, Barbara Jacoby takes on the challenge at hand, getting one’s mind around what is civic engagement and what do we mean by “educating students for civic engagement.” In many ways, the work of civic engagement has pushed ahead with fragmented and loose understandings of what it is in the first place. She cites a review of research done by Lester and Salle (2006) that listed thirty-three recent studies on service-learning of which only three included any definition of civic engagement. Drawing heavily from the work of CIRCLE (Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning & Engagement) and the Coalition for Civic Engagement and Leadership at the University of Maryland-College Park (2005), Jacoby [End Page 567] defines civic engagement as: acting upon a sense of responsibility to one’s communities. This includes a wide range of activities, including developing civic sensitivity, participating in building civic society, and benefiting the common good . . . Through civic engagement, individuals-as citizens of their communities, their nations, and the world-are empowered as agents of positive social change for a more democratic world. (p. 9) She concludes with a thorough overview of leadership in this area that can easily double as a quick reference guide to the many higher education associations and initiatives working to drive civic engagement today. This opening chapter lays important groundwork and captures the current state of affairs in civic engagement across the country. The first section also contains a chapter reviewing civic engagement research over the last 10 years written by Mark Hugo Lopez and Abby Kiesa, both of whom provide leadership on research through CIRCLE. Caryn McTighe Musil of AAC&U completes this opening section by offering a creative and useful conceptualization of what we mean by “educating students for personal and social responsibility.” The second section builds from these definitions and frameworks by examining current practices that shed light on strategies and pitfalls of integrating civic engagement across an institution. Other movements in higher education such as...

Author's Introduction Civil society has become one of the most popular concepts within international development discourses. But, what is civil society? Civil society is defined as an arena of collective social interaction situated between the state, market and household, encompassing a range of non‐state organisations, groups and associations, including non‐governmental organisations (NGOs). The article assesses the range of different interpretations of civil society highlighting its diverse makeup at local, national and transnational scales. Why has civil society become so important within international development? Democracy and delivery of services . As people organised collectively against totalitarian regimes in the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Global South, civil society emerged as a manifestation of democratisation processes. The neoliberal agenda also wanted to capture and channel civil society to foster democracy, but also to take on service delivery functions as the role of the state diminished. This article outlines how these roles relate to two theoretical viewpoints – the Marxist or Gramscian that sees civil society as a site of resistance and counterhegemony, and the liberal democratic that views it as a beneficial force for good. Civil society in practice. In the 1990s, development agencies championed civil society from an undertheorised liberal democratic viewpoint as a saviour or ‘magic bullet’ as it channels more and more funds via NGOs. But, civil society has increasingly been criticised as undemocratic, unable to reach the poor and unaccountable. This article describes this evolution. The emergence of global or transnational society . In these days of globalisation, global civil society is increasingly important. This is neither civil society at a global level, nor is it a unified global force for good, lobbying and challenging the neoliberal order. Instead, viewed as ‘transnational civil society’, it is a complex mix of competing, overlapping and intersecting groups that operate beyond national borders for a range of reasons. Especially important actors in transnational civil society are diasporic civil society groups in the form of migrant associations. This article argues that as international migration increases, these groups are growing in economic, social and political importance, yet we do not know very much about them. Author Recommends Anheier, H., Glasius, M., and Kaldor, M. (eds) (2004). Global civil society 2004/5. London: Sage. This book is one of the annual reports on the nature of global civil society produced by the Centre for the Study of Global Governance at the London School of Economics. It has a range of interesting articles and is available to download at http://lse.ac.uk/Depts/global/yearbook04chapters.htm Howell, J., and Pearce, J. (2001). Civil society and development: a critical exploration. London: Lynne Rienner. This book provides an excellent overview of the theoretical and empirical debates about civil society at a national level. It provides a range of examples from around the developing world. Lewis, D., and Opoku‐Mensah, P. (2006). Moving forward research agendas on international NGOs: theory, agency and context. Journal of International Development 18, pp. 665–675. This article is an engaging review of the main themes revolving around civil society and development in relation to international NGOs in particular. Mercer, C. (2002). NGOs, civil society and democratization: a critical review of the literature. Progress in Development Studies 2, pp. 5–22. This article is an excellent state‐of‐the‐art review of the relationships between civil society and democratisation from a development perspective. It outlines the main theoretical approaches and assesses them in relation to development policy. Mitlin, D., Hickey, S., and Bebbington, A. (2007). Reclaiming development? NGOs and the challenge of alternatives. World Development 35 (10), pp. 1699–1720. This article outlines the issue of why NGOs have been so popular with development agencies and why this popularity is on the wane. Mohan, G. (2002). The disappointments of civil society: the politics of NGO intervention in northern Ghana. Political Geography 21, pp. 125–154. This article outlines the main thinking about civil society and then illustrates it with an interesting case study from Ghana. Munck, R. (2007). Global civil society: royal road or slippery path? Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 17, pp. 325–332. This article is one of the most‐up‐to‐date accounts on the advantages and disadvantages of global civil society. Useful Links http://www.jhu.edu/~ccss/ website of the Centre for Civil Society, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD, USA. This site reports on policy‐related research on civil society and other more practically oriented projects. http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/ website of the Centre for Civil Society, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. This site publishes a range of research papers on civil society and runs academic events. http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/</jats:ext-lin

