CAPITALISM, IDEOLOGY, AND DEGROWTH: A STRUCTURALIST CRITIQUE IN THE SPIRIT OF ALTHUSSER

Capitalistic Ideology as an 'Interpersonal Game'

Social-Justice Activism in the Academic Industrial Complex Andrea Smith (bio) The theme of these "Got Life?" essays begs the question: How did "having a life" become constructed as something at odds with having a job in academia? Why has being a good scholar and academic come to mean that one should be working incessantly at the expense of doing social-justice work, having fun, [End Page 140] or maintaining interests outside academia? It is not sufficient to ask, How can we lead lives that are more balanced? Or, How can we balance a life of social-justice activism with a job in academia? Rather, we must deconstruct the logic of the academic industrial complex to see how it has trapped us into needlessly thinking we must choose between academia and having a life. Louis Althusser argued that educational systems are an "ideological state apparatus" by which the capitalist system reproduces itself ideologically.1 "Education" is not innocent or neutral, it is designed to teach peoples to be subject to colonial and capitalist structures. Similarly, as Pierre Bourdieu elaborates, dominating classes assure their position through not only domination over economic capital but over cultural capital, a form of domination that enables them to secure the terms of discourse and knowledge to their benefit. The educational system is particularly important in the reproduction of symbolic capital under capitalism. The standardization of academic qualifications—a given amount of labor and time in academic apprenticeship is exchanged for a given amount of cultural capital, the degree—enables a differentiation in power ascribed to permanent positions in society and hence to the biological agents who inhabit these positions. According to Bourdieu, what is significant about the educational system is not just the set of ideologies it promotes, but the set of tacitly unequal institutional power relations it ensures through the fiction of equal access to education.2 However, in order to function as an ideological state apparatus, the academy must disavow its complicity in capitalism by claiming itself as a meritocratic system. That is, only those academics who are smart and work hard will succeed. Even progressives within the academy tend to perpetuate this myth of meritocracy by their refusal to see academia as a game whose rules anyone can learn to play strategically. Otherwise, if one appears not to be working endlessly for the academic industrial complex, that person will be condemned as being a lazy or undeserving scholar. I, for instance, have been told on innumerable occasions that if I have time to do as much activist work as I do, then I must not really being doing scholarship. But if we do support social justice, then we should be demystifying the academy rather than perpetuating its capitalist logics. The reality is that one does not have to work tirelessly to be successful in the academy. Rather than always feeling compelled to promote the appearance of busyness in our lives, we should demystify the academy and share strategies of how to manage it effectively. Below are some survival strategies I have learned [End Page 141] that have enabled me to continue my social-justice organizing while employed in the academy in order to contribute to this necessary conversation. 1. Understand intellectual work as collaborative. A phenomenon that results from academia's myth of meritocracy is that scholars feel an undue burden to prove their brilliance. They can never take short cuts. They cannot publish anything unless it is perfect. Consequently, it takes many scholars an inordinate amount of time to finish their work because they suffer from excessive anxiety attacks as to whether or not their contributions are going to be sufficiently brilliant to warrant their publication. In addition, the capitalist logic of the academic industrial complex promotes extreme intellectual individualism. If one were to seek help from others, it would mean that person is intellectually inferior. In reality, however, all intellectual production is collaborative. Thus, we should unashamedly seek intellectual partners and collaborators in doing our work. If you have a hard time organizing your thoughts, then find someone who will help your organize them. Meanwhile, you may be a good copy editor who can help someone who needs this skill...

Entrepreneurship is becoming one of the key concepts in management thinking and is treated as what is capable of dealing with a variety of social problems and managerial challenges. However, the idea of entrepreneurship is based on a series of ideological assumptions that are rarely addressed in (mainstream) entrepreneurship literature. This conceptual paper aims at exploring entrepreneurship as a form of subjectification embedded in a number of social institutions. The main reference in this undertaking is Althusser's writing on 'the ideological state apparatus' as what is providing meaningful and productive subject-positions in contemporary society. The paper concludes that a more self-reflexive view of entrepreneurship would enable for a more elaborated theory of the entrepreneur, moving beyond the one-sided enthusiasm for the concept at times displayed in the field.

