CHAPTER 4 Idaho Part 2 Talking across Political Lines by Agreeing to Disagree

Sex scandals involving UN peacekeepers have ignited media attention since the late 1990s. In order to reclaim its reputation, the UN has committed itself to the Zero Tolerance policy embodied in the Secretary-General’s Bulletin of 2003, which has been subject to detailed analysis. This paper’s aim is to reconsider the policy’s genesis and problems from the perspective of discordance between politics and law. I argue that the Zero Tolerance policy can be understood as the UN’s attempt to resolve discordance between political and legal lines which separate the UN (internality) from non-UN elements (externality). The political boundary internalises broader conduct and tasks within the UN. The legal boundary, however, externalises much of the conduct and tasks that are internalised by the political line. The place of the Zero Tolerance policy is therefore to substantially remedy such ‘discordance’ between politics and law, by aligning the policies of externalities with those of the UN.

Diaoyan (investigation and research) occupies a special place in the politics of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The concept can be broken down into two distinct types: symbolic diaoyan, and standard diaoyan. The former refers to the phenomenon of top leaders promoting and initiating the coordinated implementation of a particular political line. Leaders first promote their ideas through symbolic trips and speeches, and observe the extent of support for their political line within the ranks of the party elite. If support is forthcoming, the leader will then mobilize other central leaders to carry out standard diaoyan. This refers to investigation carried out by the central leaders into their own area of political responsibility within the scope of this overarching political line, with the aim of accumulating information and model experiences to inform specific policy decisions. These two types function in tandem: symbolic diaoyan promotes an abstract political line, and standard diaoyan fleshes out its substance. This article uses the term “adaptive mobilization model” to denote the use of diaoyan in the CCP’s policy making, and discusses two specific cases of Hu Jintao’s Scientific Outlook on Development and Xi Jinping’s China Dream to illustrate how regime adaptation and legitimization of the political line occur through the process of diaoyan.

Born as an effort to use science as a foundation for studying social problems, sociology is often caricatured as a dour discipline, well equipped to deconstruct what’s wrong with the world but poorly positioned to teach students how they might change it for the better. Although sociology’s earliest scholars and practitioners paid some attention to teaching and learning, they focused primarily on the standardization of course content and the formalization of departmental offerings. An increasing separation between sociology and social work/social service emerged as disciplines evolved along gender, class, and political lines. Political tensions within sociology continued to manifest along gender and political lines, and hybrid sociologists-social workers like Mary van Kleeck remained marginalized. The trend in higher education to take scholarship of teaching and learning more seriously has generated greater interest in the theory and practice of teaching.

This Study, Minnesota, Moscow, Manhattan, examines the life and political line of Gus Hall (1910-2000), the long-time general secretary of the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA), up until the late 1960s. The first main part of the study examines Hall's Finnish American background and his life until 1959, when he became the general secretary of the CPUSA. The second main part studies Hall's political line during the first decade of his general secretaryship. The latter part is, to a large extent, based on the documents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). In the mid- 1950s the FBI managed to infiltrate two of its informers into the very top of the CPUSA. In the 1960s, the two informers, Morris and Jack Childs, provided the FBI detailed information on Gus Hall and his relations with the Soviet Union, China and other communist countries. Thanks to the Childs brothers, the FBI became fully informed about, for example, the Soviet Union's financial support to the CPUSA.
 
 In addition to more than 20 000 pages of FBI's intelligence documents, this study is based on a wide variety of other historical sources, including interviews with numerous former and current CPUSA members.
 
 Tuomas Savonen is a graduate of the University of Helsinki, Doctoral Program in Political, Societal and Regional Change. This PhD study was submitted in the field of Social Sciences at the University of Helsinki in 2020.

A caregiver from the dominant U.S. culture and a patient from a very\ndifferent culture can resolve cross-cultural disputes about treatment, not by\ncompromising important values, but by focusing on the patient's goals.

The following is the concluding chapter of The Rising of the Women (Monthly Review Press, October 1980), a detailed description and analysis of certain high points in the history of women's organizing in the United States between 1880 and 1917. The theoretical conclusions that follow are considerably more abstract and abbreviated than the rest of the book, which examines both united front organizations that crossed class and political lines (such as the Illinois Woman's Alliance and the Women's Trade Union League) and more purely working-class and radical groups (such as the IWW and the Socialist Party), from the point of view of their political line on the oppression of women, their ability to relate women's liberation to other fundamental issues, and their effectiveness in mobilizing women to fight on their own behalf. Meredith Tax, a writer and activist living in New York, has worked in the left and the women's liberation movement since the late 1960s, in such organizations as Bread and Roses (Boston), the Chicago Women's Liberation Union, CARASA (the Committee for Abortion Rights and Against Sterilization Abuse, New York) and the Reproductive Rights National Network. —The EditorsThis article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Merkel's move on science