The article examines the theoretical and conceptual aspect of the models of interaction between civil and political society. The purpose of this article is to analyze the scientific studies of the political dimension of civil society and to identify models of interaction between civil and political society in the concepts of representatives of political science from nineteenth to twenty-first centuries. To analyze the political dimension of civil society have been used mainly works of S.Peregudov, Y. Zhilin, I. Kravchenko, A. Butenko, O. Mironov, I. Yarulin. The works of A. de Tocqueville, A. Gramsci, L. Althusser, J. Cohen and E. Arato have been used to distinguish contemporary models of interaction between civil society and political society. In the course of the conducted research it was established that for quite a long period of time civil society was treated as a special non-state sphere of public life, an alternative to the state system of government. However, a growing number of scholars are beginning to focus on the political phenomenon of civil society. From the nineteenth century more and more scholars are paying attention to the need for a separation of the concept of «political society» and models of its interaction with civil society. The theoretical and conceptual analysis of the interaction between civil society and political society makes it possible to distinguish several classifications of models of their interaction. Within the chronological aspect and cultural and historical traditions, French (A. de Tocqueville, L. Althusser), Italian (A. Gramsci) and American (J. Cohen and E. Arato) models of interaction between civil and political society are distinguished. In the quantitative aspect, we can distinguish between three-membered (A. Gramsci, A. de Tocqueville, L. Althusser) and five-membered (J. Cohen and E. Arato) interaction models. Finally, when we focusing on the coexistence criterion, a third classification of interaction models should be highlighted: – the model of interaction in which political society mediates between the state and civil society (J. Cohen and E. Arato); – the model of interaction in which political society actually identifies with the state (A. de Tocqueville, A. Gramsci, L. Althusser).

