Buzău, în jurul anului 1990; acțiuni și noi reglementări urbane

Central to this research lays the concept of private sector-led urban development projects (Heurkens, 2010). Such projects involve project developers taking a leading role and local authorities adopting a facilitating role, in managing the development of an urban area, based on a clear public-private role division. Such a development strategy is quite common in Anglo-Saxon urban development practices, but is less known in Continental European practices. Nonetheless, since the beginning of the millennium such a development strategy also occurred in the Netherlands in the form of ‘concessions’. However, remarkably little empirical knowledge is available about how public and private actors collaborate on and manage private sector-led urban development projects. Moreover, it remains unclear what the effects of such projects are. This dissertation provides an understanding of the various characteristics of private sector-led urban development projects by conducting empirical case study research in the institutional contexts of the Netherlands and the UK. The research provides an answer to the following research question: What can we learn from private sector-led urban development projects in the Netherlands and UK in terms of the collaborative and managerial roles of public and private actors, and the effects of their (inter)actions? Indications for a market-oriented Dutch urban development practice Urban development practice in the Netherlands has been subject to changes pointing towards more private sector involvement in the built environment in the past decades. Although the current economic recession might indicate otherwise, there are several motives that indicate a continuation of private sector involvement and a private leadership role in Dutch urban development projects in the future. First, a shift towards more market-oriented development practice is the result of an evolutionary process of increased ‘neoliberalization’ and the adoption of Anglo-Saxon principles in Dutch society. Despite its Rhineland roots with a focus on welfare provision, in the Netherlands several neoliberal principles (privatization, decentralization, deregulation) have been adopted by government and incorporated in the management of organizations (Bakker et al., 2005). Hence, market institutionalization on the one hand, and rising civic emancipation on the other, in current Western societies prevents a return towards hierarchical governance. Second, the result of such changes is the emergence of a market-oriented type of planning practice based on the concept of ‘development planning’. Public-Private Partnerships and the ‘forward integration’ of market parties (De Zeeuw, 2007) enforce the role of market actors. In historical perspective, Boelens et al. (2006) argue that Dutch spatial planning always has been characterized by public-private collaborations in which governments facilitated private and civic entrepreneurship. Therefore, post-war public-led spatial planning with necessary government intervention was a ‘temporary hiccup’, an exception to the rule. Third, the European Commission expresses concerns about the hybrid role of public actors in Dutch institutionalized PPP joint ventures. EU legislation opts for formal public-private role divisions in realizing urban projects based on Anglo-Saxon law that comply with the legislative tendering principles of competition, transparency, equality, and public legitimacy. Fourth, experiences with joint ventures in the Netherlands are less positive as often is advocated. Such institutionalized public-private entities have seldom generated the assumed added value, caused by misconceptions about the objectives of both partners grounded in incompatible value systems. This results in contra-productive levels of distrust, time-consuming partnership formations, lack of transparency, and compromising decision-making processes (Teisman & Klijn, 2002), providing a need for other forms of collaboration. Finally, current financial retrenchments in the public sector and debates about the possible abundance of Dutch active land development policies point towards a lean and mean government that moves away from risk-bearing participation and investment in urban projects and leaves this to the market. Importantly, Van der Krabben (2011b) argues that the Dutch active public land development policies can be considered as an international exception, and advocates for facilitating land development policies. In this light, it becomes highly relevant to study private sector-led urban development as a future Dutch urban development strategy. Integrative urban management approach This research is rooted in the research school of Urban Area Development within the Department of Real Estate and Housing at the Faculty of Architecture (Delft University of Technology). It is a relatively young academic domain which views urban development most profoundly as a complex management assignment (Bruil et al., 2004; Franzen et al., 2011). This academic school uses an integrative perspective with a strong practice-orientation and carries out solution-oriented design research. Here, the integration involves bridging various actor interests, spatial functions, spatial scales, academic domains, knowledge and skills, development goals, and links process with content aspects. Such a perspective does justice to complex societal processes. Therefore it provides a fruitful ground for studying urban development aimed at developing conceptual knowledge and product for science and practice. Such integrative perspective and practice-orientation forms the basis of this research and has been applied in the following manner. In order to create an understanding of the roles of public and private actors in private sector-led urban development, this research takes a management perspective based on an integrative management approach. This involves viewing management more broadly as ‘any type of direct influencing’ urban development projects, and therefore aims at bridging often separated management theories (Osborne, 2000a). Hence, an integrative management approach assists in both understanding urban development practices and projects and constructing useful conceptual tools for practitioners and academics. Integrative approaches attempt to combine a number of different elements into a more holistic management approach (Black & Porter, 2000). Importantly, it does not view the management of projects in isolation but in its entire complexity and dynamics. Therefore, our management approach combines two integrative management theories; the open systems theory (De Leeuw, 2002) and contingency theory. The former provides opportunities to study the management of a project in a structured manner. The latter emphasizes that there is no universally effective way of managing and recognizes the importance of contextual circumstances. Hence, an integrative management approach favors incorporating theories from multiple academic domains such as political science, economics, law, business administration, and organizational and management concepts. Hence, it moves away from the classical academic division between planning theory and property theory, and organization and management theories. It positions itself in between such academic domains, and aims at bridging theoretical viewpoints by following the concept of planning ánd markets (Alexander, 2001) rather than concepts such as ‘planning versus markets’, public versus private sector, and organization versus management. Also, such an integrative view values the complexity and dynamics of empirical urban development practices. More specifically, this research studies urban development projects as object, as urban areas are the focus point of spatial intervention and public-private interaction (Daamen, 2010), and thus collaboration and management. Here, public planning processes and private development processes merge with each other. Thus, our research continues to build upon the importance of studying and reflecting on empirical practices and projects (e.g. Healey, 2006). In addition to these authors, this research does so by using meaningful integrative concepts that reflect empirical realities of urban projects. Thereby, this research serves to bridge management sciences with management practices (Van Aken, 2004; Mintzberg, 2010) through iterative processes of reflecting on science and practice. Moreover, the integrative management approach applied in this research assists in filling an academic gap, namely the lack of management knowledge about public-private interaction in urban development projects. Despite the vast amount of literature on the governance of planning practices (e.g. DiGaetano & Strom, 2003), and Public-Private Partnerships (e.g. Osborne, 2000b), remarkable little knowledge exists about what shifting public-private relationships mean for day-to-day management by public and private actors in development projects. Hence, here we follow the main argument made by public administration scholar Klijn (2008) who claims that it is such direct actor influence that brings about the most significant change to the built environment. An integrative urban management model (see Figure 2.3) based on the open systems approach has been constructed which forms a conceptual representation of empirical private sectorled urban development projects. This model serves as an analytical tool to comprehend the complexity of managing such projects. In this research, several theoretical insights about publicprivate relations and roles are used to understand different contextual and organizational factors that affect the management of private sector-led urban development projects. Hence, a project context exists

