Centre Stage to Display Case – Exhibiting Chinese Immigration in New Zealand

Stronger government-to-government relations between Africa and China in the first two decades of the twenty-first century have led to an increasing presence of African travellers at Chinese border check points. This is a novel situation involving cross-linguistic and cross-cultural communication dynamics that we need to understand from different research perspectives: linguistic, socio-economic, and legal, among others. Academic studies are already detailing some misunderstandings between Chinese customs, immigration and public security officials and African travellers and immigrants, who are clearly a visible minority group, both at border check points and in the wider Chinese communities (Bodomo 2010; Bodomo and Ma 2010; Bodomo 2012). A number of questions may be asked towards understanding the cross-cultural dynamics involved in this novel situation. What are Chinese immigration and customs officials’ experiences with African travellers and how do they see and handle this visible minority ethnic group? What are, in turn, African experiences with Chinese immigration, customs, and public security, officials both at border check points and in the wider Chinese communities in places like mainland China and Hong Kong? To answer these questions, a profile of the most frequent African visitors to Hong Kong and China is constructed, based on research among Africans in China, particularly Guangzhou. An outline is then made of what Africans think of Chinese customs and immigration officials as a whole, what kind of treatment they expect on arrival in China and how they prepare for it. It is then claimed that the most fundamental issue that causes friction, unhappiness and sometimes lack of cooperation from African travellers at immigration and customs check points in Hong Kong and other places in China is not so much due to linguistic and cultural misunderstanding as it is due to stereotyping and, in extreme cases, (un)conscious racial profiling. Finally, it is proposed that the best way for Hong Kong and other Chinese customs personnel to serve African immigrants is to apply immigration rules using systematically fair, just and colour-blind strategies.

The post-1945 influx of Chinese immigrants from Mainland China put a strain on colonial Hong Kong’s limited housing stock and under-developed welfare and education systems. In response, the colonial government introduced a ‘Touch Base’ policy in 1974. Thereafter, all Chinese immigrants who failed to ‘touch base’, that is, reach urban areas of Hong Kong, faced repatriation. This article examines the origins and effects of the ‘Touch Base’ policy, focusing on how Sino-British relations and the anti-immigration discourse in Hong Kong affected policy-making, and vice versa. It argues that the policy change, a product of a new form of Sino-British diplomacy, was underpinned by popular hostility towards Chinese immigrants. The article further argues that this policy shift also reinforced the emergent differentiation between the Hong Kong Chinese and Mainland Chinese immigrants amongst the Hong Kong population. Hitherto, historians have explored the issue of post-1945 immigration using archival sources from the early Cold War period, but have not traced the origins of the anti-immigrant rhetoric that continues to be felt today.

