Building the Nation in the Monarchical Era: History, Historiography, and Historians in Libya’s Independence Process (1940s – 1950s)

Religion, World Order, and Peace: A Muslim Perspective Abdulaziz Sachedina David Little’s piece on “Religion, World Order, and Peace,” has underscored the importance of engagement with religious communities and their leaders in making the international order more peaceful and free of intolerance and violence. His essay has identified several topics of special concern with the purpose of garnering the active support of religious communities whose traditions are open to all sorts of retrieval by different interest groups within a single normative tradition to either further or stifle the positive role religion can play in public sphere. In the following pages, I will endeavor to address specific issues that need to be raised in the context of Islamic tradition and its political/public goals that need to be reformulated to accommodate the reality of not only the plurality of religions but also intrafaith relations that seek justification in the normative sources of Islam, such as the Qur’an and the Tradition (Sunna). Based on my field experience in the Muslim world, I will also focus on the importance of the need for the UN to connect to religious leaders in Muslim nation‐states and not just their autocratic rulers. Relevant in this connection is the public–private issue as navigated by an Islamic understanding of pluralism and consensual politics and the UN’s need to get religiously literate to influence the course of events in the Muslim world to promote freedoms of religion and expression as the fundamental human rights of all citizens. Obviously, the latter goal cannot be achieved without holding accountable those who continue to rule with force and violence even when they lack the necessary political legitimacy. Since 9/11, the world of the faithful in Muslim societies has been in turmoil because the living Islam, dominated by its traditional interpreters, the learned ulema, has not been able to guide the community at the most critical period of its existence. As indicated by Little, it is not only “flawed” religion that can become the breeding ground for violence and conflict; it is also the unjust politics that becomes the source of a violent posture adopted by religiously sensitive people to combat their corrupt leaders. To say that Islam is a peaceful religion that has been hijacked by a few militant extremist is to mislead the world to its internal tensions generated by different versions of Islamic ideals—from those versions advocating peaceful coexistence to those urging full conquest of the world for God’s religion. Likewise, there is a range of views within Islam about appropriate responses to undemocratic governance in the Muslim countries. The internal dialogue among Muslims has as yet to confront the real questions about Islam’s spiritual and moral potentials that could be harnessed by the national governments and an international body like the UN to bring about peaceful resolution to ongoing conflicts in many parts of the Muslim world. A real partnership between the UN and Muslim religious leadership that may hold a key to unlock those interpretations of Islam that can further peace has not as yet been realized. The acute problem that the international body faces is its inability to garner the support of the influential religious leaders who could act as conduit to the goals that were articulated on the occasion of the Millennium World Peace Summit of Religious and Spiritual Leaders in the year 2000. I am sure that the question: “Who speaks for Islam and Muslim communities?” has been on the mind of many organizers at the UN. With the lack of political freedom in most of the Muslim countries where human rights violation occur more frequently, the UN needs to seek other ways of implementing incremental progress in people’s right to consensual politics. This is the key to correct many areas of concern in Little’s “topics of special concern.” The two areas of special concern, in my opinion, are as follows: first, the need for the UN to identify influential spiritual/moral leadership in the Muslim world, who are also deeply committed to the reinterpretation of the Islamic normative sources and their implementation in advancing democratic governance with a commitment to uphold international conventions...

Nation and State in Latin America: Political Language during IndependenceFundamentos intelectuales y políticos de las independencias: Notas para una nueva historia intelectual de Iberoamérica

abstractThis article takes up the occluded history of a particular category of migrant—the migrant scholar—in late Ottoman Mecca. It does so through the trajectory of the prominent Indian religious and anti-colonial scholar Muhammad Rahmatullah al-Kairanawi (1818–1891) and the afterlives of al-Sawlatiyya, the school he founded in 1873 in Mecca, where many South Asian and other scholars and rebels sought refuge in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Through his teaching and public activism in Mecca, he built the scaffolding of a long intellectual and political legacy. Kairanawi and other scholar-activists brought with them a panoply of anti-colonial and modernist ideas—secular and religious, reformist and revolutionary. Exposing the centrality of migrant scholars to the social, intellectual, and political fabrics of Arabian and South Asian lifeworlds reveals another Arabia, one that demolition and historical revision—now mundane universal practices—seek to permanently erase. Doing so also delivers profound lessons on the figure of the migrant as scholar, on the imperative of transcending national history, and on thinking of history itself as punctured by continuous crises.