Private Sector-led Urban Development Projects. Management, Partnerships and Effects in the Netherlands and the UK

Private Sector-led Urban Development Projects. Management, Partnerships and Effects in the Netherlands and the UK

Urban heritage is a vital resource that connects communities to their local identity. Unplanned developments and rapid urbanisation often harm the authenticity of historic areas, disrupting the cultural fabric and altering their character. This study introduces the Relative Positive Impact Index (RPII), a novel technique for assessing the socio-cultural impacts of urban revitalisation. The significance of RPII lies in its ability to quantitatively evaluate the impacts on the cultural fabric and integrity of historic urban areas, which is crucial for sustainable urban development. The study’s objective is to apply RPII in evaluating qualitative socio-cultural characteristics in historic urban areas, with a focus on four main criteria and 16 sub-criteria, in the case of the Kuttichira precinct. The methodology integrates the analysis of published literature, a quantitative survey mapping the stakeholders’ perception, and qualitative insights. This approach facilitates an in-depth understanding of how urban revitalisation affects local socio-cultural dynamics, preserving the authenticity and character of historic areas. The study reveals that the revitalisation project in Kuttichira positively impacts the socio-cultural fabric of the area, maintaining cultural integrity and addressing social challenges. These findings offer valuable insights for sustainable urban development and policymaking in historic areas. The study recommends the application of RPII in other urban precincts for comparative analysis and further development of urban development practices, contributing to informed urban policy and planning decisions.