The burgeoning conflict over the water sharing is now a global phenomenon. Many international treaties, laws and water management models are available to settle down the water sharing issues among the states like Absolute Territorial Sovereignty and the Upper Riparian, Absolute Territorial Integrity and the Lower Riparian and Mediated Strategy of Restricted Integrity. Inter-provincial water sharing issue in Pakistan is a classic example of upstream-downstream rivalry which has been traced back from the pre-partition history of Pakistan. Lower riparian province Sindh has a historical conflict with upper riparian province Punjab, Balochistan being lower riparian has water conflicts with Sindh, and KPK has water sharing issue with Punjab. The constitution has also empowered the existing institutions like CCI and IRSA and established several new rules for the water manageme among provinces. Currently, it has become the issue of federation and has disturbed the provincial harmony and national integration.

The purpose of this study is to provide a detailed explanation of: (1) the novel "Laut Bercerita" by Leila S. Chudori explores the presence of repressive state apparatus (RSA), (2) the novel "Laut Bercerita" by Leila S. Chudori explores the concept of the ideological state apparatus (ISA), (3) The novel "Laut Bercerita" by Leila S. Chudori explores forms of direct and indirect resistance. This research uses a qualitative approach and uses a descriptive method. The novel "Laut Bercerita" by Leila S. Chudori, the 52nd edition published by KPG (Gramedia Popular Library) is a source of data and an object of research. The data in this study are in the form of words, phrases, clauses, and sentences taken from the narrator's exposition and the dialogues of the characters in the novel Laut Bercerita by Leila S. Chudori. Based on the results of the study, the following were found. First, there is a form of repressive state apparatus (RSA) in the novel Laut Bercerita by Leila S. Chudori which includes: (1) persecution 11 data, (2) intimidation 14 data, (3) oppression 4 data. The two forms of ideological state apparatus (ISA) in the novel Laut Bercerita by Leila S. Chudori include: (1) family 10 data, (2) education 3 data. The third resistance in the novel Laut Bercerita by Leila S. Chudori (1) directly 3 data, (2) indirect 1 data.

The artistic discourse, when addressing issues of gender and sexuality, reproduces relationships of domination and resistance. Art is a way of challenging ideological and social norms imposed by Ideological State Apparatuses (Althusser, 2009). Based on the Materialist Discourse Analysis, this paper examines the urban projection mapped by the collective Projetemos, featuring the phrase "you can't imprison the virus," along with the rainbow that composes the image projected onto the wall. We understand that, through the image, there is a critique of the repression of LGBTQIAP+ identities and an emphasis on the impossibility of confining sexual diversity. The analysis highlights how art and the body, in relation to the functioning of ideology in our social formation during the Covid-19 pandemic, become forms of resistance in the struggle for visibility and recognition of non-normative identities.

William Golding's novel "Lord of the Flies" explores the role of language in shaping societal norms, values, and power structures. The language used by the characters reflects their respective ideologies and contributes to the development of their positions. Language also reveals power dynamics and social hierarchies within the group, with characters who speak Standard English portrayed as more intelligent and civilised. The use of language perpetuates the dominant ideology of the group, with Jack using aggressive language to exert control over others while Ralph employs more collaborative and inclusive language. This paper demonstrates how language is not merely a means of communication but a tool for shaping and reinforcing societal norms, values, and power structures. Using language as an ideological state apparatus plays a significant role in shaping the characters' ideological positions and the dynamics within the group.

It is human nature that we tend to stereotype certain individuals and groups based on their ethnicity, race, religion, and even looks, among other attributes. That is the case with Pakhtuns as well. Non-Pakhtuns, within and outside Pakistan, do not have a very positive notion about them; more so about their treatment of women. In this paper, I demonstrate that there is no doubt that the Pakhtuns are restricted, in some cases, by their cultural boundaries but then everyone, irrespective of their ethnic, racial, and/or religious backgrounds have their limitations. In order to prove my stance I have first of all interviewed some native Pashto speakers to get a general understanding about and usage of Pashto tappa and contemporary poetry composed by women. Using Althusser’s framework of ideology and Ideological State Apparatus, as the theoretical foundation, I argue that Pakhtun women are culturally interpellated but they have their own ways of practicing their agency. These women may not be able to totally challenge structural and cultural norms but they definitely know how to use their quotidian agency. Finally, I conclude that agency should not be understood in the narrow sense; it can have different meanings for different people in different contexts.

ABSTRACTThis paper identifies the issues of internal orientalism that are reproduced at a micro level within Pakistan because of English linguistic imperialism. The unequal education system engenders attitudes of English supremacy. Orientalism supports global divisions East and West wherein the former is subservient to the latter. This division is reproduced domestically in Pakistan where English acquisition remains a preserve of few, who tend to exploit and ostracise (from privileges) others. To identify the corresponding elements of imperialism, I study both repressive and ideological state apparatuses by examining government reports during military regimes for the former and the advertisements of elite schools for the latter. Both apparatuses play a significant role in promoting English supremacy ideology. With Louis Althusser, I examine this ideology focusing on two Ideological State Apparatuses, i.e. education – elite schools (both private and public), and media – school advertisements. This research argues that English plays a significant role in the perpetuation of imperialism in postcolonial Pakistan.

