Cattle Slaughter Industry in Qing China: State Ban, Muslim Dominance, and the Western Diet

過去關於金昌業《老稼齋燕行日記》的過去論述，多是針對金昌業的出身來做探討，或以文學作品研究的角度為主，來談燕行日記的內容或寫作方式上的特色，及思想方面對北學派的影響。這其中即使有提到金昌業與清人之間的交流的敘述如何讓十八世紀後期使節得以做為典範，也均未觸及文人交流和物品交流方面的細節和代表意義。因此，本文將以1712年燕行使者金昌業的《老稼齋燕行錄》為研究的對象，論述金昌業的燕行紀錄，與清朝文人交流過程和交流的內容，特別是在交流間扮演著重要角色的各種物品。在此過程中，不僅可揭示出兩國文人對彼此國家事務的看法，更可進一步讓我們瞭解它們在雙方文人世界、社會文化上的作用與價值，進而形塑這些文人的價值體系與異國想像。 本論文主要論述的內容可分為三個部分。第一章的討論是，主要從觀察朝鮮和清朝之間的重大事件來了解1712年燕行的背景。透過前者的研究，可見燕行具有固定路線、限制私帶物品、更無法買或帶中國書籍及地圖等等限制。因為如此，本文更可關注金昌業究竟私帶了哪些物品及如何就此跟清朝人接觸的議題，並進一步討論了金昌業本身和他的家庭背景。第二章是從金昌業如何與清朝人交流的疑問開始，透過中國文集上關於朝鮮物品的敘述來理解中國人對這些物品的認知。接著討論這些朝鮮物品有哪些、金昌業如何使用那些物品與清人交流的問題。筆者從《老稼齋燕行日記》中擷取各種例子，來討論這些物品交流所產生的作用和它在中朝文化交流中的意義。第三章關注的在於朝鮮使節金昌業在中國所觀察到的人、物及山川相關的描述：金昌業在中國共146天行程中與接觸的清人交流後如何改變對其觀感；另外金昌業在中國觀察，購買的物品有哪些；以及金昌業離開固定路線而特別去參訪的地方有哪些。 金昌業從前者的燕行日記中想像中國，得到機會往北京的路程中見聞許多名地，他以中國親自見聞過的經驗，故而寫成《老稼齋燕行日記》。之後，金昌業的日記被朝鮮人讀過，因此十八世紀後期至十九世紀的燕行紀錄中，也隱隱然可發現從金昌業對中國的態度與觀感的影響力。即金昌業對中國仍保有開放的態度，讓他更多地方經驗寫成燕行日記，這本書逐漸改變了朝鮮人對中國的看法，也許清朝的先進文物等這些都引起了朝鮮人需要學習清朝的北學態度。