In urban settings, public spaces are vital for improving quality of life and deserve scholarly and professional attention. Identifying key pedestrian commercial streets is essential for sustainable urban planning in Malaysian cities. In Malaysia, the disregard for townscape quality has contributed to the erosion of character and identity in many cities. To tackle these issues, it is essential to analyse pedestrian zone patterns, identify obstacles to sustainable townscape development, and establish policies that encourage pedestrian-friendly designs. This study explores the predominant types of pedestrian commercial streets in Malaysia's historical and non-historical areas, focusing on their unique characteristics and challenges. This exploration helps in understanding the specific needs and potential improvements required for these zones to enhance a sustainable urban environment. This study explores Malaysia's pedestrian zones to understand their unique characteristics and challenges. The qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) method is employed in this research. Five (5) diverse sites: Sungai Segget Johor Bahru, Melaka Jonker Street, Bukit Bintang Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh Street Art, and Penang Street Art are conducted. This study identifies and compares different types of pedestrian zones in Malaysia’s historical and non-historical areas. Historical areas like Melaka, Ipoh and Penang are predominantly represented in semi-mall spaces concept, balancing heritage preservation with modern urban functionality. In contrast, non-historical areas like Bukit Bintang in Kuala Lumpur can implement more flexible and modern urban design. Full mall spaces like Sungai Segget prioritise pedestrian safety and cultural activities, while transit mall spaces like Bukit Bintang in Kuala Lumpur integrate transit routes with pedestrian walkways, promoting sustainable mobility and economic vitality. The study provides valuable insights into the design and functionality of pedestrian zones in different urban contexts, contributing to a deeper understanding of urban design practices, especially in historical and non-historical contexts. The findings can inform the policymakers to emphasize the balance between historical and non-historical areas. This study suggests further exploring innovative urban design strategies that can be applied to both historical and non-historical areas to enhance pedestrian experiences.

Urban development programming counted one of the major important stages of planning and design. Urban projects process still has not enough consideration to urban development programming stage. This step sometimes missed in urban development projects or confused with tasks of urban development planning. It has been slow to achieve full existence. Methodology and strategies of urban development do not set clear the limits to the mission of urban development programming. The knowledge about the urban programming process and skilled programmers, architects or planners is one of the major issues of these days. This research investigates the concept of urban development programming in urban projects, to indicate the separation of architectural programming and urban programming tasks, and additionally, obtaining to innovate a new methodology and analyze the challenges and implementation. This methodology is determining the urban development programming task as well as strategies for implementation. The process of urban development programming and methods could give opportunities to programmers, planners, users, developers and urban authorities to implement this major important phase in urban projects. The research explicitly explains that urban development programming is a part of urban development planning and simplifying the process of planning.

Regimes of Urban Transformation in Tehran: The Politics of Planning Urban Development in the 20th Century Iran

Historical area conservation has become a cultural necessity not only for its urban qualities and valuable heritage but also due to the lack of maintenance and misuse of urban means.The need to protect the historical environment affected by deterioration of ecological resources and economic growth, in addition to high rates of consumption, is currently highly questionable.A framework for structuring information on sustainable urban indicators is discussed in order to develop a unique integrated representation that links together historical urban areas, socio-economic aspects, environmental, and spatial dimensions in addition to other factors such as time, space, activities, interests, and quality of life.In order to reduce the complexity of multi-attribute criteria of sustainability, this research proposes a model to assess urban sustainability indicators in heritage nodes.The research investigates indicators of urban qualities based on the integration of a BEQUEST network and efficient qualitative scales (quantifiable cities) to develop an integrative, multi-scalar assessment method.Delivered scheme, sustainable historical area index (SHAI), results should provide assessment methods to be used in developing historical areas and provides sustainable evaluations for enhancing urban aspects.A methodology towards maintaining the quality of urban approaches is considered as a means to evaluating the sustainable development of historical areas.This paper investigates the optimum corresponding values to be applied in assessing sustainability of urban development within historical areas.

