Byzantine Fortification Systems of Sardinia in the Light of Archaeological Research and Written Sources

Fortification, conservation, and restoration of the structures and buildings that can be considered as cultural heritage are very crucial. Diyarbakır, one of the cities included in the UNESCO Cultural Heritage List thanks to its historic city walls and Hevsel gardens, has been home to many of these types of structures and buildings. The current study covers the observational examination of the historic Diyarbakır City Walls: the Urfa Gate, towers, and city walls. This study aims to determine the structural damages occurred on this part of city walls and then, constitute a path for the conservation and complementation for such types of historic structures. Besides, the study also contains the remedy and suggestion parts for such kinds of damages coming into existence on these types of structures. The observational examinations revealed remarkable structural damages on the load-carrying systems of the gate transitions and towers. Moreover, irregularities and soil coverings on the ground floors of the towers and also, material lost on the city walls and towers as well as slumping were sighted during the examinations. For these problems, the fortification and complementation suggestions have been listed to support holistic conservation and sustainability in the city walls, gate transitions, and towers.

Up until recently, Czeladź (Silesia, Poland) was generally believed to have been an “open” city, with no stone or brick fortifications. This belief persisted due to lack of historical sources from the period and insufficient archaeological research. In 2016, the authors of this article carried out archaeological investigations 70 m east of the Market Square. The investigations led to the discovery of two wall remains. The width of the first one was 1.40 m. The wall was built from stones of various sizes, hewn only on the face side. The wall was added to another wall, 0.60 m wide at the foundation; however, the second wall was sunk into a compact layer of marl and clay, which reinforced it from its inner side. It was over 0.80 m wide, 2.07 m long and was preserved up to a height of 0.47 m. Five layers of stone have survived. Two fragments of earthenware were discovered in the fill of this cut, dated to, respectively, between the 15th/16th centuries and the 16th century. A lime and sand mortar was used in the construction of both walls. This mortar is characterized by a grey and beige colouration and admixture of significant amounts of sand, limestone lumps, small brick fragments and charcoals. Such admixtures were used in the Medieval Period, and date the mortar to the 14th/15th century. Through architectural and cartographic analysis it can be said that these wall remains are remnants of an element of city fortifications, namely a city wall and a fragment of the eastern city gate. The opening of the presumed gate lies on the same axis as the exit from Rynkowa Street. The investigations provided further evidence for the fact that Czeladź had defensive walls. The research also proved, for the first time in source archaeological material, the existence of a city gate.