Subject of my studies is activities of editing and publishing newspapers and magazines, carried out by Chinese students in Japan during the late Qing period. Through examine the contents and process of transmission of these newspapers and magazine, I will explore how these kind of new mass media had accelerated the structural changes of China’s politics, society and culture. My argument is divided into 4 parts stated as bellows: First part deal with reasons contribute to the massive trends of Chinese students studying in Japan during late Qing, and their political and cultural activities during their stay. After The Russo-Japanese War, numbers of Chinese students studied abroad increase rapidly due to encouragement by the Qing authority and cooperative efforts from Japan. In aspect of politics, students influenced by nationalism had mobilized massive boycott to attend classes and even returned to China collectively. In aspect of culture, they formed associations of fellow provincials , reading clubs, did massive translation from Japanese into Chinese on Western works which had been translated into Japanese. They also introduced western thought through publishing newspapers and magazines. Second part of my dissertation explain how these papers and magazine published by Chinese students in Japan transmitted and circulated among the people in China inwardly and downwardly, to constitute the public sphere in late Qing. After 1895, the reformers utilized new mass media fully as means of enlightenment. However after the WuXu coup, Qing authority had ordered to shut down all press, thus the later shifted their operation to concession and overseas. Japan was amongst such important fortified point, it gathered all essential elements such as space, manpower, resources of thoughts and cultural constitution, to form a public sphere whereby reasoning critiques can be carried out in public, outside the control of official authority. From Japan via Shanghai to the ports, and eventually to various villages and towns all over the country, the Chinese public sphere was transmitted to lower class and the mass. Through shared reading on common works, papers and magazine created a spectacle context , which supplied the mass with a public sphere, although in reality, the exact spaces were separated due to differences of social classes and living environment . Third part would analyze the mutual relationship between publications by Chinese students in Japan and the political power of China. I would divide the main theme into three categories according to its development. First of all is to analyze and induce from the text, the newly formed field of power due to the highly political nature of the papers and magazine run by Chinese students study abroad. Secondly, to study responses of Qing authority on these newly formed field, which has shown an oppressive nature initially and end up with docile. My dissertation would tract this changes in policy, to examine the constitution and transformation of this field of power. Finally, to examine how the intellectuals had manipulated the operation of this field of power, to sustain their superiority in culture and to propagate their political stand. Part four emphasize the potential impacts on languages and culture during the transmission of new thought through papers and magazine. This dissertation will clarify it from 3 perspectives, which are vocabulary, genre and resources of idea respectively. Chinese students in Japan during late Qing had done massive translation and introduction of western thought through the Field which was constructed by papers and magazine. As a results, plenty of new vocabulary has been introduced and merged into the vocabulary system of Hanyu( the Chinese language), created intensive impact and supplement to the system of thought which was previously exist . Since the process of translation and introduction of western theories had been carried out too hastily, syntactic construction which imitate Japanese genre had created a kind of Genre of Japanese Direct Translation , producing New Genre which is a transition between GuWen( classical Chinese) and Bai Hua ( modern Chinese). This New Genre has changed Chinese literary language as well. In the aspect of resource of idea, through translation of Japanese publication , Chinese students digested and applied western theories carried in it, and reproduced it in books, papers and magazine which they published. In such a way, Japan had become a medium through which new thoughts from western was imported into China during late Qing. In other words, China was depending on Japan in its process of acquiring western culture. Finally, this dissertation conclude the importance of papers and magazine in late Qing, this new field constructed by new form of mass media had finally accelerated the transformation of politics, society and culture during that period.

This article examines change and continuity in the selection, conceptualisation and state-sponsorship of 'famine foods' in late Qing, Nationalist and Maoist China. It employs as case studies the following severe famines that struck North China under three markedly different regimes: the North China Famine of 1876-79, the Henan Famine of 1942/43 and the Great Leap Famine of 1958-62. Continuities that cut across the three periods include the particular non-grain foods - beginning with tree bark and wild plants and extending to Bodhisattva earth ( Guanyin tu ) - consumed at the local level, and a tradition of elite involvement in identifying and endorsing items that could relieve starvation. The terms used to describe survival foods changed significantly, however, as did the rationale for promoting such foods. Moreover, as twentieth-century Chinese modernisers joined their Western counterparts in championing the use of science and technology to address food crises and other disasters, state-run health and scientific agencies played an increasingly active role in testing and promoting recipes for non-grain foods. This trend reached its zenith during the Great Leap Famine, when the government launched a 'food substitute' ( daishipin ) campaign that aimed to address food shortages without reducing grain quotas by encouraging the mass-production of food substitutes such as chlorella and artificial meat. This campaign can be understood as a sharp departure from Qing China's grain-centred famine relief policies, a radical extension of rhetoric and priorities laid out during the Nationalist period and a case of high modernism gone badly awry.