Restricting NGOs: From Pushback to Accommodation

The article gives a scientific analysis about the nature of civil society, which is the case in the works of the philosophers of ancient Greece and Rome; lit conceptual and categorical apparatus of the essence of civil society and the rule of law in the works N.Makivelli, D.Lokk, T.Hobbes, J.-F . Rousseau, C.-L.Monteske, I. Kant, G.V.F.Gegel, A.Gramshi. The evolution of theories of civil society as a set of natural forms of social activity of people who are called non-political means to provide for the needs of the citizens and their interests, discloses the structure of civil society and its beginning, based on self-realization of rights; notes that only in a democratic society is possible the development of civil society in Ukraine and the transition to a global civil society. The purpose of the article - to form the theoretical basis of civil society in the history of social and philosophical thought, the conditions of civil society, the nature and structure, which is important for further analysis of authentic civil society as a major concept study. It is noted that the first experience of scientific analysis regarding the nature of civil society has a place in the writings of the philosophers of ancient Greece and Rome, where you can find the concept of the idea of civil society that emerged in the polis democracy, Roman law, of the later ideas of John Locke's natural law and Hobbes. In ancient Greece the term included all the important areas of society: family, religion, education, literature, and art. Being a member of civil (civil) society meant to be a citizen, that is, to live and act in accordance with the laws, do not bring harm to other citizens. It was then that the understanding of society as totality citizens should be free to dispose of their property and their abilities. Civil society - a set of individuals, classes, groups, institutions, whose interaction is governed by civil law, and which is directly related to public policy. Civil society, according to Hegel, is a system of different needs that are based on private property and universal formal equality of people. Such a society appears with the emergence of bourgeois society in the historical arena. That is why civil society is a step in the development of the state but also depends on it. The foundation of civil society is private property, property interests and the formal equality of citizens. Higher interests of civil society are kept by law, court and police and therefore can not be realized without the participation of the state. Excessive development of some elements of civil society to the detriment of others can lead to unjust oppression of others. Maintenance of civil society - is the realm of the everyday interests of the individual methods of implementation - beliefs, legal and moral norms, traditions and customs. It reveals that the basis of civil society - is the free development of the individual with inalienable rights and political organization in which the individual realizes himself as a person. Characteristic features of civil society - the presence in society of free producers production methods, developed democracy, legal security of citizens, high level of civic culture, individual freedom and autonomy of citizens, freedom of forming and consistent expression of interest. It is noted that civil society serves as an area of economic, political, social, cultural, religious and other interests. Civil society is the foundation of the state, which, in turn, protects the principles of self-management of all NGOs that form civil society. Of civil society is a continuous process improvements citizen, society, government, politics, law, covering all areas of society without exception, providing conditions for the establishment of human personality, its national dignity. Only in a democratic society possible formation of civil society in Ukraine.

Section 1: Introduction 1. Political and civic engagement: Theoretical understandings, evidence and policies, Martyn Barrett and Bruna Zani Section 2: Theoretical understandings 2. Individual political participation and macro contextual determinants, Katerina Vrablikova and Ondrej Cisar 3. Influencing women's civic and political participation: Contextual and individual determinants, Yvonne Galligan 4. Participation and integration: The contextual factors influencing minority and migrant participation, Victoria Montgomery 5. How context shapes individual level determinants of political participation: The impact of multiple negative party identification on turnout in deeply divided Northern Ireland, John Garry 6. Standby citizens: Understanding non-participation in contemporary democracies, Erik Amna and Joakim Ekman 7. Democratic ownership and deliberative participation, Cillian McBride 8. Social and psychological factors influencing political and civic participation: A psychosocial perspective, Elvira Cicognani and Bruna Zani 9. Explaining political participation: Integrating levels of analysis, Nicholas P. Emler 10.An integrative model of political and civic participation: Linking the macro, social and psychological levels of explanation, Martyn Barrett Section 3: Evidence 11. Political and civic participation: Findings from the modelling of existing survey data sets, Ian Brunton-Smith and Martyn Barrett 12. Civic organizations and the Internet as the opportunities for minority youth civic participation: Findings from the Czech Republic, Jan Serek, Zuzana Petrovicova, and Petr Macek 13. Participation and engagement of young people in Germany: Findings on adolescents and young adults of German and Turkish family background, Peter Noack and Philipp Jugert 14. Civic engagement among migrant youths in Sweden: Do parental norms or immigration generation matter? Yunhwan Kim and Erik Amna 15. Predictors of civic and political participation among native and migrant youth in Italy: The role of organizational membership, sense of community and perceived social well being, Cinzia Albanesi, Davide Mazzoni, Elvira Cicognani and Bruna Zani 16. Participation among youth, women and migrants: Findings from the Wallonia-Brussels Federation of Belgium, Claire Gavray, Michel Born and Bernard Fournier 17. Participation among youth, women, and migrants: Findings from Portugal, Maria Fernandes-Jesus, Carla Malafaia, Norberto Ribeiro and Isabel Menezes 18. Participation among Turkish, Roma and Bulgarian resettler youth living in Turkey, Tulin Sener 19. The expectations and understandings of influential others who can mobilise youth participation: Findings from England, Dimitra Pachi and Martyn Barrett Section 4: Policy 20. Europeanization of policy discourses on participation and active citizenship, Cristiano Bee and Roberta Guerrina 21. The 'Europeanization' of gender policies in Portugal: Transformations in women's access to civil, political and social rights, Norberto Ribeiro, Pedro D. Ferreira, Carla Malafaia and Isabel Menezes 22. Government perspectives on civic and political participation of youth and women in Turkey: Deriving insights from policy documents, Sumercan Bozkurt, Figen Cok and Tulin Sener 23. Active citizenship in Italy and the UK: Comparing political discourse and practices of political participation, civic activism and engagement in policy processes, Cristiano Bee and Paola Villano Section 5: Reflections and extensions 24. Cross-national political and civic engagement research on European adolescents and young adults: Considerations at the individual, context, and process levels, Judith Torney-Purta and Jo-Ann Amadeo 25. The Council of Europe's work on for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education and its links to the PIDOP project, Reinhild Otte 26. In search of political participation, Giovanni Moro Appendix A: The focus group guide used in the PIDOP project Appendix B: The interview schedule used in the PIDOP project Appendix C: The questionnaire used in the PIDOP project Appendix D: The recommendations for policy, practice and intervention which emerged from the PIDOP project, Martyn Barrett and David Garbin