TamdrupRoyal residence and memorial church in a new light
 Tamdrup has been shrouded in a degree of mystery in recent times. The solitary church located on a moraine hill west of Horsens is visible from afar and has attracted attention for centuries. On the face of it, it resembles an ordinary parish church, but on closer examination it is found to be unusually large, and on entering one discovers that hidden beneath one roof is a three-aisled construction, which originally was a Romanesque basilica. Why was such a large church built in this particular place? What were the prevailing circumstances in the Early Middle Ages when the foundation stone was laid?
 The mystery of Tamdrup has been addressed and discussed before. In the 1980s and 1990s, archaeological excavations were carried out which revealed traces of a magnate’s farm or a royal residence from the Late Viking Age or Early Middle Ages located on the field to the west of the church (fig. 4), and in 1991, the book Tamdrup – Kirke og gård was published.
 Now, by way of metal-detector finds, new information has been added. These new finds provide several answers, but also give rise to several new questions and problems. In recent years, a considerable number of metal finds recovered by metal detector at Tamdrup have been submitted to Horsens Museum. Since 2012, 207 artefacts have been recorded, primarily coins, brooches, weights and fittings from such as harness, dating from the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages. Further to these, a coin hoard dating from the time of Svein Estridson was excavated in 2013.
 The museum has processed the submitted finds, which have been recorded and passed on for treasure trove evaluation. As resources were not available for a more detailed assessment of the artefacts, in 2014 the museum formulated a research project that received funding from the Danish Agency for Culture, enabling the finds to be examined in greater depth.
 The aim of the research project was to study the metal-detector finds and the excavation findings, partly through an analysis of the total finds assemblage, partly by digitalisation of the earlier excavation plans so these could be compared with each other and with the new excavation data. This was intended to lead on to a new analysis, new interpretations and a new, overall evaluation of Tamdrup’s function, role and significance in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages.Old excavations – new interpretationsIn 1983, on the eastern part of the field, a trial excavation trench was laid out running north-south (d). This resulted in two trenches (a, b) and a further three trial trenches being opened up in 1984 (fig. 6). In the northern trench, a longhouse, a fence and a pit-house were discovered (fig. 8). The interpretation of the longhouse (fig. 4) still stands, in so far as we are dealing with a longhouse with curved walls. The western end of the house appears unequivocal, but there could be some doubt about its eastern end. An alternative interpretation is a 17.5 m long building (fig. 8), from which the easternmost set of roof-bearing posts are excluded. Instead, another posthole is included as the northernmost post in the gable to the east. This gives a house with regularly curved walls, though with the eastern gable (4.3 m) narrower than the western (5.3 m).
 North of the trench (a) containing the longhouse, a trial trench (c) was also laid out, revealing a number of features. Similarly, there were also several features in the northern part of the middle trial trench (e). A pit in trial trench c was found to contain both a fragment of a bit branch and a bronze key. There was neither time nor resources to permit the excavation of these areas in 1984, but it seems very likely that there are traces of one or more houses here (fig. 9). Here we have a potential site for a possible main dwelling house or hall.
 In August 1990, on the basis of an evaluation, an excavation trench (h) was opened up to the west of the 1984 excavation (fig. 7). Here, traces were found of two buildings, which lay parallel to each other, oriented east-west. These were interpreted as small auxiliary buildings associated with the same magnate’s farm as the longhouse found in the 1984 excavation. The northern building was 4 m wide and the southern building was 5.5 m. Both buildings were considered to be c. 7 m long and with an open eastern gable. The southern building had one set of internal roof-bearing posts.
 The excavation of the two buildings in 1990 represented the art of the possible, as no great resources were available. Aerial photos from the time show that the trial trench from the evaluation was back-filled when the excavation was completed. Today, we have a comprehensive understanding of the trial trenches and excavation trenches thanks to the digitalised plans. Here, it becomes apparent that some postholes recorded during the evaluation belong to the southernmost of the two buildings, but these were unfortunately not relocated during the actual excavation. As these postholes, accordingly, did not form part of the interpretation, it was assumed that the building was 7 m in length (fig. 10). When these postholes from the evaluation are included, a ground plan emerges that can be interpreted as the remains of a Trelleborg house (fig. 11). The original 7 m long building constitutes the western end of this characteristic house, while the remainder of the south wall was found in the trial trench. Part of the north wall is apparently missing, but the rest of the building appears so convincing that the missing postholes must be attributed to poor conditions for preservation and observation. The northeastern part of the house has not been uncovered, which means that it is not possible to say with certainty whether the house was 19 or 25 m in length, minus its buttress posts.
 On the basis of the excavations undertaken in 1984 and 1990, it was assumed that the site represented a magnate’s farm from the Late Viking Age. It was presumed that the excavated buildings stood furthest to the north on the toft and that the farm’s main dwelling – in the best-case scenario the royal residence – should be sought in the area to the south between the excavated buildings. Six north-south-oriented trial trenches were therefore laid out in this area (figs. 6, 7 and 13 – trial trenches o, p, q, r, s and t). The results were, according to the excavation report, disappointing: No trace was found of Harold Bluetooth’s hall. It was concluded that there were no structures and features that could be linked together to give a larger entity such as the presumed magnate’s farm.
 After digitalisation of the excavation plans from 1991, we now have an overview of the trial trenches to a degree that was not possible previously (fig. 13). It is clear that there is a remarkable concentration of structures in the central and northern parts of the two middle trial trenches (q, r) and in part also in the second (p) and fourth (s) trial trenches from the west, as well as in the northern parts of the two easternmost trial trenches (s, t). An actual archaeological excavation would definitely be recommended here if a corresponding intensity of structures were to be encountered in an evaluation today (anno 2016).
 Now that all the plans have been digitalised, it is obvious to look at the trial trenches from 1990 and 1991 together. Although some account has to be taken of uncertainties in the digitalisation, this nevertheless confirms the picture of a high density of structures, especially in the middle of the 1991 trial trenches. The collective interpretation from the 1990 and 1991 investigations is that there are strong indications of settlement in the area of the middle 1991 trial trenches. It is also definitely a possibility that these represent the remains of a longhouse, which could constitute the main dwelling house. It can therefore be concluded that it is apparently possible to confirm the interpretation of the site as a potential royal residence, even though this is still subject to some uncertainty in the absence of new excavations. The archaeologists were disappointed following the evaluation undertaken in 1991, but the overview which modern technology is able to provide means that the interpretation is now rather more encouraging. There are strong indications of the presence of a royal residence.
 FindsThe perception of the area by Tamdrup church gained a completely new dimension when the first metal finds recovered by metal detector arrived at Horsens Museum in the autumn of 2011. With time, as the finds were submitted, considerations of the significance and function of the locality in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages were subjected to revision. The interpretation as a magnate’s farm was, of course, common knowledge, but at Horsens Museum there was an awareness that this interpretation was in some doubt following the results of the 1991 investigations. The many new finds removed any trace of this doubt while, at the same time, giving cause to attribute yet further functions to the site. Was it also a trading place or a central place in conjunction with the farm? And was it active earlier than previously assumed?
 The 207 metal finds comprise 52 coins (whole, hack and fragments), 34 fittings (harness, belt fittings etc.), 28 brooches (enamelled disc brooches, Urnes fibulas and bird brooches), 21 weights, 15 pieces of silver (bars, hack and casting dead heads), 12 figures (pendants, small horses), nine distaff whorls, eight bronze keys, four lead amulets, three bronze bars, two fragments of folding scales and a number of other artefacts, the most spectacular of which included a gold ring and a bronze seal ring. In dating terms, most of the finds can be assigned to the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages.
 The largest artefact group consists of the coins, of which