This article examines sources for the import of Japanese goods into China in order to discuss Sino-Japanese trade in Suzhou in the eighteenth century and how people in Suzhou consumed Japanese commodities. The ways that Suzhou residents consumed these commodities were influenced not only by the quality of Japanese goods but also by the ruling culture of the Qing dynasty. With the increase of population during the Ming and Qing dynasties, China began to import copper from Japan in order to mint coins. After the mid-eighteenth century, copper imports were outpaced by ocean products from Japan. Analysis of cook books from southern regions of China during the Qing dynasty shows that ocean products, soy sauce, miso, and wines had changed dining habits in China. Japanese wares, already favored by Ming literati, came in wider use during the Qing dynasty. They were commonly found in kitchens and bedchambers; commonly used imports included lacquer tea tables, tea plates, lacquer cabinets, and wash tables. During the Ming dynasty, it was the literati who determined what was fashionable; with the advent of the Qing dynasty, the role of fashion leader shifted to the royal family. The taste of the emperors deeply influenced that of commoners. The kinds of vessels produced by the Suzhou Production Bureau, as well as the gifts chosen by officials for the emperors, all reveal the tastes of the royal family. The dining ware popular during the Qing dynasty shows how ordinary people imitated their superiors. As for the emperors themselves, the Qianlong Emperor usually gave orders to the artisans that, when imitating Western style artifacts, they should somehow eliminate the ”western-ness” of those artifacts and make a clear distinction between Chinese and Western. Japanese artifacts, however, suffered from no such limitations and were much favored by the Qianlong Emperor. During his reign, foreign lacquer (yangqi) was not only a name of a particular product but also representated Japanese-style lacquerware in general. The influence of Manchu culture can also be seen in how people of Suzhou adapted to the winter season. Furs were commonly found in Suzhou markets during cold periods; people also used heating equipment imported from Japan. In sum, this article shows how the diet, daily utensils, and social customs changed with the import of Japanese commodities. The gradual assimilation of Japanese goods shows how Qing royal culture influenced common citizens and how citizens imitated this royal culture.

West Liaohe Basin is one of the key regions in the West development strategies implemented by the Chinese Government,and its eco-environment is vulnerable.Study on land reclamation and its influence on environment is the only way to explore the cause of land desertification and seek for the proper pattern of land use. (1)This paper examines changes of the land reclamation in West Liaohe Basin in about 100 years(1902-1990).At the end of the Qing Dynasty,it had no land to open up in the south of West Liaohe,but areas of plowland got increased in counties and Qis(banners) in the north of West Liaohe.In the period of Republic of China,much plowland was turned into wasteland in the south of West Liaohe,but in the north of West Liaohe,a great amount of grassland was developed into arable land.After liberation(1949),because of unreasonable land policies,all grassland was almost opened up completely. (2)Above all,natural environment in West Liaohe Basin has been greatly influenced.First,vegetation was destroyed,so the virgin forest of the Qing Dynasty now becomes the secondary forest dominately composed of mountain polar and white pirch,and the thick forest gets the thin one.Secondly,wild animals lost their natural living environment owing to vegetation destruction,so small animals such as rabbits,pheasants,crows,pied magpies and so on,now become rarer and rarer besides of macro-animals being extinct. (3)Soil erosion happened in the Qing Dynasty,lately reclamation took place at a large scale at the end of the Qing Dynasty,much plowland changed into wasteland in Republic of China,and extensive reclamation after liberation makes it on the rise.

This paper will focus on the piracy issue along the seacoast of the Guang Dong Province during the Jia Qing Period to the Guang Xu Period (1810-1885) during the Qing Dynasty. At the same time, China and France both singed the Tientsin China France Pact. The friendship between the China and Vietnam did not resolve the piracy issue. This issue has never been solved; rather, on the contrary, it remains to this day. This paper covers only a small part of the pirate history research. I hope to expand the research filed by the China ocean history development. This paper is divided into six chapters. This second chapter is about pirate development history in Qing Dynasty and stresses the importance in every stage. The third chapter analyzes organization, source, motive, resource, and geography to further understand the pirate society. The fourth chapter is about the penalty under the law of the Qing Dynasty and furthermore, the unfair practices that occurred after the pirates surrendered or were arrested. The fifth chapter is about how the piracy issue evolved into more problems. The sixth chapter is about the influence on seacoast trading. After all, business ships are profitable objects to the pirates. The last chapter views the pirate activities from an international aspect, for example, Vietnam, England, Portugal and France, etc. These topics are the main discussion targets in this paper.