Reviewed by: The Writing on the Wall: Chinese and Japanese Immigration to B.C., 1920 Lloyd Sciban Hilda Glynn-Ward. The Writing on the Wall: Chinese and Japanese Immigration to B.C., 1920. “Introduction” by Patricia E. Roy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974. Reprinted in 2010. 182 pp., including #x0201C;Introduction,” 27 pp. $28.95 sc. “Writing” is a novel that explores how the greed, corruption, and decadence of British Columbia’s elite, combined with Chinese and Japanese cunning and maliciousness during the early twentieth century, could have led to the domination of the province by Oriental immigrants. Originally published in 1921, it was later republished in 1974 with an introduction by Patricia E. Roy. The author, Hilda G. Howard, writing under the pseudonym of Hilda Glynn-Ward, was living in Vancouver during the 1920s and was familiar with events in British Columbia that were mirrored in her novel. The novel is divided into twenty-three short chapters organized under three themes: the past (1910), the present (1920), and the future (non-designated). The story revolves mainly around the lives of three members of British Columbia’s elite—politician, a businessman, and a lawyer—describes the efforts of two Chinese immigrants and one Japanese immigrant to manipulate these men in order to establish the dominance of Orientals in British Columbia. For the sake of maximizing their personal gain, these men support Orientals’ undercutting wages, illegal immigration, opium smuggling, destruction of natural resources, and disease-breeding lack of sanitation, which leads to the Orientals’ domination of the economy. As the story moves into the future, the Chinese attempt to eradicate the White population using doctored [End Page 298] foodstuffs, and the Japanese even invade what has become the independent nation of Columbia. The story ends on a happy note as one of the main protagonists awakens from his nightmare of a dying population and a Japanese invasion, to realize that he should not sign into force a bill giving Oriental landowners the right to vote. Patricia Roy, then a historian at the University of Victoria, highlights the racist sensationalism of the novel (vi). In balance, Roy’s introduction also acknowledges that the novel is an expression of contemporary popular ideas of the time (vi); was based in large part on true events (e.g., xv–vi); and was sincere in its warning that power-hungry politicians, greedy capitalists, and complacent citizens were selling British Columbia to the Orientals (xiv). Furthermore, Roy points out that Glynn-Ward was an observant writer (xx), expressed sympathy for Aboriginal peoples (xxv), and did not indulge herself when her predications were partially vindicated by Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbour (xxvi). Roy’s academic strength is apparent. (She subsequently authored a trilogy of authoritative histories on Canadian prejudicial treatment of Chinese and Japanese immigrants.) Into her introduction, she weaves unknown information, such as the fact that most of the Chinese admitted as students after labour immigrants were banned in 1923, were employed in laundries (xviii). This display of expertise makes her closing evaluation of Glynn-Ward’s predications and relevance all that more forceful. The Orientals did not come to dominate British Columbia, and the Canadian mindset has evolved to accept Chinese and Japanese Canadians as equals (xxvii). “Writing” was mistaken in various ways. The Writing on the Wall is acceptable for undergraduate study and research, especially in combination with Roy’s introduction. High school students could use the book; however, they would have to be cautioned about historical inaccuracies that underpin its racism. A more relevant question would be about the relative benefit of studying the novel at all. While Roy acknowledges “its historical significance as an expression of the popular racist ideas circulating in British Columbia at the time” (vi), she closes by pointing out that it is obsolete, the implication being that Canadians have come to understand the deleteriousness of racism. The editors of “Writing” justify the reprinting of the novel as an “illustration of the fear and prejudice with which immigrants were regarded in the early twentieth century” (I). They do not explain why they have not turned their efforts, and consequently our attention, to the more significant and related issues...

Sojourners or Settlers: Post-1965 Chinese Immigrants1 Philip Q. Yang (bio) Introduction Both the pre-exclusion era (1848–1882) and the post-1965 period witnessed massive Chinese immigration into the United States. From the beginning of California’s Gold Rush to the passage of the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, more than 317,000 Chinese entered the U.S. 2 Although the Exclusion Act did not completely halt Chinese immigration, the numbers of arrivals dwindled to insignificance immediately thereafter and never resumed the pre-exclusion levels, even after the partial repeal of exclusion in 1943. Changes in U.S. immigration law in 1965, together with other structural changes in Asia, led to the resumption of vast post-1965 Chinese immigration. Since 1965, over 1.2 million Chinese have migrated to the U.S. 3 In 1990, over sixty-nine percent of the Chinese American population was foreign-born, 4 and in 1998 that percentage is probably even higher. A widely-held belief about pre-exclusion Chinese immigrants is that they were sojourners in America with an intention to accumulate savings and then return to their homeland for a better life. This so-called “sojourner hypothesis” originated from the writings of Paul Siu. 5 Since its emergence, the sojourner hypothesis has been overwhelmingly endorsed by scholars, and almost all major works on Chinese Americans since the 1950s have embraced the “sojourner” concept. 6 Notwithstanding [End Page 61] some doubts about the accuracy of the sojourner hypothesis, 7 available historical records and memoirs seem to buttress the contention that many of the Chinese immigrants in nineteenth-century America were sojourners. 8 For instance, my recent recalculation revealed that about forty-eight percent of all Chinese immigrants admitted between 1848 and 1882 returned to China. 9 Because many more desired to return but failed due to financial inabilities and/or worries over the loss of face, it is probably safe to say that the majority of the pre-exclusion Chinese immigrants had a sojourning orientation. In short, consensus on this issue appears to overshadow dissension. However, little do we know about whether the sojourner hypothesis is valid for the post-exclusion and post-1965 Chinese immigrants. A prevailing assumption is that post-1965 Chinese immigrants are permanent settlers rather than transient sojourners. Nevertheless, very little systematic, empirical proof of this conjecture exists. Moreover, we know very little about why, if the surmise is true, post-1965 Chinese immigrants choose settlement over sojourning, or what conditions influence their propensity for permanent settlement. This article is an attempt to fill this lacuna. The focus of this article thus is an assessment of whether post-1965 Chinese immigrants are sojourners or settlers and a determination of the process of their settlement orientation. The balance of this article clarifies the notions and measurements of sojourners and settlers, proposes hypotheses about the settlement orientation of post-1965 Chinese immigrants and the conditions that shape their orientation, discusses the data and method, presents empirical results, and finally concludes with a summary of key findings and a discussion of their implications. Concepts and Measures of Sojourners and Settlers The notion of sojourners is well defined in the literature. 10 For Siu, the sojourner is an immigrant who “clings to the culture of his own group” and who “is unwilling to organize himself as a permanent resident in the country of his sojourn.” 11 Rose Hum Lee defined the concept even more concisely: “the sojourner is a person whose mental orientation is [End Page 62] towards the home country.” 12 He “spends a major portion of his lifetime striving in America for economic betterment and higher social status, but the full enjoyment and final achievement of his objective is to be in his place of origin.” 13 It is clear that for both Siu and Lee, a crucial characteristic of sojourners is not the length of their foreign residence, but their homeland orientation and their unwillingness for settlement in the host country. By derivation, the settler, on the other hand, can be defined as an immigrant whose mental orientation is toward the host country and who is determined to take roots in his/her adopted country. Settlers, according to Clarence Glick...