This paper interprets ancient public space as a material correlate of civic communities, using the Late Bronze Age city of Ugarit as a case-study. Civic communities acted as significant political factor throughout the history of the ancient Near East, both as institutions (e.g., political assemblies) and as informal groups (the “town's crowd”). A growing body of evidence and innovative approaches shows that, particularly in the Upper Syrian Euphrates region of the Late Bronze Age (cf. above all Tell Bazi and Emar), these forms of social aggregation and political negotiation were influential and sometimes antagonistic alternatives to monarchical powers. In this paper, I approach the study of past communal political life by analyzing with an integrated, GIS-based methodology the planning and use of public squares at Ugarit. The contribution aims at highlighting the relevance of public space for understanding the balance of power in the cities of the Late Bronze Age and discussing the chances and limits of relating civic politics to specific features of the ancient urban design.

The present border of the municipality Maastricht has largely been determined by the Peace treaty concluded at London in 1839 between Holland and Belgium. The fortified city of Maastricht stayed Dutch possession after the Belgian Revolt (1830). At the Peace Treaty of 1839 Limburg was divided in two. The new state frontier followed the river the Maas. Only at Maastricht the borderline was drawn about 2,5 km's to the west respecting the surroundings of the fortification.From medieval times on the sovereign was entitled to remove all obstacles within this zone at threatening war. Till the end of the 18th century, the government of the city was shared by two sovereigns, represented by the Prince-bishop of Luik and the German Kings and Emperors or their feudal lords and successors. The episcopal residence, still localized at Maastricht from the 4th to the 8th century (next to the Church of Our Lady within the border of the Roman Castellum), the Prince-bishop possessed the oldest rights.The area to the west of the city belonged to the crown lands of the Emperor during the Early Middle Ages. Close to the old city a new power centre arose near the grave of the Holy Servatius, buried outside the city according to Roman customs (384). With support of the Merovingian rulers an abbey was founded near the grave of Servatius and in Carolingian times a royal Palatinate was built next to the abbey.The Servatius Abbey got the status of Free State Minster in de 10th century and the German rulers visited the city of Maastricht regularly in the 11th and 12th century. The imperial authority has been strongly undermined in the 13th century. The Duke of Brabant knew to extend his territory considerably. In 1204 he also obtained the feudal tenure of Maastricht, which gave rise to a long fight with the Prince-bishop of Luik.Both sovereigns preserved their own jurisdiction and the remaining affairs of the government were arranged in common like the maintenance of the city walls, built ca. 1250, the up-keeping of the roads, the public houses and the new bridge made of stone, of which the construction was started ca. 1280. In the 14th century a new circumvallation was laid out, which enlarged the area of the city three times, but the urbanization of this expansion has mainly been confined to the northern and southern crafts-centers of the city.

