Business Ethics in a Multipolar World

In 2021, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) will celebrate its 20-year anniversary. Transformed from the “Shanghai Five” mechanism on settlement of border disputes and confidence-building between four ex-soviet republics Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and China, into the full-fledged organization in 2001, has been become one of the important players in Eurasian region. Since then SCO has made significant progress, especially, in combating the threats of international terrorism, extremism and separatism and ensuring regional security in general. However, the SCO could not advance in the economic field that is a key for an integration and convergence of the members states with different political and economic systems. Moreover, rising tensions between some members, namely India and China, as well as pandemic crisis and current geopolitical uncertainties in Eurasia may further exacerbate the situation within the Organization. What path can the SCO take in the future? Will its agenda have changes? Will there be institutional reforms in the organization? What will be the role of the SCO in shaping the new multipolar world order and in the region? These are the questions, which are now circulating around the SCO.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf. The former is a military alliance, whose members have built substantial presence in the Greater Middle East, including the US military presence in Afghanistan, Djibouti, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Oman; the British military presence in Afghanistan and Bahrain; the French military presence in Afghanistan, Djibouti and the UAE. In comparison, SCO is a political bloc, whose members are at a low level of military integration. Like Russia’s military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, China has logistics base in Djibouti; India has military presence in Tajikistan. The three SCO members enjoy better geographical proximality, while the three NATO members are stronger in military deployments and power projection capabilities. The SCO major powers have consolidated their respective land power in Central Asia, while NATO members have obtained both land power in Afghanistan and marine power in the Gulf. While the SCO’s and NATO’s respective military positions have been strengthened, Central Asia and the Gulf are faced with serious economic, political and social problems and inter-state conflict. In the light of this, the military presence of outside NATO and SCO powers may rest on a weak foundation and may face various hurdles in the future.

The purpose of the research. The article discusses changes in world politics associated with the strengthening of the role of new international organizations and structures, such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). These organizations are becoming key elements of the emerging multipolar system of international relations, offering alternative approaches to solving global problems and contributing to the strengthening of cooperation between the countries of the Global South and the East. Particular attention is paid to Russia’s active participation in these structures, which emphasizes its importance in the formation of a new world order. The results of the XVI BRICS Summit in Kazan, the prospects for the integration of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) with BRICS and the SCO, as well as the challenges associated with the implementation of these ambitious goals are analyzed. The article also discusses the role of Asia in the new world order and the impact of the decisions of individual countries, such as Kazakhstan, on integration processes. Results. As a result of the conducted research, the authors come to the conclusion that BRICS and SCO are becoming key elements of the emerging multipolar system of international relations. The associations offer an alternative approach to solving international problems based on the principle of inclusiveness, justice and equality in international affairs. Russia initiates new ideas and projects, playing a key role in the development of such associations as BRICS, SCO and EAEU. The economic potential of the integration of the countries of the Global South is increasing. However, there are new challenges and threats that the member countries of the BRICS, EAEU and SCO associations face on their way to integration. Nevertheless, Asia, due to its demographic, economic, and technological advantages, is becoming the center of a new world order. The authors also highlighted further prospects for expanding integration processes both in the BRICS, SCO, and EAEU spaces, as well as between the member states of these associations. Research methodology. This study uses an integrated approach combining several methods to analyze the prospects for the integration of BRICS, SCO and EAEU in the context of the formation of a multipolar world: analysis of literature and documents, review of existing research; analysis of the regulatory framework; assessment of trade and economic indicators, assessment of the dynamics of trade turnover, investments and other economic indicators characterizing the interaction between the BRICS, SCO and EAEU member countries; comparison of macroeconomic indicators to assess the effectiveness of integration processes; content analysis of events and events, summits and meetings; study of the content of bilateral meetings of the leaders of the participating countries to determine priority areas of interaction. The work also uses expert assessments and opinions, as well as predictive analysis, trend extrapolation, and scenario analysis.