Reviewed by: The Diplomacy of Nationalism: The Six Companies and China’s Policy toward Exclusion by Yucheng Qin Daniel Meissner (bio) Yucheng Qin. The Diplomacy of Nationalism: The Six Companies and China’s Policy toward Exclusion. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2009. x, 224 pp. Hardcover $51.00, isbn 978-0-8248-3274-2. The Six Companies, according to Yucheng Qin, played a far more influential role in protecting Chinese immigrant rights in the United States and in shaping late Qing diplomacy and nationalism than scholars have previously realized. This study attempts to rectify that oversight by examining the Six Companies from the perspective of a traditional huiguan (native place association), a transnational labor facilitator (not broker), a quasi-official governmental institution, a pioneering nationalist organization, and a model for Qing diplomatic missions. As if this were not an ambitious enough project, Qin also takes to task Joseph Levenson’s assertion of late Qing evolution from culturalism to nationalism, arguing that nongovernmental agents such as huiguan were instrumental in transitioning native place identity to nationalism. Qin begins by defending the Six Companies against a prevalent mid-nineteenth-century (and still generally accepted) accusation that the organization served as a conduit for importing indentured coolie labor. In chapter 1, he presents a brief historical view of international trading networks linking Guangdong with far-flung Cantonese merchant communities. He argues that Chinese immigration to the United States was an extension of these historical “commercial activities” (p. 17). Although he is setting the foundation for an anti-coolie argument, he admits (and thus clouds the issue) that the cost of transit to San Francisco was at least four times the annual income for Chinese laborers, and, therefore, “some Chinese came to the United States through a contract labor system” (p. 21). The following paragraph is even more inclusive, claiming that “the majority of Chinese immigrants came to California during the nineteenth century by means of the credit-ticket system” (p. 21). Under this system, immigrants would repay the cost of transit, presumably with interest, after finding some means of support in the United States. Again, to Americans at the time (and, indeed, to many scholars today), it is difficult to distinguish a contract labor or credit-ticket system from indentured labor. Regardless, someone or some institution was needed with the means to advance substantial sums of money for the thousands of Chinese immigrants who sojourned to the United States. Qin continues to build his argument in chapter 2 by briefly reviewing the push and pull factors that prompted the great mid-nineteenth-century wave of Chinese immigration, and the creation of native place associations. Chinese merchants who established business enterprises in San Francisco to provide goods and services to sojourning laborers also established native place huiguan. These mutual aid societies offered a variety of services for those who emigrated from the same hometown or district, including housing and labor assistance, dispute settlement, and the [End Page 477] repatriation of remains. In chapter 3, Qin describes how racial tensions and discriminatory legislation directed against Chinese as an ethnically distinct group prompted the largest six huiguan to consolidate as the Zhonghua Gongshuo (Chinese public association), generally known as the Six Companies. Qin argues that the Six Companies represented a highly significant change from the traditional native place huiguan to a comprehensive national organization. He further argues that the Six Companies would play a critical role not only in the protection of Chinese immigrant rights in the United States, but also in the development and use of nation-state diplomacy and the transference of this skill to the Qing government. In chapter 4, Qin returns to the issue raised in chapter 1 concerning the widely accepted view that the Six Companies acted as a labor broker for Chinese immigrants. He provides a historical context for anti-Chinese activism in the 1860s and 1870s based on unchecked Chinese immigration and declining economic conditions in California. The American view of coolieism and the perceived role of the Six Companies in brokering indentured labor was succinctly captured by the San Francisco Chronicle: the Six Companies has “‘almost despotic authority over the Chinese immigrants, compelling a long term of...