After the coup d’etat of 1898 ended the “One Hundred Day Reform”, the situation and personal safety of Emperor Guangxu (1871-1908, r. 1875-1908) of Qing China became critical, with rumors about deposition of the Emperor widely spread; when the Qing regime declared a successor to the throne (as an adopted heir for the late Emperor Tongzhi) at the end of the 25th year of Guangxu period (Jan. 24, 1900), it was generally regarded as the first step of the deposition, and strong opposition at home and abroad arose. While the Qing regime hardened their persecution of the reform-minded intellectuals at home, and started using the Boxers in Northern China to fight against foreign powers, jeopardizing China’s very existence, many reformist and revolutionary activists also started to cooperate for a united uprising to “rescue the emperor” (qin wang, 勤王) and carry on the modern reform. With the Qing regime gradually destroying her prestige and integrity with her own action, the year 1900 (especially the Boxer Uprising) became a watershed of modern Chinese political culture. Through the re-discovery of a mysterious “Imperial Claimant” case at Wuchang, Hubei Province from the winter of 1899 to the spring of 1900 (a mysterious man claimed himself as the Emperor fleeing in disguise), this research tries to locate the course of this case, analyze the varied discourse about it by several newspapers and magazines at home and abroad (along with the judgement by some reformist intellectuals), and focus them into several larger contexts: the political standings of and debates between these newspapers and magazines, the long-standing rumors about the safety of the Emperor and their long roots in the Late Qing power structure, the power of news media as a “budding public space” to stimulate discussion and debate, even determine the meaning and importance of an event by interpretation; and the power of rumors as message to reflect certain kinds of social anxiety and anticipation. Several later versions of interpretation about this event stemmed from different analytical angles, and the role played by secret societies in this case and during the turbulant period between 1898 and 1900, also need to be analyzed. With these explorations, this research hopes to reach a fuller and more multi-layered grasp and understanding to the operation of Late Qing political culture in this turbulent period, on “the eve of transformation”.

For a long time many scholars in China, Taiwan, Japan wanted to find out the true origin of the clan name ”Manchu” of the Qing rulers. Four possible answers were offered: (1) it stemmed from the name of a Bodhisattva ”Manjusri”; (2) it was based on the traditional ethnic name; (3) it was taken from a respectful title for the clan leaders, and (4) it was derived from the name of the land the Manchu originally inhabited. Although new evidence was found to justify these presumptions, most scholars were not convinced by the proofs. The origin of ”Manchu” remained a puzzle in early Qing history. This paper does not engage in solving the puzzle of the name, ”Manchu”, and its true origin, but merely sets out to ask the following question: ”On what grounds can the clan name 'Manchu' be traced to 'Manjusri'-a Bodhisattva?” From certain materials, we know that the connection was drawn built by the Manchu themselves. During the fifth emperor Qian-long's reign, Qing officials compiled a book entitled: Manzhou Yuanliu Kao (Textual Research into the Origins of the Manchu). In this book, the authors referred the name ”Manchu” to early Tibetan diplomatic letters, which had addressed the Qing leader as ”Manjusri emperor”. But in fact, according to earlier scholars, the Qing people had already used the title ”Manchu” as their clan name prior to the arrival of the first Tibetan mission at Mukden in Hong Taiji Chong-de 7. Still, most scholars relied on the scanty evidence upon which the textual enquiry was founded. In the second section of this paper, the author explains that the Qian-long court conducted such incorrect textual research not because of its muddle-headedness, but that this word was part of a series of strategies intended by Qianlong to tighten the relationship between ”Manchurian” and ”Tibetan Buddhism”. The attempt included the three aspects of ”Buddha”, ”Dharma” and ”monk”, and the aim was to support the Qing dynasty's rule over the western and north-western parts of the empire. At least, from the middle period of Qian-long's reign, the Manchurian rulers had partly used the Tibetan doctrine of the unity of polity and religion (”Zhen-jiao-he-yi”) as a political skill to rule their empire. In the third section the author discusses the history of the above-mentioned Tibetan doctrine, and comes to the conclusion that there were 6 steps in the Tibetan politico-religious relationship. In the tenth year of the Shun-zhi's reign, for the first time ever in the doctrine's history Dalai V offered a Bodhisattva name to a foreign living leader, which shows that the very procedure by which the Manchuian leader did manage to obtain his ”Manjusri emperor” title was due less to Tibetan custom than to politics. In conclusion the author mentions the events following the Qing emperors' acquisition of their respective Manjusri titles, the nature of their reactions as well as the effects the visit of Dalai V to the Qing empire had on governing the Mongolian tribes.