In recent years, communities have turned to policymaking as a strategy to control both youths' access to tobacco products and the general population's exposure to environmental tobacco smoke. The number of local tobacco policies has grown—beginning in the 1970s and intensifying in the mid-1980s—with the emergence of research showing the health risks associated with environmental tobacco smoke.1,2 At the forefront of this movement have been many Massachusetts cities and towns, which wield substantial regulatory authority in areas of public health and have aggressively pursued local tobacco control policies. This has been particularly evident since the implementation of the Massachusetts Tobacco Control Program (MTCP) in 1993.3,4 MTCP, one of the most prominent state tobacco control initiatives in the United States, is supported by the state's tobacco excise tax. The program funds various activities, including a media campaign; school health services; statewide and regional initiatives; smoking intervention programs; and research, demonstration, and evaluation projects.5 It provides funds to local boards of health to raise public awareness of the need for tobacco control policies and supports their passage and enforcement. We examined the effect of MTCP funding of local boards of health on the enactment of tobacco control policies by the 351 cities and towns in Massachusetts. To identify local policy status, we used data from multiple sources, including the MTCP Ordinance Update Database, a Massachusetts Association of Health Boards survey, data collected by Americans for Nonsmokers' Rights, and our own review of local policy documents. Table 1 ▶ shows the local enactment status of tobacco control policies in March 1999. TABLE 1 —Local Tobacco Control Policies in Effect: Massachusetts, March 1999 We created a local tobacco policy index to measure the extent of policy adoption. We began by identifying the range of policies that a community could enact, excluding policies that might apply to only a small number of large towns or cities (e.g., smoking bans in sports arenas). Then, as shown in Table 1 ▶, we assigned points to each policy. The maximum score for a town was 100 points, if it enacted all policies identified. Fifty points were assigned to each of 2 domains: environmental tobacco smoke policies and youth access policies. Within each domain, points were assigned to each policy according to the authors' assessment of the restrictiveness and significance of the policy and its difficulty of enactment. Index scoring was informed by interviews the authors conducted with local tobacco control officials. Additional analyses (not shown) indicate that our results are not very sensitive to the precise weights chosen for the policy index.3 Since tobacco policy enactment may be influenced by a number of factors, we conducted multiple regression analysis to identify the relationship between community characteristics and policy enactment as measured by our tobacco policy index. Total policy score was explained by MTCP funding and town characteristics. Since MTCP funding is based on a formula that is largely driven by town population, we created a binary variable indicating whether or not a town received funding or was part of a coalition of communities receiving funding. Explanatory variables also included demographics, political orientation, and town governance. Results from the regression analysis are shown in Table 2 ▶. Our model explained 47% of the variation in policy enactment across communities. We found that MTCP funding was strongly related to enactment, with funded communities (76% of towns), on average, scoring 27 points higher than nonfunded communities, other factors being constant. TABLE 2 —Factors Influencing Tobacco Policy Enactment in Massachusetts Cities and Towns (n = 351) We also found that town size was an important factor related to tobacco control policy adoption. Very small towns were much less likely than larger towns to adopt tobacco control policies. Communities with populations between 25 000 and 40 000 had total local tobacco policy scores 40 points higher than communities with 2500 or fewer residents, other factors being equal. Interviews with local tobacco control officials suggested that very small towns have few retail establishments or restaurants and therefore do not perceive regulating tobacco sales or public smoking as a high priority. In addition, these officials reported that small towns, even those receiving MTCP funding, lack sufficient resources (particularly staff) to pursue tobacco policy enactment. No factors other than MTCP funding and town population had a strong relationship to tobacco control policy enactment in our regression model. Our analysis shows a clear correlation between MTCP funding of local boards of public health and local policy enactment. MTCP funding may be a function of unmeasured characteristics, such as the presence of local tobacco control advocates, that predispose towns both to apply for state support and to enact policies; however, our interviews with local tobacco officials support the interpretation that MTCP funding is an independent causal factor influencing policy enactment. Local public health staffs consistently reported that MTCP funding was critical to their success. They noted that MTCP funding allowed them to focus specifically on tobacco control policies, thus taking advantage of the considerable discretion that they are granted under state law. Our study shows that state funding of local boards of health serves as a catalyst for local policy enactment. This is particularly important because although statewide tobacco control policies can have far-reaching impact, they can be difficult to enact. Research has shown that the tobacco lobby has operated more effectively at the federal and state levels than at the local level.6–8 State laws that do get enacted may be less protective of public health than tobacco control advocates would like, and they may preempt passage of more stringent local policies.9–14 The Massachusetts experience shows that with state funding, tobacco control policies are adopted where local communities exercise a high degree of control over public health regulation. However, tobacco control in very small towns is limited. Very small towns may require additional state resources or innovative approaches, such as collaborative initiatives involving several localities, to stimulate policy action.