Memory production, vandalism, violence: Civil society and lessons from a short life of a monument to Stalin

ABSTRACTWithin the growing literature seeking to understand civic and political engagement among racial and ethnic minorities, our understanding of political behavior among American Indian and Alaska Natives (AI/AN) remains limited. We use the Current Population Survey Civic Engagement and Voting and Registration supplements (2006–2012) to compare AI/AN voter registration, voting, and overall civic engagement to other racial and ethnic groups and to assess whether factors that predict higher levels of civic engagement vary across these populations. We find a few key socioeconomic status indicators that predict civic and political engagement uniquely for AI/ANs, but they are not consistently significant across all years or all types of political participation. We find marital status, age, household size, education, and veteran status to be important in predicting civic engagement for AI/ANs. However, for voting and registration, we find that family income, age, marital status, household size, and residential stability to be important contributors. Although we find AI/ANs are less likely to register and vote compared to non-Hispanic whites, we find that the difference is not statistically significant in congressional years, which may suggest that AI/ANs are engaged in local politics and vote for representatives who will represent their tribal interests in national politics.

Political Thinking, Political Theory, and Civil Society

Higher education institutions across the country aim to contribute to students’ ability to become active citizens. Civic engagement has long been an emphasis of higher education and has become a focal point from innovations such as the Carnegie Foundation’s elective classification for community engagement and service-learning (Saltmarsh & Zlotkowski, 2011). Researchers have demonstrated that foundational values of democratic engagement including inclusiveness, relationships between students who engaged in cross-racial interactions, co-curricular activities and diversity experiences are related to higher levels of civic awareness and engagement (Bowman, 2011; Hurtado & DeAngelo, 2012). Furthermore, students who participated in protests were more likely to have complex thinking about democracy and awareness of global problems. Civic engagement is embedded in the history of minority student groups on college campuses, with their influence on increased access and resources, as well as their fight for more inclusive and productive campus environments (Abrego, 2008; Borjian, 2018; Gasman, Spencer & Orphan, 2015). Although civic engagement has been examined across various student groups, there is limited research on the impact of civic engagement at minority-serving institutions. The study uses a large-scale, cross-sectional approach to analyze college students’ participation in civic engagement activities at 24 minority-serving institutions from 2013 to 2017 using data from the National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE). Aspects of civic engagement examined include students’ participation in events that address social or political issues, frequency of interactions with diverse others, participation in leadership and service-learning activities, and perceptions of their institution’s contribution to their growth in areas such as becoming an informed and active citizen. Additionally, researchers explored students’ ability to resolve conflicts that involve bias and prejudice and contribute to the well-being of their community; how frequently students inform themselves of state, national, or global issues; and how they may organize others around a cause. The data led to the creation of three types of student activists. The results have implications for student affairs professionals, administrators, and faculty to redefine how students participate in civic engagement activities, to shape civic education experiences on their campus, and to help students learn how to find and use their voices.