This article situates Chinese paper children immigration during the Exclusion Era and the pre–1965 period in the combined framework of ancient Chinese adoption and transnational kinship formation. It examines, by reading paper children's oral histories and related sources, how the paper children system was rooted in, borrowed from, and modified ancient Chinese adoption practices, through which Chinese immigrants formed transnational, fictive kinship in the United States that were mixed with both blood and non-blood relationships. Since the Exclusion Era, a discourse about Chinese immigrants, especially paper children being illegal, was so powerful that immigration historians seldom question this assumption, even as they critique the institutionalized exclusion that created such illegality. This article, however, challenges this assumption by arguing that paper children immigration generated de facto adoptive relationships between paper children and their paper families, and that these adoptive relationships further sustained paper children's legal status as American citizens. Treating paper children as de facto adoptive members of their paper families, this article brings to the surface a fact that by emphasizing their illegality, the dominant discourse only acknowledged their hidden, original identities and deemed parent-child relationships based on blood ties as the only legitimate ones.

Seven years before the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 comprehensively disqualified all members of China's laboring class from immigration status, the Page Law sought to stem the tide of Chinese prostitutes entering the United States. Yet during these seven years it was not just prostitutes but all Chinese females who encountered at best hostility and at worst expulsion when they reached the Golden Door. In this first detailed account of Chinese American women's lives in the preexclusion era, George Anthony Peffer investigates how administrative agencies and federal courts enforced immigration laws. Peffer documents the habeas corpus trials in which the wives and daughters of Chinese laborers were required to prove their status as legal immigrants or be returned to China. He also surveys the virulently anti- Chinese coverage these trials and the issue of Chinese immigration received in California newspapers, confirming that Chinatown's prostitution industry so dominated the popular imagination as to render other classes of female immigrants all but invisible. In the words of one immigration judge, the United States remained favorable to Chinese immigration in the preexclusion period if they don't bring their women here. This important study amplifies the voices of immigrant women who did not fit into the preconceived categories American officials created and establishes a place for them within the historiographic framework of Chinese American studies.

Chinese immigration to Cameroon has significantly increased within the last two decades. Members of the Cameroonian society have received Chinese presence with mixed feelings. Recent reports indicate that negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants are on the rise. In a sample of 501 young people, ranging from 17 to 33 years old, this study specifically uses the integrated threat theory of prejudice to analyse the extent to which attitudes towards Chinese immigrants in Cameroon are predicted by the perception of threat. According to the most recent conceptualization of the integrated threat theory, there are two main types of threat that predict negative attitudes towards outgroups. These include realistic threat and symbolic threat. This study found that, a threat was a significant predictor of negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. However, individually, a realistic threat was the only threat that significantly predicted negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. Implications and future directions are discussed.