The opposition between Han Learning 漢學 and Song Learning 宋學 has long been the focal point of research on the ”Han-Song debate” 漢宋之爭 of Qing dynasty literati. In fact, in Qing intellectual history, the meaning of the ”Han-Song debate” was not limited to these two schools as such. It was also a reflection of the tensions between classical study 窮經 and virtue 進德, and between textual study 考據 and principle 義理, issues which were internal to the Han Learning school of the Qing. With the development of the trend to ”pursue knowledge for knowledge's sake,” Han Learning ran counter to the Confucian learning that stressed personal moral cultivation and practical ordering of the world. Nonetheless, Han Learning was squarely within the domain of Confucian learning and thereby governed by its own internal limitations. It could not admit to any theoretical knowledge independent of ”principle.” The Han Learning scholars of the Qing thus faced a tension that was internal to their school, while they strongly pursued textual studies, at the same time they had to limit this interest to make sure it did not lead away from virtue and principle. This is precisely the deeper significance of the ”Han-Song debate” in Qing intellectual history. Since the late Qing, following the West, China began to adopt a new taxonomical scheme re-defining and re-categorizing knowledge. The tendency to separate different layers of Confucian learning, which led to the interpretation of a ”Han-Song debate,” had supported and been supported by the Western academic taxonomical scheme. Thenceforth, this new condition helped to bring about the collapse of Confucian learning and, therefore, the end of the ”Han-Song debate.” In this sense, the ”Han-Song debate” may have helped give the Chinese academy means for its transformation from traditional into modern. Perhaps Qing thought was already displaying a tendency toward its ”modern nature.” However, it is too early to reach this conclusion, and for now we should be cautious in positing that the Qing thought contained a ”modern nature.”

Chen Rong 陳融 (1876-1955) was a native of Panyu County番禺 in Guangdong Province. During the last years of the Qing dynasty he went to Japan to study and later worked for the Republican Government after the 1911 Revolution. A famous poet and literary critique in modern China, Chen Rong was also well-known for his book collection of Qing dynasty authors. Chen planned to compose Qingshi Jishi 清詩紀事, a Qing poetry collection with annotations on the historical background of each poem, but gave up the plan after learning that the former president Xu Shichang 徐世昌 had already organized a group to compile a Qing poetry collection. Upon reviewing Xu Shichang's compilation Wanqingyi Shihui 晚晴簃詩匯, he was most dissatisfied with the errors found within, and thus resumed his plan in the late 1920s, becoming the first scholar to compile an annotated anthology of Qing poems. From 1935 to 1937, part of Qingshi Jishi was published over 46 issues of Qing He 青鶴, a magazine in Shanghai. Although under the title of Yongyuan Shihua 颙園詩話, the published portion was an abridged edition of Qingshi Jishi. When the Sino-Japanese War broke out, Qing He ceased publication and Yongyuan Shihua also stopped running. After the Japanese occupation of Guangzhou, the books collected by Chen Rong were almost all lost, and the compilation work of Qingshi Jishi could never be completed. Based on the part posted in Qing He and other works of Chen Rong, such as Yuexiu Ji 越秀集 and Qiumenglu Shihua 秋夢廬詩話, this article attempts a preliminary study of the characteristics and significance of Qingshi Jishi.