Contrary to popular claims, civil society is not generally shrinking in Southeast Asia. It is transforming, resulting in important shifts in the influences that can be exerted through it. Political and ideological differences in Southeast Asia have sharpened as anti-democratic and anti-liberal social forces compete with democratic and liberal elements in civil society. These are neither contests between civil and uncivil society nor a tussle between civil society and state power. They are power struggles over relationships between civil society and the state. Explaining these struggles, the approach in this Element emphasises the historical and political economy foundations shaping conflicts, interests and coalitions that mobilise through civil society. Different ways that capitalism is organised, controlled, and developed are shown to matter for when, how and in what direction conflicts in civil society emerge and coalitions form. This argument is demonstrated through comparisons of Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand.

Part 1: Introduction 1. Exploring Civil Society Internationally Part 2: Setting out the Argument 2. Putting Civil Society in its Place 3. The Problem with Civil Society or Putting Modern European History Back into Contemporary Debate 4. Civil Society in Multilingual Polities 5. In the Church of Civil Society Part 3: Owning the Concept: Latin America and Eastern Europe 6. Civil society in Latin-America: Uncivil, liberal and participatory models 7. Collective Action or Public Participation?: Civil Society and the public sphere in post transition Latin America 8. Civil Society in Eastern Europe: Growth without engagement Part 4: Western Europe and the United States: Rediscovering the concept 9. Civil Society in the United States of America: Prototype or exception? An essay on cultural self-understanding 10. In Paris, the Global Place Is No Longer Saint Germain des Pres: Civil society and the French debate 11. Western Europe: Democratic civil society versus neo-liberalism Part 5: Asia: Rooted or imported? 12. 'Old' and 'New' Civil Societies in Bangladesh 13. Seizing Spaces, Challenging Marginalization and Claiming Voice: New trends in civil society in China 14. Central Asian Fragmented Civil Society: Communal and neo-liberal forms in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan Part 6: Africa: Civil society as neo-colonialism? 15. On the evolution of civil society in Nigeria 16. Civil Society in South Africa 17. Civil Society in West Africa: Between discourse and reality Part 7: The Middle East: Civil society as emancipation? 18. Civil Society in Iran: Past, present and the future 19. Contractions of a Socio-cultural Reflex: Civil society in Turkey 20. Unfulfilled Aspirations: Civil society in Palestine 1993-98 Part 8: The Case for Global Civil Society 21. Globalization and Civil Society 22. Global Civil Society and Global Governmentality

ABSTRACTThe literature on the boundary between civil and uncivil society has reached an impasse between approaches that oppose these societies to each other and those that dismiss the boundary altogether. This article suggests an analytical shift to a governmental approach that asks how the relation between civil and uncivil society figures in social practices. The approach is applied to the case of the Danish anti-radicalization discourse which revolves around subjects that cross the boundary. Through a discourse analysis of governmental papers, the author argues that the boundary appears twice. First, as a categorical difference that is simultaneously erected and annulled. This is not a paradox that must be superseded but one which structures a rationality of the governed in Civil Society that a governmental rationality pegs itself to inside an indefinite time. Second, this rationality is only possible through the rejection of violence. This creates a void which serves as an object of the discourse while existing outside the indefinite time of governmentality.