The first wave of Chinese immigration was between 1849 to 1882, and 110,000 Chinese immigrants had settled on the west coast of the US, attracted by “Gold Mountain” in California and the large employment of railroad workers (Hsieh). When some anti-immigration acts passed, especially the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 which banned Chinese immigration for ten years, only certain documented immigrants were allowed to come to America (Carlin). The Chinese Exclusion Act was not repealed until 1943 when the US need a smooth relationship with China in World War II (Ashabranner). Although the Immigration Act of 1965 continuously had a restrictive impact on Chinese immigrants, productive Chinese immigrants made great contributions to the US economy and politics in a large number of industries and business. One example is building the long railroad which allowed communications between the West and the East, and unified the country after the Civil War. They also brought their cultures to the add to diversity in the United States (Documentary :Silent Chinese laborers in the US). As time went on, more and more Chinese started their new lives in the land which across the Pacific Ocean from their hometowns because of political, economic, and academic factors (Hsieh).

In this article, I analyse the representational strategies in key texts across the media that concern the protest in Milan's Chinatown in April 2007 and Chinese immigration to Italy during 2007–2009. My focus is to analyse the rhetorical presentation and ethnocultural approach in these media. The protest is the first major violent one by a single ethnic minority group against the police authorities in contemporary Italy. Following the protest, in April 2007 a sequential order that links violence, gender bias, racism, ethnicity, illegality and incommunicability was quickly constructed in mainstream and alternative Italian media. Chinese immigrant and pro-immigrant Italian media questioned its interpretive validity to varying degrees. Moreover, an ethnocultural approach was widely applied to represent the Chinese immigrant community in Italy, whether from the perspective of Italian outsiders or that of Chinese insiders. I focus on how the processes of ethnogenesis and ethnocentrism were employed to educate Italian viewers about the Chinese immigrant culture. Ultimately, I demonstrate that the media have functioned as means of politico-cultural persuasion, intercultural pedagogy, and actual and imagined socialization between Italians and Chinese immigrants during 2007–2009.

Russia and China rapidly restore communication after the Cold War, but the Chinese immigration issue is also widely exaggerated and even described as “Yellow Peril again” in Russia. The so-called Yellow Peril is not only a Russian object perception but also a cross-generational conflict between Russia and China. Furthermore, it will be related to the subsequent development of the Russian Far East and Siberia. The Chinese immigration constitutes psychological and survival non-traditional security impacts on Russia and also forms some kind of social competition with Russians. It is vital for Russia to cooperate with its eastern neighbor to accelerate the development of the Russian Far East and Siberia, but national security and social stability are the prerequisites for cooperation. Nevertheless, it is more significant to rebuild self-confidence of the Russians in the Russian Far East and acknowledge that the East will not be a threat to Russia. As long as Russia realizes that it can enjoy unlimited possibilities in the East, the non-traditional security impacts caused by the Chinese immigration will automatically alleviate and even disappear. Today, most Russians are trapped in the dilemma of welcoming or refusing the Chinese immigrants; however, cultural exchange still has some effects and at least causes Russians to begin to positively treat the Chinese immigration and consider whether to accept China and cooperate with China.

Reviewed by: Chinese Immigrants, African Americans, and Racial Anxiety in the United States, 1848–1882 Arnoldo De León Chinese Immigrants, African Americans, and Racial Anxiety in the United States, 1848– 1882. By Najia Aarim-Heriot. (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2006. Pp. 312. Foreword, acknowledgments, illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. ISBN 0252073517. $25.00, paper.) Until very recently, historians treated Chinese immigration to the United States as an experience distinct from that of European groups. Similarly, they attributed attitudes toward the Chinese as rooted in forces unique to the western United States, namely labor competition. Najia Aarim-Heriot takes such older understandings to task, exploring instead the links between racism toward African Americans and the Chinese, and noting similarities between Asian and European immigration. Chinese Immigrants, African Americans, and Racial Anxiety in the United States, 1848–1882, has many purposes. It seeks to integrate the Chinese experience into the scholarship of U.S. immigration; determine the causes behind efforts to ban immigration from China; rebut the standard interpretation that attributes Chinese exclusion to labor competition; place apprehensions about the Chinese presence in the West within the context of Reconstruction politics and other national currents; and to show proof that labor, politicians, the courts, and U.S. presidents all account for the anti-Chinese movement that culminated in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. With such purposes in mind, Aarim-Heriot focuses on post–Civil War movements that deprived blacks of rights, finding a similar campaign unfolding against the Chinese living in the American West. Numerous debates occurred during Reconstruction, according to the author, regarding the place of African Americans and the Chinese within the American political and social milieu. Then, when Radical Republicans moved away from their commitment to insure African American rights, the lot of the Chinese suffered concurrently. Anti-Chinese attitudes nationally became increasingly hostile after Redemption occurred in the South during 1870s, Aarim-Heriot observes, and such attitudes culminated in the contentious debates of the era that produced the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. The book is persuasive in its thesis that the Chinese became victims of "Negroization" and that American immigration policy toward the Chinese rested on racist ideology grounded in antiblack attitudes. It is equally convincing in arguing that it was a national movementand not solely the reaction of labor groups in the Westthat accounts for the virulent treatment of the Chinese in the West and the prohibition placed on their immigration to U.S. shores. It is obvious, furthermore, that the later immigration policies adopted by the United States toward European immigrants had their origins in the Chinese exclusion campaigns. Many of the earlier explanations regarding Chinese American history consequently lose credibility under the weight of Aarim-Heriot's research. So falters the understanding that Chinese immigration policy was disconnected from the one applied to Europeans. Arnoldo De León Angelo State University Copyright © 2007 The Texas State Historical Association