Periodontitis can be an excellent indirect source of data on the general and oral health, dietary habits, and hygiene of past populations. This study assessed periodontitis in the population of Radom from the 11th century up to the industrial revolution in the 19th century. The dental material was divided into 3 historical series: the Early Medieval (EMP; 11th century), Late Medieval (LMP; 14th–17th century), and Modern (MP; 18th–19th century) periods. A total of 256 adult individuals of both sexes were examined with a total of 4,579 teeth. Four diagnostic criteria were used to diagnose the disease. Periodontitis affected 54% of the individuals from the Early Medieval Period, 71% of those from the Late Medieval Period, and 74% of those from the Medieval Period. In all chronological periods, the prevalence and severity of periodontitis were higher among males. The youngest (17–25 years) age class had the lowest prevalence of periodontitis. In subsequent age classes there are an increase the disease. The results indicate that the “environmental conditions” were different in these chronological periods. Possible differences could be related to diet, but oral hygiene, unhealthy habits, and psychological stress cannot be ruled out. Different levels of sex hormones could explain the difference in the prevalence of periodontitis between sexes.

In 1927, A.E. van Giffen excavated a largely levelled burial mound near the village of Drouwen in the Dutch province of Drenthe. A few years later, Van Giffen published a summary report on the excavation, in which he concentrated on the lavish inventory of the central Sögel warrior burial. In 1985-1989, J.N. Lanting carried out further research at the site of the mound and revealed a large number of soil features from the Bronze Age and early Middle Ages. This second excavation has never been published before. The present article discusses both excavations. After an evaluation of all the excavation data the author zooms in on the warrior: what was his cultural context, and how can we interpret his social status in the region? The article concludes with an analysis of the spatial pattern of which this burial mound is a part. To do so, the author looks at all the prehistoric and protohistoric burial monuments in the area between the villages of Drouwen and Borger.Van Giffen’s profile drawings of the mound section he investigated suggest two construction phases. The oldest structure, a central mound of grey sand (c. 8 m across by c. 0.80 m high), was raised over the remains of a pyre. This first mound probably dates to the Early or early Middle Bronze Age. In the 16th century BC the warrior grave was dug into this mound; posts around the grave suggest the presence of a mortuary house or fence. The mound that was associated with this grave was c. 1.60 m high, possibly elongated (26 by 15 m or less) and surrounded by an oval ditch up to 1.6 m wide, with to the north a c. 3.40-m-wide opening. Whether there were any secondary burials is unknown.In the early Middle Ages, when the surrounding ditch had long since been filled in, the mound and its immediate vicinity became the location of a cemetery with graves arranged in rows (rijengrafveld). Only a small section of this cemetery was excavated (61 graves) so that the full period it was used is uncertain. Most graves were oriented east-west. Of the investigated graves, the majority were fully excavated, and several contained traces of a coffin. The buried individuals were mostly adults. Many did not produce any grave goods, and those items that were found were - in Van Giffen’s words - ‘armelijk’, rather poor. They are mostly iron knives and ‘prikkels’ (‘goads’, iron points, of unknown function, originally attached to a rod), bronze needle cases, keys, and one brooch. Of particular interest are three strings of beads and one isolated bead. To the extent they can be dated, all grave goods are comparatively late and could well be 8th and 9th-century, indicating that the cemetery ended at some point in the 9th century. The only human remains come from a small sub-recent pit close to Grave 29 (GrM-28439: 1244 ± 21 BP, i.e. 680-876 cal AD (2σ)).It is highly unlikely that the ‘Drouwen Warrior’ was anything more than a ‘big man’ whose network extended into northern Germany and possibly even Scandinavia. Whether he actually was a warrior in life is still an open question. When he was buried, at some point in the 16th century BC, several (very) ancient burial monuments already existed nearby. The mound of the warrior may have been part of an old linear alignment of these features. Why this particular mound was chosen in the early medieval period to situate a cemetery will probably always remain a mystery, although it is tempting to think that stories about the dead man buried there 2200 years earlier were still being told in the 7th or 8th century AD. That would tie in with the current archaeological narrative of the Bronze Age warrior as a person who strove after a heroic status after death, a form of immortality, created by the stories, passed on in each generation, of his martial, cosmopolitan and adventurous life.