Toward Further Internationalization

In 1949, just before the outbreak of the Korean War, Lee Jong-Ryul appealed for urgent development of the campaign for the national revolution to avoid bloodshed among the Korean people. He advocated political independence and democracy as well as a popular liberal enterprise system to stand against the imperialism.<BR> In the early 1930s, Lee Jong-Ryul was not a simple nationalist influenced by the socialism, as some historians have argued. He attempted to carry out a socialist revolution driven by the proletariat, considering that the Korean society had already entered the stage of the socialist movement through the nationalist movement. In the end, he failed to build the Communist Party based on the proletariat, so he declared his ideological conversion in his final statements at the sentencing court in 1935. Afterward he found the causes of his failure in the backwardness of the Korean society, and redefined the character of the future revolution and its main agents, paying attention to the relative independence and the importance of human consciousness that Marx had neglected. Finally, he proposed a new political line, national revolution and human revolution , which should be driven by the national proletariat, which accounted for 95 percentage of the total Korean population.<BR> Lee Jong-Ryul’s political line could not be regarded as one of the communist’s tactics for a unified front, as some previous studies have argued.

This chapter constitutes an attempt to link the concept of globalization to that of governance via the notion of regionalism. As will be seen, the argument grows out of the deliberations of a research group that has been working on the political economy of regionalism at the University of Sheffield for the past three or four years. Accordingly, it defines regional ism in the manner advocated by that group, namely as ‘a state-led or states led project designed to reorganise a particular regional space along defined economic and political lines’ (Payne and Gamble, 1996: 2).

ABSTRACTDiscourse analysis of six actors’ political lines, their conceptions, and their uses of French secularism (laïcité) between 2013 and 2018 shows that mobilization of laïcité as a value is correlated to the construction of Islam and Muslims as objects of security in France. Perception of military and identity insecurities goes along with mobilization of laïcité as a shield-value of the French Republic that manifests into the desire to reinterpret the French 1905 law on separation of the Churches and the State, in reaction to Muslim practices or religious symbols. Since 1989, laïcité as a value has emerged both as the socially accepted representation of French secularism and the privileged discursive response to contemporary identity and security challenges posed by Islam, while laïcité as a principle has appeared as a counter-discourse defending the liberal spirit of the 1905 law.

The two revolutionary songs "The Internationale" and "The Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention"** that we carry in this issue have recently been sung widely by the people throughout the country. In the present excellent situation at home and abroad, it is of great significance to organize the workers, peasants, and soldiers to do still better in learning and singing these two revolutionary songs well, to grasp their content and put their ideas into practice, to study conscientiously the article "Eugene Pottier," written by Lenin in commemoration of the author of the words of "The Internationale," and to study conscientiously "On the Reissue of the Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention — Instruction of the General Headquarters of the Chinese People's Liberation Army," written by Chairman Mao. This is of great significance in carrying out education in ideology and political line, inspiring our revolutionary fighting will, and fulfilling our tasks at home and abroad still better.

Soviet revolution in South China the Fourth Suppression Campaign and the Long March the Fifth Suppression Campaign and the Long March military line vs political line - the Zunyi Conference and the rise of Mao the army vs the party - encounter of the First and Fourth front armies settlement in North China Grand Union the prowess of Mao as political entrepreneur conclusion - the Long March from revolution to politics.

This article explores why people adopt different processes to participate in mass mobilizations, using the 2006 Anti-CPE (labor law) Movement in France and the 2008 Candlelight Movement against American Beef Imports in South Korea as case studies. In France, initiators and participants followed the ‘ready-made’ way: left-wing organizations led the whole process of mass mobilizations. In contrast, in South Korea, initiators came from ‘nowhere’: they were middle and high school students without any political organizations; participants were ‘tainted’ by the left wing political line. The key finding of this study is that the levels of demarcation of political lines in people’s everyday life may explain this difference. In France, strong establishment of a political line in people’s everyday life brought fewer new actors, creating less surprise but a solid mobilization; in South Korea, the less-established political line in people’s everyday life attracted more new actors, creating more surprise but ‘frivolous’ mobilizations.

In the last years of the twentieth century and the first few years of the twenty-first century regionalism has been seen as one of the most important organizing concepts in the emerging world order. Much of the theoretical literature in this area has focused upon regionalism as a ‘state-led project designed to reorganise a particular regional space along defined economic and political lines’ (Gamble and Payne 1996: 2). What is also acknowledged within this literature – although itself the focus of considerably less scholarly attention – is the twin process of regionalization, involving the complex web of societal entanglements which often precede the establishment of formal institutional arrangements. The importance of this latter process is particularly evident in contemporary US–Caribbean relations. Here, the trend towards regionalism – in the context of the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the initiation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) process – has highlighted the many informal entanglements which now bind the Caribbean to the US, and vice versa. This chapter seeks to explore these links.