Abstract: Mali, once argued to be a democratic model for Africa, is in a state of perennial crisis, the result of poor governance, unmet democratic expectations, and competition for domestic political legitimacy among the political class, the military, and religious leaders. After the 1991 revolution, international donors poured money into Mali to promote democratization. Meanwhile, most Malian citizens were becoming increasingly disconnected from a growing political class dependent on these funds. This article shows how popular protests led to both the reversal of family-law reform and the instigation of military coups d'état. The lack of accountability of the political class and the influx of donor money have contributed to increased popular perceptions of state corruption and impunity. Peace and security are impossible amid governance failures and serial coups d'état. This article explains the political consequences of the breakdown of popular trust and political legitimacy of the ruling elite and argues that restoring trust and legitimacy is a critical element to rebuilding Mali.

This article analyzes the political discourse of Ahmed Al-Sharaa, the new Syrian president, through his interviews with BBC and Al Arabiya to explore how he adapts his messages to diverse audiences. Utilizing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the research examines the linguistic, rhetorical, and persuasive strategies Al-Sharaa employs to reinforce his political legitimacy both domestically and internationally. The findings reveal a strategic shift in discourse: while his domestic rhetoric emphasizes revolutionary legitimacy, national unity, and addressing the consequences of internal conflict, his international discourse portrays him as a statesman committed to democratic principles, international law, and human rights. The article identifies key linguistic features, such as the use of legal terminology ("constitution," "legitimacy," "democratic institutions") and rhetorical devices like emotional framing for domestic audiences and logical argumentation for international contexts. Al-Sharaa’s discourse also conveys implicit messages, emphasizing national sovereignty, the need for reconciliation, and a call for lifting international sanctions. This dual strategy demonstrates Al-Sharaa’s ability to balance revolutionary ideals with state-building goals, reflecting his pragmatic approach to political leadership. The research contributes to the understanding of how political figures craft narratives to shape public opinion, construct legitimacy, and influence both domestic and international audiences

Abstract: Mali, once argued to be a democratic model for Africa, is in a state of perennial crisis, the result of poor governance, unmet democratic expectations, and competition for domestic political legitimacy among the political class, the military, and religious leaders. After the 1991 revolution, international donors poured money into Mali to promote democratization. Meanwhile, most Malian citizens were becoming increasingly disconnected from a growing political class dependent on these funds. This article shows how popular protests led to both the reversal of family-law reform and the instigation of military coups d'état. The lack of accountability of the political class and the influx of donor money have contributed to increased popular perceptions of state corruption and impunity. Peace and security are impossible amid governance failures and serial coups d'état. This article explains the political consequences of the breakdown of popular trust and political legitimacy of the ruling elite and argues that restoring trust and legitimacy is a critical element to rebuilding Mali.

How do political and religious leaders and organizations delegitimize rival perspectives within their own religious tradition? What kind of frames do they use to undermine the arguments of others? Although there is a rich literature that studies interreligious violence and how religious organizations use faith-based symbols and narratives to justify action against “the other”, intra-religious dynamics of competition and how public theologies, strands, and perspectives within religions compete have been understudied. In this article, I introduce the concept of “outbidding frames”. I show how two radical Islamic organizations, Al-Qaida and the Islamic State employed different frames against the like-minded groups and actors within their tradition. Using organizations' publications and statements, I identify common outbidding frames based on political legitimacy; loyalty; morality; (anti)secularity; and methodology.

This study explores the evolving relationship between religion, governance, and digital communication in Indonesia, focusing on how public trust is constructed within a complex and pluralistic religious landscape. Drawing on Public Trust Theory as the primary analytical lens, the research investigates how perceptions of government fairness, procedural legitimacy, transparency, and representational inclusivity influence citizens’ trust in state institutions, particularly regarding religious policy. Through a mixed-methods design combining quantitative survey data with qualitative narrative responses, the study examines Indonesians’ evaluations of the state’s role in managing religious affairs and the broader impact of digital media on shaping public perceptions. Findings suggest that fairness and consistency in governance remain the most significant determinants of trust, while social media functions as both an informative bridge and a disruptive force, capable of amplifying inclusivity as well as polarization. The study contributes to interdisciplinary discussions on religious pluralism, political legitimacy, and communication practices, offering insights for policymakers, religious leaders, and communication strategists seeking to strengthen institutional transparency, inclusivity, and trust in Indonesia’s diverse socio-political environment.