City may be defined as the artificial creation of communal life in a natural environment, made up of complexes of buildings that cater to human needs. Urbanization then is a process that forms a chain of events over time. It may be said that city itself is a process, when viewed as whole. In this article, this formation process is examined taking Nicosia on the island of Cyprus as the example. The article was prompted by a number of factors, namely similarities between the walled city in the centre of Nicosia and its equivalent in European medieval settlements, the fact that Nicosia’s walled city has survived to the present relatively intact, and its lack of mention in available sources. The article examines Nicosia’s walled city in the context of findings on the medieval cities of Europe. The information on Nicosia city in the medieval period and 13th-15th centuries was taken from available sources, and interpreted by analyzing the physical structure of the settlement. In the introduction, an overall perspective is given of the historical period of Nicosia city. This is followed by a detailed description of the medieval period and 13th-15th centuries of the city. The article concludes with an evaluation and comments on the the physical formation of Nicosia city at the close of 15th century.

Ancient architecture, with its long history, has a high cultural value, artistic achievement, and scientific value. The Nanjing City Wall was constructed in the mid-to-late 14th century, and it ranks first among the world’s city walls in terms of both length and size, whether historically or in the contemporary era. However, these sites are subject to long-term degradation and are sensitive to disturbances from the surrounding landscape, resulting in the potential deterioration of the architecture. Therefore, it is urgent to detect the defects and repair and protect Nanjing City Wall. In this paper, a novel method is proposed to detect the surface defects of the city walls by using the unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) oblique photogrammetry and terrestrial laser scanning (TLS) data. On the one hand, the UAV oblique photogrammetry was used to collect the image data of the city wall, and a three-dimensional (3D) model of the wall was created using the oblique images. With this model, 43 cracks with lengths greater than 30 cm and 15 shedding surfaces with an area greater than 300 cm2 on the wall can be effectively detected. On the other hand, the point cloud data obtained by TLS were firstly preprocessed, and then, the KNN algorithm was used to construct a local neighborhood for each sampling point, and the neighborhood was fitted using the least squares method. Next, five features of the point cloud were calculated, and the results were visualized. Based on the visualization results, surface defects of the wall were identified, and 18 cracks with lengths greater than 30 cm and 5 shedding surfaces with an area greater than 300 cm2 on the wall were detected. To verify the accuracy of these two techniques in measuring cracks, the coordinates of some cracks were surveyed using a prism-free total station, and the lengths were calculated. The root mean square error (RMSE) of crack lengths based on the UAV oblique photogrammetry model and TLS point cloud model were calculated to be 0.73 cm and 0.34 cm, respectively. The results of the study showed that both techniques were able to detect the defects on the wall surface, and the measurement accuracy could meet the accuracy requirements of the surface defect detection of the city wall. Considering their low cost and high efficiency, these two techniques provide help for the mapping and conservation of historical buildings, which is of great significance for the conservation and repair of ancient buildings.

City walls have played a significant role in the history of many cities in both Europe and Anatolia in the Middle Ages. Following the development of war technology, the city walls lost their importance as defensive structures, which led to changes in the urban patterns of walled cities. In the case of Istanbul, the city walls began to lose their defensive role after the Ottoman takeover of the city in the fifteenth century. However, the walls have continued to play new roles beyond defense, such as forming the city's physical, legal, and fiscal boundaries. The Ottoman authorities repaired and conserved the city walls in line with their changing roles, values and meaning for the city. Nevertheless, the city walls in Istanbul were damaged by earthquakes, city fires and particularly urban planning practices in the nineteenth century, as was the case in many walled cities. This paper discusses the intertwined history of preservation and demolition of the city walls by analyzing a cost estimate, dated 1894 and located in the Ottoman State Archives, which was prepared by the modernizing administration of the Ottoman State for the repairs of the Istanbul Land Walls.

On the grounds of geomorphological evidence, core stratigraphy, and archaeological and historical sources, the relationships between the urban development of Reggio Emilia (Po River plain, Northern Italy) and the adjoining Crostolo River are reconstructed over the last two millennia. The town of Reggio Emilia was established in the second century B.C. along the Crostolo River, but geographic relationships between river and town changed several times because of the collective effects of human activity, geological processes, and climatic change. The course of the Crostolo was artificially diverted outside Reggio Emilia during the Roman age and in the years A.D. 1250 and A.D. 1571, largely because of westward stream migration. This progressive shift was triggered by the neotectonic activity of buried folded thrusts. Vertical displacements resulted in uplift and conversely in the subsidence of Reggio Emilia's northwest margin. Stream migration patterns were thereby displaced westward. Climate change also affected the behavior of the Crostolo River as increased flooding during the early Medieval period and consequent channel instability underpinned engineering efforts to rechannel stream flow via a canal built along the city walls in A.D. 1571 at the onset of the Little Ice Age.