Through an examination of the mentalities of Qing loyalists, this article offers a new historical perspective on Manchukuo. This article focuses on the following questions: First, how did Qing loyalists face the immediate problems of 1930s China? Second, why did they choose to participate in Manchukuo? And third, basing themselves on a concept of nationalism, what were their broad views and how did they protect their general interests? Discussing the roles that the Qing loyalists played in Manchukuo can also give us a clearer understanding of Chinese political culture in the 1930s. Basing themselves on anti-Communism, they participated in Manchukuo to extricate themselves from the social order and institutions of Republican China and restore the absolute monarchy. Given the vigorous growth of ”doctrine festishism” during the 1920s and 1930s, Qing loyalists used the ”Kingly Way” as a doctrine to establish and maintain the legitimacy of Manchukuo. Furthermore, they wanted to preserve the Qing court and their own interests. In other words, the loyalists used the traditional ”intellectual resource” of the spirit of the Kingly Way to all appearances, but they actually backed it up with the ”conceptual apparatus” of modern military force. Therefore, if we want to understand the historical position of Qing loyalists, we should not only look at the theme of dynastic change but also must also take into account international conditions, particularly the contest between fascism and communism.

“Xiao Shuo Lin” , published by Xiao Shuo Lin Publishing House in 1907, is one of four fiction periodicals in late Qing Dynasty, and was the turning point in the history of newspaper and periodical development in late Qing Dynasty. It shows that the newspapers and periodicals gradually transformed from political enlightenment to literature, popularization, and business, and made re-orientation and re-thinking to the public and private fields. The thesis can be divided into five parts chiefly: First of all, analyzing Xiao Shuo Lin Publishing House and “Xiao Shuo Lin’s” overall operation and publishing conditions, which were beneficial for making exposition afterwards in this thesis. Secondly, the translation of novels and anecdotes of others that occupied the greatest space of publication; this part explored the West and China’s mutual viewing and orientation behavior by means of translation, and translation had changed China’s way of viewing itself. Then, continuing to discuss “Xiao Shuo Lin’s” viewpoint of literature that attached importance to aesthetics, literariness, and business value, and presented the individual subject’s emerging after the modernity entered late Qing Dynasty, resulting in the literature’s tending to secular value and tool value; hence, the subjects of “watching stealthily” and “peeping” were often seen in the fictions, influencing the literature trend of early Republic of China; besides, newspapers and periodicals have become an enterprise for people working in a publishing house to make a living, and the introspection of improving the quality of publications was aroused because of wanting to boost the sales volume. Furthermore, researching the gender issue; “female reform” in late Qing Dynasty was the language constructed by males; “Xiao Shuo Lin” published “Nie Hai Hua (Flower in the Sea of Evil),” the news event of “Qiu Jin,” and family category novels, revealing female image’s crossing the border and reversal in the public and private fields. Finally, the short novels’ transformation in form, content, and punctuation marks, leading the readers to roam through Shanghai to appreciate the metropolitan style and features as “Les Fleurs du mal (The Flower of Evil)” in late Qing Dynasty, and know the world view of people at that time. “Xiao Shuo Lin” is situated at the position of inheriting the past and ushering in the future (namely, serving as a link between past and future), sways between the vertexes of literature development, public and private fields, Chinese and Western culture or enlightenment and business, being rich of profound meaning of modernity and with edification.