In a democratic country, civil society will develop and grow strongly. The state as an integration of political power, is the main organization of political power. Also, the state is a tool of society that has the power to regulate human relations in society and regulate the symptoms in society. Good governance can also be interpreted as a synergic and constructive relationship between the state, the private and the civil society. This study aims to find out and understand how is the relationship of the roles of both civil and private society in order to achieve good governance. In this research applied the civil society, state theory, the concept of good governance, and the concept of decentralization theory. The results that the relationship of the roles, both civil and private society can be seen through building democratic governance through the role of civil society, social and political participation in decentralization. Local governments in Indonesia, through a decentralized system, have enabled the rapid development of democracy. Thus, democratic governance depends on how much civic engagements are.

Palestinian NGOs in Israel:A Campaign for Civic Equality or “Ethnic Civil Society”? Oded Haklai (bio) Introduction Research on the politics of the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel (PAI) has thus far focused mainly on parliamentary activity. In recent years, the PAI has also been resorting to mobilization through civil society associations, an area that has thus far received little scholarly attention. The absence of a theoretical link between the universalistic assumptions of civil society theories and the particularistic motivations behind communal mobilization has led some observers to assume that PAI non-governmental organizations target civic equality.1 This is largely because civil society is conventionally seen as building strong, inclusive societal bonds. In this article, I present an alternative: PAI NGOs constitute what can be termed "ethnic civil society." Rather than view PAI NGOs as embarking on a civic campaign for civil equality, I contend that PAI civil society associations are a mode of ethnic mobilization, targeting the empowerment of an ethnic community. As such, they are distinct from conventional civil society organizations that promote civic rights. PAI NGOs borrow a variety of strategies that are applied by "classical" civil society associations, but their ends are more particularistic, aiming at institutional reform favorable to the PAI community and raising political and communal consciousness amongst the minority population. More generally, ethnic civil society mobilization is a peculiar sub-type of civil society activity. The study of this phenomenon requires an integrated framework that bridges between civil society activity and ethnic mobilization. Such a link is necessary for a better analysis of ethnically based civil society mobilization that promotes institutional reform and raises minority political and communal consciousness. Such mobilization, however, does not target universal empowerment of citizens vis-à-vis the [End Page 157] state, as "classical" civil society does. Rather, the focus is on Communal empowerment. This new framework allows the analyst to examine both religious and secular civil society organizations within a single framework, rather than treat them conventionally as separate categories. Ethnic Civil Society The study of ethnically based associations has remained relatively peripheral in civil society theory. For many, the concept "ethnic civil society" itself seems almost like an oxymoron. The term civil society, although very fuzzy, as noted by several scholars,2 hints at more encompassing citizenry collectivities. New civil society movements are conventionally perceived as building inclusive linkages within society, framing their demands around universal rights, dealing with issues such as the environment, women's rights, or human rights.3 These issues are generally understood to cut through communal boundaries. Ethnically based associations, conversely, frame their demands around particularistic communal identities. Ethnic schisms are often described as hindering the development of effective civil society.4 And yet, many communal groups besides the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel—for example, the Scotts in Britain, the First Nations in Canada, the Flemings and Walloons in Belgium, and many indigenous peoples in Latin America—have been increasingly able to build powerful, ethnically based linkages that contest the norms embedded within the state and existing institutional arrangements. Thus, ethnically based associations have become an important channel for political action, adopting civil society mobilization strategies. Ethnic civil society should thus be studied as an exceptional sub-type of civil society. Civil society, in turn, is conventionally studied in relation to the state in a state-society framework. In exerting sovereignty, states exercise "supreme civil power in an extended territory."5 The state has vital influence over access and distribution of material and cultural resources in the territory under its jurisdiction, and it possesses the authority to punish violators of its rules. Joel Migdal notes that civil society associations often offer a parallel order to that of the state—an autonomous, alternative set of practices and institutions in which the impact of the state is limited.6 These parallel institutions offer alternative forms of political and social authority to (or sometimes competing with) those of the state. Alternatively, Chabal and Daloz have observed in their study of civil society in Africa that, rather than isolate from each other, state and society sometimes mutually [End Page 158] attempt to penetrate one another.7 This kind of activity can lead to mutual constitution...