Research on medieval shoemaking allowed for the identification of several structural and stylistic types of Pomeranian footwear. In the 12th–14th century in Pomerania there were no products actually directly derived from ancient traditions. One of the most important stages of this type of production in the Early Middle Ages was the transition from single-piece footwear to complex forms with the soles and upper parts sewn together. Along with the dynamic widespread use of multi-piece products, new sewing techniques allowing the maker to hide the stitches inside the footwear also quickly developed. It not only improved the footwear’s appearance, but also it made it more impermeable to water. The typical varied nature of activities carried out within a single household does not rule out the existence of a separate shoemaking craft supplying customers. From the late 11th to the mid-12th century changes occurred that significantly influenced the further development of this branch of production. A variety of additional footwear elements of both construction and aesthetic nature quickly became popular. In the late 12th and early 13th century it had already become the norm to stitch binding on the inside of a shoe lace hole to protect it from wear and to use a heel stiffener to strengthen the back of the quarter. In the second half of the 12th–early 13th century the dominant form was footwear with a low, ankle-high quarter, fastened by a single shoelace. Mid-high products of a quarter covering the ankle and extending over it became more common. In the mid-13th century, apart from the diversity of the product range, clear signs of quality and aesthetic changes are evident. They are evidence of a larger social diversity amongst consumers. About the mid-13th century the design innovations introduced in the 12th century were consolidated, while the look and shape of individual components of footwear was changeable. The features of shoemaking in the later stages of the Middle Ages were slender, pointed, strongly profiled soles. There are also soles composed of two or three parts as well as more multi-layered ones. In the youngest stages of the Middle Ages additional elements on the bottoms of shoes were noted: outsoles and heels. Their shape and manner of fastening is evidence that they were made deliberately during the production of new footwear and not during its repair. Essentially the same in terms of the design, the shoe uppers differed in quarter height, shape and design and complementary inserts, the manner of fastening, the width of the opening of the shoe, decoration and other minor features. Quite clearly, especially in the second half of the 13th–14th century, there was a division between everyday or working footwear and the enhanced aesthetic value that can be associated with festive attire. At this time the number of children’s shoes produced also significantly increased. At least some part of the changes taking place in Pomeranian shoemaking in the 12th century, especially in its second half, can be associated with the adoption of Western fashion patterns. The canons of costume formed in this century survived for nearly two and a half centuries, until about the mid-14th century. Medieval leather working was not limited to footwear. In materials from excavations it is difficult, however, to detect furriers’ products and costume elements made of thin grain leather (cloaks, hoods, leggings, headdress or robes). The presence of furrier products in the case of archaeological finds is confirmed only by z Products made from grain leather are mainly belts, various cases and bags, gloves, and sometimes identifiable parts of weaponry. The most evident differences between leather products from the early and the late Middle Ages are the sheaths. About the mid-13th century specimens with specific iron fittings with a long ferrule began to appear. They soon replaced traditional fittings of non-ferrous metals. The fashion for decorating the sheaths’ edges by cutting geometric patterns into their lower parts became popular. The smallest stylistic variability is evident in pouches. To the southern coast of the Baltic Sea res novae arrived relatively quickly, although a more noticeable boom took place in the 13th century and the first half of the 14th century. Changes perceptible in the style of Pomeranian leather products in the second half of the 13th–first half of the 14th century may result from the standards included in guild statutes, strictly regulating the scope of activities and quality of products.oological analyses.

This volume is the result of a conference at University College London in 2007 which addressed the scale and form of civil defences in early medieval Europe, c. 800-1000. Previous work has largely focused on individual sites or specific categories of evidence. These papers offer new interdisciplinary perspectives driven by a landscape approach. Several contributions focus on civil defence in England around the time of King Alfred the Great, and together provide a new agenda for the study of Anglo-Saxon military landscapes. European case-studies facilitate a comparative approach to local and regional defensive structures and interpretive paradigms. Topics and themes covered include civil defence landscapes, the organization and form of defensive structures, and the relationships and dynamics between social complexity, militarization, and external threats. With papers ranging from England to Spain and Germany to Scandinavia the volume is of relevance to a range of disciplines including archaeology, history, onomastics, geography, and anthropology. John Baker is Research Associate at the University of Nottingham, Stuart Brookes is Research Associate, and Andrew Reynolds is Professor in Medieval Archaeology, both at the UCL Institute of Archaeology.