YuchuXinzhi with its 20 volume of 150 short novels was a collection of Chinese novels in both Ming and Qing Dynasties. Scholars in Mainland and Taiwan have paid little attention to this collection. However, it is a popular collection in Meiji period in Japan. We can even see some old original versions made in Qing Dynasty in Japan's libraries that can not be found in Taiwan or China. Many editions were found in the Ynchu Xinzhi. Kangxi version, Qianlong 25(1760) Yiqingtang pocket-size version and Xianfeng 1(1851) version are the representative ones among the editions. Several revisions have been conducted in the Yuchu Xinzhi during Qing Dynasty, which results in different list of contents of each version. Although the list of Chinese classics may classify the Yuchu Xinzhi as ”the Kangxi original version,” one can not fully trust it without any examination. This article examines the relation between editions in Qianlong period, the changes of editions made after Xianfeng, and how 150 short novels were finally established.

The Study of “Zuofeian rizuan” by Zheng Xuan in Late Ming Dynasty Author’s Name: Chieh-Min Chou Advisor’s Name: Mei-Chen Ho Department & College: Chinese Literature, Liberal Arts SUMMARY The thesis analyzes “Zuofeian rizuan” which compiled by Zheng Xuan in late Ming dynasty. First, this thesis collects historical documents, reinspects Zheng Xuan’s life and reinvestigate the versions and the spreads of “Zuofeian rizuan”. Second, it concludes and arranges the contents of “Zuofeian rizuan”. The concept is compilation. It can divide into three subjects. The three subjects are “regimen compilation”, “official admonition compilation” and “compilation of virtuous persuasion”. Analyze and explain these three subjects individually. Then, compare it with similar times’ version. It can stress the characteristic of “Zuofeian rizuan”. The research achievements of the thesis is that clarify the literature value of “Zuofeian rizuan”. “Zuofeian rizuan” was a note which Zheng Xuan wrote when he studied. This book had three volumes which contained twenty chapters. It had been imitated and modified in late Ming dynasty and early Qing dynasty. It also had been circulated to Japan and Korea. According to the contents, this book had Zheng Xuan’s belief which is meliorism and virtuous persuasion. It also showed that the books in late Ming dynasty were mainly to use compilation and miscellany-note. Generally, “Zuofeian rizuan” reflected people’s reading preference in late Ming dynasty. It was also a feedback which Zheng Xuan wanted to give to the world he lived. Key words: late Ming dynasty, Zheng Xuan, “Zuofeian rizuan,” note, compile INTRODUCTION Zheng Xuan (about 1602-1646) was born in Houguan, Fujian. He had two courtesy names, Hanfeng and Hongkui. The highest-ranking post he got is a provincial governor of Yingtian. He worked as a ministry of Works in Long Wu of South-Ming dynasty. He compiled “Zuofeian rizuan” which had similar meanings to Tao Yuanming’s poet “I know today I am right, if yesterday was a complete mistake.” “Rizuan”, this word had strong feeling of time, so Zheng Xuan’s purpose of compiling was “introspection”. This book had three volumes which contained twenty chapters. It published in Chong Zhen of Ming dynasty, and it also republished in Long Wu dynasty. “Zuofeian rizuan” was a note which Zheng Xuan wrote when he studied. The chapters were short and the language was simplified. It had characteristics of note-novel and proverbial-style essays. People neglected “Zuofeian rizuan” for a long time. Therefore, the research achievements were less. However, researching into various version of documents and the ways of compiling books in Ming dynasty would rediscover the value and meaning of “Zuofeian rizuan”. MATERIALS AND METHODS This thesis uses the following materials: “History of the Ming dynasty”, “The Southern Ming”, chorography, anthology, literary sketches in Ming dynasty and Qing dynasty, the catalogs of studies in China. The methods of this thesis are document analysis, textual interpretation, statistical method, induction method. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION This thesis has six chapters. The first chapter is exordium which makes a description of question consciousness of this thesis. Sort selected publications and general situation of “Zuofeian rizuan” at present. This chapter also has conceptual framework. The second chapter is about the content of “Zuofeian rizuan” and its characteristic of compiling and recording. This chapter is also related to historical materials collected in Ming dynasty and Qing dynasty to investigate Zheng Xuan’s life. According to bibliography, this chapter shows the arrangement of existing editions and spreading circumstance. “Zuofeian rizuan” had been circulated to Japan and Korea. “Zuofeian rizuan” had been counterfeited to be “Fu Shou Quan Shu” by booksellers who palm off Chen Ji Ru (1558-1639) in late Ming dynasty. In Qing dynasty, Nan Zhu Yuan, a jin-shi in Chong Zhen tenth year, re-edited it to be “Jing Ren Ji”. We can say that “Zuofeian rizuan” had been influenced by indirect spread of “Fu Shou Quan Shu” and “Jing Ren Ji”. The third chapter to the fifth chapter focuses on three subjects which generalized from “Zuofeian rizuan”. Three subjects are “regimen compilation”, “official admonition compilation” and “compilation of virtuous persuasion”. Use this word, compilation, in order to emphasize compiling way of this book and the behavior of rewriting and abbreviating. Three subjects extend an individual to a group. These hide Zheng Xuan’s ideal for compiling this book. It not only has self reflection, but also exhorts people to be good. Furthermore, these chapter shows a comparison about “Zuofeian rizuan”,“Zun Sheng Ba Jian”, official admonition books in Ming dynasty and “Di Ji Lu”. “Zun Sheng Ba Jian” was written by Gao Lian(1573-1620). Yan Mao You, a jin-shi in Chong Zhen seventh year, wrote “Di Ji Lu”. CONCLUSION The content of “Zuofeian rizuan” is various, and it doesn’t have complete ideology. However, this book embodies the possibility of inquiring and pursuing righteousness from individuals in uneasy politics and society of late Ming dynasty. Therefore, we can say that “Zuofeian rizuan” represents compiling way of miscellany-note in late Ming dynasty. It reflected people’s reading preference in late Ming dynasty. It was also a feedback which Zheng Xuan wanted to give to the world he lived.