The title story “Laato Pahaada” [“Dumb Hill”] selected from Upendra Subba’
 s anthology of stories Laato Pahaada [Dumb Hill] represents plights – pains, sufferings, tortures and difficulties – of ethnic Limbu community at the margin under the dominance of mainstream culture and various forms of repressive and ideological state apparatuses. So, this study aims to find out the responsible factors that compel the ethnic Limbu community to remain illiterate and go through numerous pains, sufferings, tortures and humiliation. Similarly, it aims to analyse how the illiterate and poor Limbu people suffer and get tortured by the cultural practices and apparatuses of the state power. In order to achieve the designed objectives and reach to a conclusion, Cultural Studies has been used as an overall theoretical approach. Particularly, Althusser’s concepts of ideology – repressive and ideological state apparatuses, and Michel Foucault’s idea of discourse and power have been used as theoretical tools for the analysis of the text. This study provides a new insight to see and understand the plights of the people at the margin from a new perspective; and to realize about the importance of marginalized cultures. Innocent Limbu people go through sufferings of illiteracy, poverty and difficulties due to the mono-cultural values and mono-lingual education system of state power which are effectively practiced by the means of both repressive and ideological apparatuses.

This entry approaches its topic through the perspective of the role of language and ideology in politics and the exercise of state power. It begins by introducing the analyses of Marx (and Engels) on language and its evolution, then considers the relation between their approach to language and ideology in the French Enlightenment sense of the science of ideas (a key influence in Marx’s work), and finally considers the relation between language, ideology, and politics. It notes that Marx rarely referred to ideology as such, usually qualifying the noun (e.g., German Ideology, petty bourgeois ideology) or employing ideology as an adjective to supplement a noun (e.g., ), and then explores the successive ways in which Marx explores ideology, distinguishes it from science, and engages in Ideologiekritik. Referencing, inter alia, the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, it also indicates that Marx called for a new political ‘language’ (‘a poetry of the future’) as a precondition for a radical transformation. After some brief comments on the concept of ideology in the Second International and Marxism-Leninism, the analysis turns to the work of Antonio Gramsci, noting the significance of his university studies in philology (specifically historical and spatial linguistics) and then focusing on his Prison Notebooks. It introduces four key concepts and their use in Gramsci’s notebooks: ideology, intellectuals, hegemony, and the state as hegemony armoured by coercion. It also considers folklore, popular culture, and the national-popular. This enables a discussion of the role of struggles for hegemony in the politics of democratic polities or, at least, societies in which mass politics is important. Following another brief interlude on alternative approaches to language and politics in inter-war Western Marxism, the analysis turns to the work of the so-called structural Marxist, Louis Althusser. The key texts here concern those that address ideology, ideological state apparatuses, interpellation, and the expanded reproduction of capitalist social relations. Here I analyse the early analysis of ideological state apparatuses (which involves a critique of Gramsci’s historicism) and a later rapprochement with Gramsci’s work on hegemony. The chapter concludes with a comparison of the work of Marx, Gramsci, and Althusser on language, ideology, and politics, emphasizing continuities as well as discontinuities, and assessing their contemporary relevance.

This entry approaches its topic through the perspective of the role of language and ideology in politics and the exercise of state power. It begins by introducing the analyses of Marx (and Engels) on language and its evolution, then considers the relation between their approach to language and ideology in the French Enlightenment sense of the science of ideas (a key influence in Marx’s work), and finally considers the relation between language, ideology, and politics. It notes that Marx rarely referred to ideology as such, usually qualifying the noun (e.g., German Ideology, petty bourgeois ideology) or employing ideology as an adjective to supplement a noun (e.g., ), and then explores the successive ways in which Marx explores ideology, distinguishes it from science, and engages in Ideologiekritik. Referencing, inter alia, the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, it also indicates that Marx called for a new political ‘language’ (‘a poetry of the future’) as a precondition for a radical transformation. After some brief comments on the concept of ideology in the Second International and Marxism-Leninism, the analysis turns to the work of Antonio Gramsci, noting the significance of his university studies in philology (specifically historical and spatial linguistics) and then focusing on his Prison Notebooks. It introduces four key concepts and their use in Gramsci’s notebooks: ideology, intellectuals, hegemony, and the state as hegemony armoured by coercion. It also considers folklore, popular culture, and the national-popular. This enables a discussion of the role of struggles for hegemony in the politics of democratic polities or, at least, societies in which mass politics is important. Following another brief interlude on alternative approaches to language and politics in inter-war Western Marxism, the analysis turns to the work of the so-called structural Marxist, Louis Althusser. The key texts here concern those that address ideology, ideological state apparatuses, interpellation, and the expanded reproduction of capitalist social relations. Here I analyse the early analysis of ideological state apparatuses (which involves a critique of Gramsci’s historicism) and a later rapprochement with Gramsci’s work on hegemony. The chapter concludes with a comparison of the work of Marx, Gramsci, and Althusser on language, ideology, and politics, emphasizing continuities as well as discontinuities, and assessing their contemporary relevance.