The Early Medieval period in Europe sees the start of the formation of the land boundaries which are today considered modern Europe. This is a period of great change throughout Europe. Most significantly the Roman Empire is collapsing (Drack, 1979). The ‘Romanisation’ of the region is heavily studied and relatively well understood as it appears to be for the rest of Europe (Flutsch et al. 2002). However the withdrawal of the roman administration of the region is less well studied, until recently, very little in the way of evidence for early medieval period settlements were available. Settlement sites were largely unknown until the work of Marti (1996, 2000) and Windler et al. (2005). This was in part perhaps to do with the less visible archaeological finds, wooden buildings, small and disparate settlements. This lack of information was further hindered by the paucity in historical sources in the region. Although, a large body of evidence of the early medieval peoples in the region of North West Switzerland exists, data mostly derives from the excavation of grave finds and burial sites (Martin 1991). This study looks at rural life from the hinterland of Basel in the Late Roman and early Middle Ages (4th – 12th Centuries) through the archaeozoological data. The main points to take from my study are firstly that different site types; urban, rural and castle (high status) seem to have consistently different patterns of the three main domestic species through time and across a wide geographical range. The changing stature of cattle from the late Iron Age to high medieval is also something that has an interesting progression with increases in stature during the Roman period and a decrease thereafter. Previous work by Breuer et al. (1999) touched on the subject when comparing Roman material to that of later sixth/seventh Century material from Scheitheim. Whilst these results showed a decline from the Roman cattle to the early medieval, the results produced here suggest a more complex stepwise decrease in the cattle size from the fourth Century onwards. Each step can be accounted for by a major change in the structure of society at the time. Firstly, the departure of the Roman administration and military from the area, the second change occurs with the influx of Frankish and Alammanic tribes from the Eastern banks of the Rhine. The last change observed in the data in the eighth/ninth Century which could coincide with the uptake of the manorial system. The third topic is the attempt to follow meat supply in an urban context, namely Basel which during the later periods of the study has material from low status areas, craftsmen and high status areas. These show interesting patterns although this part was no more than a first step. This work then clearly shows that there are differences both between and within the different site types and archaeozoology can clearly help in the understanding of settlement dynamics in complex societies, even with the absence of written sources within many of the periods and places studied in this work. This can occur through the study of husbandry and agricultural practices but also the social history of a site or region.

Urban space of Hanyang was segregated by classes during the Chosun Period. There were exclusive quarters for noble persons, middle class professionals and commoners. The areas outside Three Gates, however, were mixed in residency. Residents of the areas outside Three Gates were mixed because the area was located outside of city wall[城底十里]. State power to control the way the people are different, depending on living space in the early Chosun Dynasty.BR Residents who live outside city wall had to pay the household tax belongs to Hanseongbu[漢城府]. On the other hand, lands which were located outside city wall had to devote land tax belongs to the local authorities. The residents who live outside city wall will received the dual control by the Hanseongbu and local authorities. However, since the late 17th century the areas outside Three Gates began to gradually dismantle these dual controls. The reason is because this areas has been progress in urbanization as a commercial and industrial center.BR The areas outside Three Gates was the point of convergence of major traffic arteries linking the Han River and the city of Hanyang. Nationwide collection and distribution of various goods and materials during the Chosun Period relied heavily on coastal navigation along the western coast of the Korean peninsula and the river route along the Han River into Hanyang. All the roads from these ports converged at the areas outside Three Gates.BR The areas outside Three Gates, therefore, was the gateway to Seoul in the national collection and distribution networks at the time. It was natural that the areas outside Three Gates accommodated huge market places like Chilpae Market[七牌市場] and Outside Seosomun Market[西小門外 市場]. Those markets became one of the top three market areas in Hanyang. The areas around the Three Gates also saw the development of craft industries: brassware foundry and smithy, publication of books, and carriage making. Also commercial agricultural activities like growing herbs, water crass and fruits developed outside Three Gates.BR At the latter part of the 17th century, those people from countryside came to the capital and settled in the areas, adding diversity to the mixed population. The area outside Three Gates comprised the first district in what now is the city of Seoul to break away from the medieval order in Korea.