This article aims to explore the role of Toraja customs in encouraging women's participation in the 2024 legislative elections in Toraja, Indonesia, with a focus on the political legitimacy provided by customs and the church and the role of women as agents of political change. A qualitative approach was used in this study with a case study design. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with eight key informants, including traditional leaders, religious leaders, and female politicians. Data analysis was conducted using grounded theory techniques, applying thematic analysis to identify patterns and categories in the data. This study found that Toraja customs serve as a source of political legitimacy for women, with customary approval strengthening women's involvement in politics. The principle of tallu bakaa (wise, intelligent, brave, economically stable) is the main guideline in selecting leaders, and this applies equally in the customary and formal political spheres. The Toraja church also provides significant support for women's involvement in politics, despite initially limiting their roles. Toraja women, with the support of customs and the church, have strong social capital to engage in formal politics. This study concludes that Toraja customs and the Toraja church play an important role in encouraging women's participation in Toraja politics, which is based on the principles of gender equality and customary deliberation. Customs and the church provide social and cultural legitimacy, while education and cultural values such as tallu bakaa give women the confidence to engage in formal political contests.

This research discusses a number of strengths or capital possessed by the Mulyadi Jayabaya political clan in the electoral process at the 2018 Lebak regional head election, as well as having brought up his daughter in the 2018 regional head elections as a representation of one of the local political clans that has dominated the political-economic structure. The incumbent’s success in this electoral process has cemented the status quo among political clans. In addition, this victory cannot be denied because of the symbolic power that has been obtained by the incumbent. As stated in the study of Pierre Bourdieu (1986), who has seen that in the social arena there are always those who dominate and are dominated. Thus, to analyze the amount of capital owned by the Mulyadi Jayabaya political clan, the author uses a concept that has been conveyed by Pierre Bourdieu regarding capital, which consists of economic capital, social capital, cultural capital, and symbolic capital. This research addresses a number of capitals that are used ath the same time in an effort to maintain their power in fighting the empty column and civil society members who are members of the fight group for empty column because capital has a significant role, especially the political legacy that has been abandoned by the previous regent. As a result, incumbents and political clans build networks formally, such as with the bureaucracy, and with informal leaders, such as religious leaders, youth, and organizations, in the aftermath of clan member’s victories in the 2018 Lebak regional head election.

Indonesia's multicultural society consists of various religious, cultural and ethnic backgrounds, requiring economic ethics that can harmoniously accommodate diversity. Religious leaders have a strategic role in developing economic ethics based on moderate and inclusive religious moral and spiritual values. This study examines economic ethics from an interfaith perspective and the role of religious leaders in applying economic ethics to their congregations. The informants for this study were ten religious leaders from Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Hinduism, and Buddhism. This study used a qualitative method with a case study approach. The results of this study indicate that economic ethics from an interfaith perspective are conveyed through teaching, guidance, and example. Religious leaders play a role in instilling the principles of honesty, justice, responsibility, and solidarity in the economic activities of the community. In addition, religious leaders also play a role in facilitating interfaith dialogue to strengthen tolerance and economic cooperation across communities. This approach not only maintains social harmony but also encourages fair and sustainable economic empowerment, where religious leaders can become effective agents of social change in building economic ethics that support harmony and mutual prosperity.

The development of religious movements and the emergence of contemporary new religions in Taiwan are basically related to the transformations of political structure, social transitions and the decline of traditional religions. The progression over time, coupled with the social division caused by the overall social transitions in Taiwan, created the opportunities of survival and development for religious movements and contemporary new religions in Taiwan.Concerning about the researches of contemporary new religions in Taiwan mainly focused on the ”description of the phenomenon” of new religions; few were on the ”explanation of the phenomenon” of new religions. As for researches of new religions in the attitude of social suffering, social responsibility and social practice, few go very far; mainly were in the ”disaster relief” and ”kalpa salvation” of new religions. Therefore, this paper will focus on the following aspects: Firstly, on contemporary new religious leaders in Taiwan in the practice dimension of ethics and responsibilities about the issues of ”social suffering;” that is, in the aspect of new religious leaders' attitude to social suffering, social responsibility as well as social practice. Secondly, on the analysis of the ”view of social practice” of contemporary new religious leaders in Taiwan by Paul Knitter's ”religious practicalism;” in other words, to reflect on view of suffering, social responsibility and social practice of the contemporary new religions in Taiwan based on the perspective of ”global suffering” and ”global responsibility.”