At the late 60´s, a series of academic publications have been written in order to try to re-think education through an ideological, philosophical and pedagogical addressed. These critical authors asked about the role and the responsibility of education in the political action of a particular society. So, in this way of thinking, , would have to do with , , and, . We are referring here to Adorno (Education after Auschwitz); Freire (Pedagogy of the oppressed); Bourdieu (The Reproduction); and Althusser (Ideological State apparatus). All these works have been published between 1968 and 1969 and have become as major works for the educational thought. In this paper we would like to reflect about some particular issues related to education, teachers, society and students that have been taken place in the recent years in our recent history. Issues linked with some expressions and actions of made by students –and teachers- at school and leisure institutions. So, we are interested in trying to ask if these episodes would also express something regarding with a social and political fragmented space, at school, from the great crisis in Argentina, in 2001. We are interested in try to integrate them into a critical argument in order to try, as Adorno says, to contribute to a general enlightenment that provides an intellectual, cultural and social climate in which a recurrence of these kind of episodes, would no longer be possible.

This study perceives human labor as an action for production of material and/or immaterial goods, which are present in teaching and in any other production activity. Foremost, they are of utmost importance for the capitalist mode of production in the present context. The theory of reproduction, which is a significant component of this paper, interacts with the historical materialism and presents class conflict as a reference for the revolutionary praxis, which enables a capitalist infrastructure and superstructure transformation. Thus, notwithstanding the theory of reproduction, which is inevitable in the current social structure, the teacher may try to intervene in the tangible reality in order to transform and revolutionize the world in favor of a society free of exploiters or exploited people. In order to understand this practice, we will perform a bibliographic research, in which we will study Dermeval Saviani’s texts, among others. The works of Louis Althusser will be used as base reference in order to understand the concepts of the Ideological State Apparatuses (ISA) and their reproductivism. In this regard, this study aims to show that the current Brazilian educational system, as an ISA, seeks to contribute to the maintenance of capitalist exploitation and to the perpetuation of a ruling class in a power position. We also aim to answer the following question: to what extent workers’ and students’ revolutionary praxis can direct the historical process to a distinct course other than that essential to the capitalist mode of production, breaking its reproductivism? Therefore, it is a qualitative and bibliographic research.

Informal education systems in the traditional African systems were aimed at, among other things, passing on cultural values, norms and knowledge skills from one generation to the next. In addition, the youth were taught to preserve their cultural identity. Owing to fundamental shifts in classical family systems and educational practices in Africa, countries such as Zimbabwe have come to recognise the need for including societal values and norms, ethics, morals and responsibilities in thewhole school curricula in order to inculcate value systems and maintain the national legacy and cultural heritage. One strategy for achieving the desired cultural ethos is implementing a deliberate Citizenship Education programme which should be incorporated into the formal education system. Citizenship Education could also be inculcated through extra curricula activities such as sport.Besides the transmission of the cultural norms and values, Citizenship Education should incorporate humanitarian issues such as inclusion of people with disabilities in social processes. In the same vein, the Citizenship Education programme should be flexible to cater for the needs of learners with special needs. This paper explores the relevance of Citizenship Education to the prevailing Zimbabwean situation. In the long term, Citizenship Education has the capacity to improve the socio-political and economic advancement of a country. The paper concludes that Citizenship Education is relevant to the Zimbabwean situation, despite that it has been heavily politicised and has, in some cases, lost its original intention. In the long term, the programme has a propensity to improve the socio-political and economic conditions of the country. De-politicisation of Citizenship Education could be the first step towards re-aligning it to the intended national ethos and ideals. This should be policy driven.The programme should endeavour to inculcate values and norms that facilitate nation building and should not be used for partisan political orientation.