Based on ethnographic fieldwork on how Chinese immigrants cope with corruption in Nigeria, the chapter sheds light on the socio-cultural implications of Chinese–Nigerian interactions in the context of corruption. Through online chatting and offline gatherings, representations of Nigeria’s corruption by Chinese migrants transfer specific coping strategies across borders. Transnational mobility intensifies the normalisation of corruption in Chinese immigrants’ everyday lives in Nigeria. When the strategies inherent in Chinese guanxi (interpersonal relationship) practices encounters explicit Nigerian corruption, Chinese immigrants adapt strategies to the Nigerian context by employing the instrumentality of guanxi practices, but the incompatible affectivities of interpersonal relationship between Chinese and Nigerians lead to misunderstandings. These social interactions embed Chinese immigration in Nigerian patron-clientism, in which ordinary Nigerians also play a role as agents.

1.Introduction. Ethnicity and Economic Adaptation. 2.From China to San Francisco. The History of Chinese Immigration. The New and Old Immigrants: A Contrast. The Chinese in the San Francisco Bay Area. Residential Patterns. Chinatown: The Symbolic and Cultural Center. Chinese Associations. Chinatown as a Center of Ethnic Resources. 3.Who are the New Chinese Immigrants? The Sources of the New Chinese Immigration. Mainland China: Immigration Enthusiasm. The Uncertain Future of Hong Kong: 1997 and Beyond. Taiwan: Is There a Future? Educational and Occupational Backgrounds of the New Immigrants. Economic Resources of the New Immigrants. 4.Economic Challenges and Responses for the New Immigrants. Economic Opportunity for the New Immigrants. The Ethnic Niche of the Chinese. Engineers, Educators, and Entrepreneurs. 5.Family and Traditional Values: The Bedrock of Chinese Business. The Role of Kinship in Chinese Business. Family Members as Employers and Employees. Confucianism, Traditions, and Business. Business Continuity. 6.Global Strategies of Chinese Professionals and Businessmen. The Astronaut Trend. Global Business Strategies. The Establishment of an International Trading Network. Returning Home for Business. Transnational Workers: Other Countries. Conclusion. 7.Survival and Adaptation in Modern America. Contributions of the New Chinese Immigrants. Politics and the New Immigrants. Establishing Roots and Identities in America. Conclusions: Economic Adaptation and Ethnicity. References.

Book Review| January 01 2004 At America’s Gates: Chinese Immigration during the Exclusion Era, 1882-1943 At America’s Gates: Chinese Immigration during the Exclusion Era, 1882-1943, Erika Lee. Shehong Chen Shehong Chen Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Journal of American Ethnic History (2004) 23 (2): 105–106. https://doi.org/10.2307/27501433 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Shehong Chen; At America’s Gates: Chinese Immigration during the Exclusion Era, 1882-1943. Journal of American Ethnic History 1 January 2004; 23 (2): 105–106. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/27501433 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of American Ethnic History Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright 2004 Immigration and Ethnic History Society2004 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.