Subject Azerbaijan's application for observer status in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Significance The decision to seek observer status at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) looks like a shift in Azerbaijan's orientation, from the West towards the East. Baku's recent criticism of the United States and Europe reinforces this impression. However, it is more likely to be an effort by Azerbaijan to rebalance its alliances -- and to send Washington a message -- than a major realignment. Given the geopolitical imperatives of its location between Russia and the Middle East, Azerbaijan must balance its foreign policy between neighbours as well as larger blocs. Impacts If Azerbaijan draws closer to Russia politically, it will satisfy both Moscow and the pro-Russia faction in Baku. Within SCO, Azerbaijan would gain a venue for commerce and defending authoritarian rule without challenges to its human rights record. Baku can use this apparent shift as a warning to the West, which has criticised the worsening human rights situation in Azerbaijan.

This article adopted a repeated stag hunt game-theoretic model to explain the evolution of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). It shows that the degree of state cooperation with the SCO relates positively to the expected benefits of legitimate suppression of domestic unrest, to the material and reputational costs of enforcing anti-human rights norms, to the continuation of the three evils and to the tolerance for other members’ occasional betrayal. The SCO thus faces a dilemma. On the one hand, to sustain cooperation, it supports authoritarian leaders’ suppression of political dissidents. On the other hand, the SCO’s norms hostile towards human rights violate established international standards, thereby increasing the potential costs of mutual support. China’s global hunt for Uyghurs, the extension of membership, and Russia’s aggression in the region raise potential costs and harm the mutual trust within the SCO. These factors may gradually undermine leaders’ willingness to support the SCO.

Central Asian States’ Compliance with International Refugee and Human Rights Law Both China and Central Asian states are parties to the major international human rights instruments that demand protection of the human rights of ethnic and religious minorities as well as protection of refugees from persecution based on their ethnicity and religious and political views. This chapter explores how Central Asian states have been balancing their international human rights obligations towards Chinese Uyghur asylum seekers and their regional obligations under the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) to fight against terrorism, extremism and separatism. The author finds that Central Asian states have continuously treated Chinese asylum seekers as a political matter and have given preference to their regional commitments towards China over their international human rights obligations, which has resulted in the absence of any real protection for Chinese asylum seekers in the region. This chapter argues that while Central Asian states may see compliance with human rights obligations to be politically inconvenient, only due compliance with international refugee and human rights law in good faith will benefit these states in the long run. In particular, a strictly legal approach to Chinese asylum seekers will help Central Asian states assert their sovereign equality and independence within the SCO and balance out China’s growing influence on their domestic policy.

The year 2024 will be a milestone for the development of both the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and BRICS, a unique negotiating format for rapidly growing economies. This year, Kazan will host the BRICS summit, and Astana has already held the SCO summit, which was marked by the adoption of a number of important initiatives. The assessment of the results and historical significance of these summits requires a special study, in this article we will look at the state in which both BRICS and SCO approached them, what problems they are currently facing and what prospects open up to them in the context of a global transformation of the IR system. The first section examines the main stages of the formation and current trends in the development of the SCO. The author emphasizes that in addition to addressing traditional challenges, the SCO member states are actively cooperating in countering new threats, such as separatism, drug trafficking, terrorism, and Islamic extremism. In this context, the SCO countries are particularly attentive to the rapidly changing situation in Afghanistan. The author concludes that although the SCO member countries have managed to create a solid legal framework and effective mechanisms of interaction, there are contradictions and even clashes between them on a number of issues. The second section identifies the stages of formation and current trends in the development of BRICS. The author notes that in the last few years, BRICS have been actively expanding both quantitatively by including more and more new countries in the association, and qualitatively, exploring new forms and areas of cooperation. In this regard, special attention is paid to the efforts to create a BRICS currency and to cooperation within the framework of the New Development Bank. According to the author, the SCO summits in Astana and BRICS in Kazan in 2024 should bring the development of these international structures, which embody hopes for the establishment of a new, fairer world order, to a qualitatively new level.