In Canada, rural-based family medicine residency programs were established largely in response to a shortage of rural physicians and the perception that urban-based training programs were not meeting the needs of rural populations. Examinations of practice patterns of physicians trained in rural and urban programs are lacking. The purpose of this study was to compare the scope of practice of family medicine graduates who completed a rural versus an urban residency program, by practice location. This was a cross-sectional, mail-out, questionnaire survey of 651 graduates who had completed the family medicine residency program at the University of Alberta or the University of Calgary, Alberta, Canada during 2006-2011. Rural program graduates lived and trained in regional settings and spent a considerable amount of time in smaller rural and remote communities for their clinical experience. The training of urban program graduates was primarily based in large urban settings and family medicine clinical experience was based in the community. Practice location (rural, urban) was classified by population size of the town/city at which physicians practiced. Scope of practice was ascertained through four domains of care: types of care, clinical procedures, practice settings and specific populations. Items within each domain were rated on a five-point scale (1='not part of practice', 5='element of core practice'). Mean rating scores for items in the domains of care were compared between urban and rural program graduates using ANOVA. A total of 307 (47.2%) graduates responded to the survey, of whom 173 were categorized as urban program graduates and 59 as rural program graduates. Overall, rural program graduates exhibited a broader scope of practice in providing postnatal care, intrapartum care/deliveries, palliative care, office-based and in-hospital clinical procedures, emergency care, in-hospital care, home visits, long-term care, and caring for rural and Aboriginal populations. Irrespective of program completed, those in a rural practice location had a broader scope of practice than those in urban practice. Urban and rural program graduates in rural locations tended to have a similar scope of practice. In urban locations, rural program graduates were more likely to include intrapartum care/deliveries as part of their clinical practice. Rural program graduates were more likely to practice in rural locations than urban program graduates. A combination of site of training (rural or urban program) and location of practice appear to work together to influence scope of practice of family physicians. A conceptual framework that summarizes the factors that have been reported to be associated with the scope of family practice is proposed.

Problem: For many cities and planners, adopting smart-growth sprawl-containing strategies is associated with the conversion of relatively inexpensive industrial-zoned land to land zoned for mixed-use commercial and residential redevelopment. This can weaken the urban economic base, reduce the supply of good-job producing land, and contribute to industrial-sector suburban sprawl. Purpose: We expose smart growth's blind side by revealing the lack of attention to urban industrial redevelopment in planning practice. We expand the smart growth dialogue by describing a) the impacts on productive urban industrial land of adopting smart policies, and b) local government measures to protect urban industry while pursuing smart growth. Methods: We review the recent local industrial policies of 14 cities and 10 practice-oriented smart growth publications with local economic development components to reveal the disconnect between urban industrial development and smart growth approaches. We compare elements of adopted local industrial policies from selected cities with commonly accepted smart growth principles to illuminate the challenges smart growth policies pose for protecting and revitalizing urban industrial areas. Results and conclusions: Our review of cities initiating local industrial policies reveals that significant amounts of industrial land have been converted to other uses as cities pursued smart growth. The smart growth literature provides little to no acknowledgment of the need to coordinate urban industrial development practices with other mainstay smart growth activities. Although development pressures to convert industrial land to higher densities and other uses persist, the national economic crisis has led to a call for strengthening manufacturing. There has also been a decline in the nonindustrial infill development that epitomizes smart growth projects. Together these trends present opportunities and challenges for city and regional planners to change smart growth approaches. Takeaway for practice: Industrial land is at risk in cities. Recent efforts to reduce this risk, such as explicit local policies to preserve industrial land and jobs while also pursuing smart growth, illustrate how challenging it is to attract new manufacturers and prevent further industrial decline in urban neighborhoods. Pursuing smart growth and sustainable urban industrial development should not be an either/or proposition, and requires approaches that explicitly safeguard productive urban industrial land and discourage industrial sprawl.