The rationale for the divisions of the sections of Shih ching, conventionally assumed as subject matter, has long perplexed modern scholars. This paper, attempting an approach interweaving historical records with some archaemusicological data and paleographic analysis, seeks to find the origins of the designations of these divisions. I propose a new reading of the character ”nan,” as used in the first two subsections of the ”Feng” section of Shih ching. First, I explain this character, judging from its form and appearance in inscriptional writings, and from its denotation in early lexical works, as a pictorial representation of a bamboo section. This was an early way of making a water or wine container. I will seek to interpret the character's core meanings and links with extended uses, in early epigraphic and documentary texts.This new perspective about the meaning of ”nan” will suggest that it was initially the name of a musical instrument. It refers to the bronze bells prevalent in southern China during the late Shang and early Chou times. Bells called po-chung and kou-tiao were representative of this type. Building on modern studies of early Chinese musical history, especially on works by modern archaeologists and musicologists, I hypothesize that the designation of the ”Nan” sections of Shih ching was initially derived from the name of a musical style which originated from these bronze bells.Finally, a reexamination of the designations of other parts of Shih ching, ”Ya,” ”Sung” and ”Feng,” suggests that the musical style theory, as posited by Sung dynasty scholars, is a tenable method of explaining these designations. I will further propose that these different musical styles were in turn derived from their accompanying instruments: namely nan, po bells and kou-tiao bells prevalent in southern China along the Chiang River valley; feng wind instruments; ya, the yung-chung bell, a mallet-struck bell with a shank atop of it, prevalent in the central Chou domain during the Western Chou times; sung, or yung, an earlier bell type restricted to the use of the Shang nobility. In designating the poems of Shih ching, the compiler or the editor seems to have differentiated poems of different styles according to their accompanying musical instruments, with different geographical origins.