This review examines the results of the unique international study devoted to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The project was carried out on the initiative of eminent Russian specialists and covers the period of the SCO’s formation, the search for new areas of cooperation, and promising fields of interaction among the participating countries. The authors (including lawyers and economists) assess the current state of this regional organization and its future, which allows us to form a quite complete understanding of the SCO and the emerging directions of its development. The monograph was produced by a reputable foreign publishing house, reflecting an attention to regionalization that is especially noticeable against the background of the slowing processes of legal regulation at the universal level in recent years. The monograph reveals the reasons for the states within the SCO to unite efforts for realization of their common interests, which are not limited to traditional cooperation in the field of security. The team of authors pays attention to the specifics of the legal systems of the member states and the relations between the countries, as well as the SCO’s successful responses to challenges in the field of labour and migration, energy, environmental protection, transport, and logistics links. Such an approach reflects the conditions of the national legal implementation of international obligations by SCO members. The main features of the Eurasian concept of human rights are formulated, the existence and significance of which is proclaimed. The study provides necessary diagrams, graphs, and tables. General scientific and special methods of cognition were used in this review to show the structure of the monograph, the individual conclusions of the authors, and proposals. The review offers conclusions about the gradual evolution of the SCO, the growth of the humanitarian component of its competence, and the existing contradictions between the potential of the organization and the results achieved.

The studies of extremist discourse in cyberspace use set scientific methods to protect traditional spiritual values, such as state sovereignty, human rights and freedoms, historical and cultural heritage. The experience of the member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on the implementation of regional international agreements aimed at combating extremism should be applied in the organization of countering extremist crimes committed using digital technologies.Aim . To characterize approaches to combating extremism in cyberspace within the SCO and to determine the methodology for assessing the degree of public danger of manifestations of extremism.Methods. The study on extremism in SCO apply a comparative legal method when posing the problem of criminalization of extremist practices and use discourse analysis of the extremism in cyberspace problem for assessing the public danger of radical ideology.Results. Three groups of methods are used in the fight against extremism: methods of legal regulation, methods of studying and assessing the public danger of extremist materials and methods of scientific research of extremism. Prohibitive legal regulation in cyberspace is applied to media content that, according to the conclusion of linguistic expertise, contains signs of extremist materials. The doctrinal basis for the legal assessment of the linguistic expertise of extremist materials is the socio-legal research conducted in the SCO member states.Conclusions. The propaganda of extremism in cyberspace qualifies as an abuse of freedom of speech, since extremist ideology leads to terrorism. The SCO consensus on the need to combat extremism is based on a scientific methods system for radical ideology research, among which discourse analysis and narrative dialogue research will play an increasing role with the digital transformation.