Urban Development refers to many topics such as: increased population density, city size, and individual’s production, distribution of technology and the growth of commercial, industrial and service professions. Such development is linked to the coordination of social and cultural trends in order to achieve social progress and economical prosperity. Knowledge as a topic now is known as intellectual capital wich led to upgrae the concept of urban development to be extended into many fields of knowledge, for example, cultural, social and human development to move the level of community culture into a new better standard.
 The research adopted the urban transformation based on knowledge as an important factor in growth and development of contemporary cities. T he lack of studies regarding this was the research problem which led to a hypothesis set as (Knowledge-based urban development is an important tool in contemporary cities growth). Research aimed (to build a knowledge frame-work related to knowledge-based urban development impact on contemporary cities growth) through the following sequence:
 
 Creating a knowledge-based urban development literature review.
 Clarifying the relationship between the knowledge-based urban development and knowledge workers.
 Determining the theoretical framework to recognize level of impact of knowledge-based urban development on the city growth.
 Testing the hypothesis according to the theoretical framework in selecting designated cities such as Sydney & Melbourne were selected as a case study, since they represent good examples for knowledge cities.
 
 The research concluded that: knowledge-based urban development in cities depend on technical economic and community directories as a mechanism to achieve knowledge-based economy and build a new spatial relationship (Knowledge City).
 Keywords: knowledge-based urban development, knowledge, knowledge workers, knowledge-based economy, Knowledge City.
 Urban Development refers to many topics such as: increased population density, city size, and individual’s production, distribution of technology and the growth of commercial, industrial and service professions. Such development is linked to the coordination of social and cultural trends in order to achieve social progress and economical prosperity. Knowledge as a topic now is known as intellectual capital wich led to upgrae the concept of urban development to be extended into many fields of knowledge, for example, cultural, social and human development to move the level of community culture into a new better standard.
 The research adopted the urban transformation based on knowledge as an important factor in growth and development of contemporary cities. T he lack of studies regarding this was the research problem which led to a hypothesis set as (Knowledge-based urban development is an important tool in contemporary cities growth). Research aimed (to build a knowledge frame-work related to knowledge-based urban development impact on contemporary cities growth) through the following sequence:
 
 Creating a knowledge-based urban development literature review.
 Clarifying the relationship between the knowledge-based urban development and knowledge workers.
 Determining the theoretical framework to recognize level of impact of knowledge-based urban development on the city growth.
 Testing the hypothesis according to the theoretical framework in selecting designated cities such as Sydney & Melbourne were selected as a case study, since they represent good examples for knowledge cities.
 
 The research concluded that: knowledge-based urban development in cities depend on technical economic and community directories as a mechanism to achieve knowledge-based economy and build a new spatial relationship (Knowledge City).
 

Abstract. Historic urban areas are complex and inter-reliant systems, vulnerable to natural hazards. Over the recent years, the increase frequency in extreme precipitation events and sea-level rise, have impacted on a large number of historic areas, growing concern over disaster mitigation related to climate change. Most of the changes in the climatological indicators may have adverse impacts on historic areas, leading to physical, social and cultural consequences and should be included in urban planning practice. The importance of addressing cultural heritage in disaster risk has also been included in The Sendai Framework, considering the dimensions of vulnerability, adaptive capacity and exposure through systematic evaluation. Urban planning decisions involve an understanding of complex interactions between different aspects of the city, in its constructive, social, economic, environmental and cultural system. The analysis of these interactions requires a systemic approach as the components operate on different spatial and temporal scales and generate a large amount of data. This information can be used to determine the vulnerability of historic areas by assessing it at the building level, through the creation of typologies representing the building stock, often characterized by similarities and common constructive elements. The comprehension of the information can be supported and homogenized by a multi-scale urban model, to facilitate the understanding of interactions and the link among the different disciplines involved. This paper describes the methodology proposed for vulnerability mapping in historic urban areas, by using a categorization method supported by an information strategy and a multi-scale urban model.

Sustainable urban development in historical areas using the tourist trail approach: A case study of the Cultural Heritage and Urban Development (CHUD) project in Saida, Lebanon

This article explores the relations between participatory design (PD) and critical heritage studies (CHS) in the context of urban planning and development. In searching for a PD approach which can critically address the role of heritage in urban development, it problematizes the focus on economic viability in urban renewal practices and the lack of care for socio-political values and challenges. The article searches for a PD framework that could support alternative regimes of care, via the notion of design space as the terrain for selection, articulation and curation of values. This framework will be outlined by reflecting on a case study related to a historic industrial area in Leuven, Belgium.