This article examines how contemporary Indian advertising contributes to the discursive construction of political and cultural legitimacy by framing everyday consumption as a moral and patriotic practice. Drawing on an analysis of 48 advertisements produced between 2014 and 2022 by three prominent Indian brands, the study explores how nationalist branding strategies align consumer behaviour with ideas of cultural revival and national belonging. Using critical discourse analysis and corpus-assisted methods, the article shows how advertisements mobilise notions of purity, tradition, heritage, and authenticity to normalise majoritarian worldviews through affective and routinised consumption practices. Rather than dismantling colonial hierarchies of power and knowledge, these narratives repackage cultural revival as decolonial renewal, substituting historical critique with affectively charged representations of unity and moral order. The analysis demonstrates how ideology is reproduced not through overt persuasion but through repetition, affective alignment, and routinised consumption practices. By foregrounding advertising as a key site of ideological reproduction, the article contributes to broader debates on nationalism, media, and political communication in contemporary India.

Reviewed by: Political Legitimacy in Postcolonial Mali by Dorothea E. Schulz Bruce Whitehouse Dorothea E. Schulz, Political Legitimacy in Postcolonial Mali. Suffolk, UK: James Currey, 2021. 239pp. $120 Paper. Many of us observing Mali’s political trajectory have presumed that throughout the country’s two decades of multiparty, democratic rule which began in the early 1990s, the Malian state commanded unprecedented political legitimacy. We believed that the Malian people generally considered the elected regimes of Presidents Alpha Oumar Konaré (1992–2002) and Amadou Toumani Touré (2002–2012), despite their obvious flaws, as far more legitimate than their single-party predecessors had been. The military coup that ousted Touré in March 2012 was viewed as a giant step backward, ushering in a profound political crisis for the country. But what if Malians have never seen their postcolonial state as legitimate? What if Mali has been suffering, not from a post-2012 “crisis” of political legitimacy but instead from a chronic failure to generate legitimacy, a failure as old as the postcolonial state itself? What if, moreover, scholars have not adequately understood either what “legitimacy” means or how to assess it in African postcolonies? These are among the provocative questions raised by anthropologist Dorothea Schulz in her latest book, the product mainly of her fieldwork in rural western Mali. Less a traditional monograph than a wide-ranging set of reflections on how ordinary people have articulated with the Malian state, Political Legitimacy in Postcolonial Mali is a challenging, theoretically rich work of ethnography. In her attempt to define legitimacy and understand how it is constructed, Schulz engages deeply with political philosophy and with theories of the African state. In the book’s introduction and five chapters, Schulz attempts to come to terms with the ill-defined concept of legitimacy. Chapter One examines the state from the micropolitical perspective of rural farmers, many of whom remember the country’s period of military rule (1968–1991) as a time when the state and party politics were mercifully absent from their villages. To these villagers, the state’s primary function was to ensure stability and provide for dependents, and they judged Mali’s post-1991 democratic order as failing on both counts. Chapter Two considers the use of cultural performance (specifically jeli praise singers) by successive Malian regimes as a tool of political legitimization. While these performances helped to naturalize the Malian nation-state, Schulz contends, they failed to legitimize the people or institutions running it. Chapter Three argues that Mali’s political decentralization process, initiated in the mid-1990s, instead of bringing decision-makers closer to their rural constituents, only multiplied competing layers of authority and left farmers reliant on urban intermediaries to get the attention of the state and its bureaucrats. Chapter Four traces the Malian state’s efforts since the 1990s to construct legitimacy through the promotion of “local culture” via festivals and media broadcasts (specifically, the “Terroir” program on Malian state television). [End Page 222] The fifth chapter, which explores the emergence of Islamism in Mali, stands out in many respects from the preceding ones. Schulz zooms out from her focus on village/state encounters in the western Kayes region to view the phenomenon of Islamic renewal through a national-level lens. Building on the problems discussed earlier in her book, she convincingly portrays Islamism, both in its mainstream political and militant armed manifestations, as a response to a political order seen as “devoid of legitimacy because it cannot ensure the basic conditions for citizens to live in proper moral terms” (2021, 159). In other words, the Islamist challenge to Mali’s secular state is not an atavistic or irrational anti-modern backlash. This chapter considers this challenge through a profile of the charismatic Muslim leader Shaykh Chérif Haïdara and his complex positioning vis-a-vis the Malian government. The book ends with a brief concluding chapter followed by a postscript bringing the reader up to date with the events that toppled yet another of Mali’s elected presidents, Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, from power in August 2020. The largely rural perspectives in these chapters (with the exception of Chapter Five) offer a necessary corrective to the urban bias...

In traditional societies, religious and political leaders often use elements from the surrounding ecosystems to symbolically affirm their power. This ethnobotanical research looks for a similar pattern of use in urbanized western societies. We selected the use of plants by Queen Elizabeth II as a case study due to her singular position as a political and religious leader. We analysed the use of plants in public ceremonies to study how they are symbolically linked to the renewal of traditions.