The issue of safeguarding civil and human rights and freedoms is discussed in the article in light of the emergence of a multipolar global order and significant changes in geopolitics, society, culture, and the law. The need to modernize the human rights architecture in order to create a creative and efficient system for the defense of civil and human rights and freedoms is determined by the crisis of traditional international legal human rights mechanisms, the waning influence of supranational regulators, and the politicization of former human rights institutions.Because it enables us to recognize basic patterns, the category of justice is used to examine the axiological, institutional, and functional elements of the evolution of systems for the preservation of human and civil rights and freedoms. The analysis of how human rights institutions interact in the new multipolar world and the identification of modernization vectors for normativelegal support of human rights are the primary foci.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the evaluation of topical ideas of Inner Asia civilization in the multi-polar world. Without doubt, in contemporary global world it is essential for each country to creatively explore ideas and scientific civilizational theories to define its place in modern global community. Today the Mongols actively explore these theories and doctrines which have linkage to Western origin, but the research deserves a creative approach and does not fit properly the national reality and specifics.Material and methods. To define the specific features of Mongolian civilization the authors study philosophical doctrines of existence in harmony, doctrine of duality, time, Buddism – all the ideas that influenced the Mongolian views on “nation” and “democracy”, historical lessons and geopolitics.Results. At present Mongolia has a tough choice in pursuing foreign policy. Three main world development centers- the USA, China and Russia- have emerged and the threat of a potential conflict between them have increased. It is apparent that this process in the future will strongly influence the present and further development of each region and country in the world. Thus the fundamental issues concerning the methodological approach in development philosophy as well as in civilizational philosophy appeared alongside the changes in world situation. The issue of national identity should not be excluded from the political agenda as well as historical and development issues from policy analysis.Discussion and Conclusions. Mongolia in respect to its geographical location belongs to the Asia-Pacific region. In the civilizational aspect Mongols are nomadic nation. These two factors are fundamental conditions for the shaping of national identity. In context of civilizational affinity and national identity Mongols are more close to the Central Asian space. In this area such regional organizations as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and APEC operate. However, Mongolia is not a member of these organizations and cannot efficiently participate in big regional and world projects and programs having the status of observer. Hence the membership in these regional organizations and the significant economic growth are strategically important for Mongolia.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), a transcontinental intergovernmental alliance, serves as a critical regional body across Eurasia. It was originally established to address border disputes among China, Central Asian states, and Russia. China’s active engagement in the SCO reflects a broader shift in its foreign policy toward fostering regional integration, emphasizing political dialogue, security, and economic interdependence under the principles of the “Shanghai Spirit.” Although the SCO has strengthened regional security and expanded its membership, various challenges persist, including conflicting national interests and rivalries among member states—particularly between India and Pakistan, and between China and India. Despite these challenges, the SCO remains a cornerstone of China’s strategy to promote a multipolar world order, counter Western dominance, and reinvigorate its regional and global influence through peaceful multilateral engagement. This research aims to examine China’s evolving role within the SCO, highlighting its transition from a cautious participant to a leading force driving counterterrorism efforts, economic cooperation through initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and regional stability.

This article explores the complex dynamics of Sino-Russian relations within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), focusing on the balance between partnership and rivalry in the field of regional security. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of official documents, leadership statements, materials from academic publications, and secondary sources, this study sheds light on how China and Russia use the SCO as a platform to counter Western influence in Central Asia and promote a multipolar world order. The research also reveals the emergence of elements of competition, particularly related to China's growing economic influence in the region, which may come into conflict with Russia's traditional interests. However, the findings underscore Moscow and Beijing's ability to maintain pragmatic cooperation on security issues within the SCO, illustrating their skill in navigating between cooperation and competition. The article analyzes the SCO's institutional mechanisms that facilitate this cooperation, such as regular summits, joint military exercises, and counter-terrorism initiatives, and examines how the two powers manage their differences through bilateral channels. The study also explores the impact of external factors, such as the American presence in Central Asia and regional security challenges, on the Sino-Russian dynamics within the SCO, as well as the potential consequences of Russia's growing economic dependence on China for the balance of power within the organization. This article offers a nuanced perspective on how China and Russia balance their sometimes divergent interests while maintaining strategic cooperation within the SCO, thereby contributing to a better understanding of the complex geopolitical relationships in Eurasia.

Four Regionalisms: Legislative Types Salience

The absence of regional human rights mechanisms in Asia is due to the continent’s diverse political, socio-economic and cultural landscape. Scholars and policymakers argue that this heterogeneity makes the establishment of a unified human rights body a challenge. Nevertheless, the need for regional human rights systems in Asia remains crucial, as the experience of other regions such as Europe, Africa and the Americas shows. The regional mechanisms allow for the development of customized solutions to human rights problems, taking into account local values and cultural nuances. This paper examines the prospects and challenges of establishing an Asian regional human rights system. It considers various scenarios, including the creation of new organizations or using existing structures such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to establish such mechanisms. Drawing on the experience of regional systems around the world, this study emphasizes the need for an Asian structure to monitor, promote and uphold human rights standards, and suggests steps to achieve this goal.