BRINGING PAN-AFRICANISM BACK IN AS AN ANALYTICAL CATEGORY

Africa experiences one-third of all conflicts globally, resulting in the diminishment of human, social, and economic well-being; high levels of insecurity; poverty; and disrupted marketing systems. Drawing on the experiences of African countries, the article illuminates the ways in which the slave trade and, later, the colonization of the African continent fomented the social and economic convulsions that continue to erupt into continuing cycles of social conflict. Today these are manifested in the neocolonial influence of public policy on the continent by international organizations, funding bodies, and local and international institutions that control the public policy discourse and resources. The authors argue that if marketing systems are to enhance well-being and reduce social conflict, marketing policy makers need to contest failed “external to Africa” policy frameworks and look to endogenous policies better suited to contemporary African challenges. A case study of Rwanda illuminates how endogenous, “home-grown” decolonial and Afrocentric policy can create enduring peace and improve marketing systems and well-being. The authors call for research at the nexus of public policy and African marketing systems that adopts decolonized, endogenous, and Afrocentric perspectives to address this lacuna in marketing and public policy research and practice.

This issue completes the 3rd volume since the Policy Studies Journal became the official journal of the Public Policy Section of the American Political Science Association. Over that time, the PSJ has become an increasingly visible outlet for papers published on public policy theory and practice. Currently the PSJ is received by 1,113 personal subscribers, and is available in the libraries of 2,777 institutional subscribers. By standard measures, articles in the PSJ are getting increasing attention. For example, the ISI (Institute for Scientific Information) rating for the PSJ has essentially doubled each year since it became affiliated with the Public Policy Section. That change is shown in the Figure below: While the ISI is simply an indicator of the frequency that articles from the journal are cited in other peer-reviewed journals, we take it as a rough proxy for the success of the PSJ's authors in becoming part of the larger “scholarly conversation” on public policy theory and practice. The reason for the stark rise in the ISI rating is because you—scholars in the field of public policy—send your best papers to your Section's journal. As the editors of the PSJ, we are committed to continuing this trend and assuring that the PSJ is the premier outlet for articles in the filed of public policy. This issue provides an unusually large number of important articles. These include excellent papers on the evolution of institutions (Durant); principal-agent problems as they bear on election administration (Alvarez and Hall); the relationship between agency “business models” and funding sources (O’Hare); evidence on faith-based agency service delivery (Sosin and Smith); and the legislative bases for flexibility and accountability in state charter schools. In addition, Scott Robinson provides a thorough review of recent books on networks in public policy that will prove invaluable to policy scholars. Of particular interest in this issue is a collection of (individually peer-reviewed) papers on the role and effectiveness of public participation in the public process. Seth Tuler and Tom Webler, the editors of the collection, have assembled articles from the leading scholars on public participation in a broad cross-section of policy domains. In sum, this issue of the Policy Studies Journal continues to deliver high quality scholarship on a broad array of issues in public policy theory and practice. We urge you to send us your best papers for inclusion in future issues of the PSJ.

Background. The current aging of the population across Europe is creating multiple challenges to the European states as well as to the European authorities. They have to design and implement sustainable policies for aging-in-place (for home care services for the elderly) to improve their wellbeing and inclusion in the information society. So far, several European initiatives have been runned to bring answers and solutions. Research aim. The aim of this paper is to understand wether and how several local authorities in the European Union build regulations and strategies for the ICT-based home care services intended to the elderly and where they stand regarding the literature’s recommendations. Method. We focus on the results of the SILHOUETTE project, that was part of CREATOR, an INTERREG-IV C mini-programme. We particularly focus on the public policy practices for the development of the ICT-based solutions for aging-in-place (home care services for the elderly) that the project identified. This paper is an analytical and comparative synthesis of these data in relation to the scientific literature. Public policy practices have been compared across territories of seven European countries. Results. We found that the seven regions are at different levels of maturity of public policy practices and that the SILHOUETTE project succeeded to enlighten different ways to boost the implementation of ICT-based solutions. Discussion. From this comparison we built a table showing the integrated stages of local strategies’ development. Comparison with the literature showed a greater development of Nordic countries, with the Finnish region being the only one whose guidelines included a great number of recommendations. Moreover, in this sector, the East/West gap is less present than in the global long-term care services sector and studies from other regions of the world can be useful for European stakeholders.

<i>Policy Studies Yearbook Annual Review</i> 2022–23: Note from the editor and call for papers

In contemporary political, cultural and communicational debates, the idea of the public sphere has a notable presence. According to the classical Habermasian perspective, the public sphere is the realm of social life in which public opinion can be shaped by principles such as free access for all citizens, inclusion, reciprocity, reflection, equality and the rational justification of arguments. In this domain, people act as public when they discuss topics of general interest in conditions of equality and without coercion. These conditions guarantee, in normative terms, that the citizens can meet freely to express their opinions and points of view (Habermas, 1989). Nancy Fraser defends the influence of public discussions on decision-making and believes that the formation of public opinion can be a counterweight to discourses in formal deliberative arenas. He adds that sometimes the arguments put forward by civil society actors succeed in influencing the decisions of executive and legislative powers (Fraser, 1993). Reinforcing that idea, Avritzer and Costa (2004) argue that issues, positions and arguments defended by the new social actors must infiltrate the State through institutional mechanisms, and thus democratize and put it under the control of citizens. However, not all real public spheres are democratic, since cultural and material inequalities determine the differentiation between publics and their capacities, especially in spaces characterized by dependency relations and state interference (Chaguaceda, 2011). It has been pointed out that a merely conversational public sphere will not succeed in subverting power relations or guaranteeing the pursuit of the common good. The Habermasian model has also been criticized because it is confined to the analysis of the bourgeois public sphere and ignores that, together with the formation of the dominant bourgeois public, they suggested that the publics were composed of peasants, workers, women and nationalists, who constituted competing public spheres (Fraser, 1993) and complement each other. Therefore, one should not speak of sphere (singular) but of public (plural) spheres that together form the public space.In later texts, Habermas admits the coexistence of various public spheres and the need to observe the dynamics of the communicative processes that occur outside the dominant spaces of discussion. Now the public sphere is defined as a complex network formed by a diversity of forums for public discussion - both in formal institutions and outside of these, articulated through communicative activity, when different publics come together in organized networks to debate topics of common interest, contrasting points of view and assuming or reaffirming positions (Marques, 2008). Whatever position one takes within that debate, the notion of the public sphere reveals its value not only for critical social theory and democratic practice, but also for understanding the limits of democracy within existing capitalism and for the construction of alternative democratic projects (Fraser, 1993), both to the present neoliberal order and to socialist experiences of Soviet court. However, the Habermasian theory did not propose a universal law applicable to any context: it is a normative model to which existing societies approach or not. As has been stated (Chaguaceda, 2011), the concept must be anchored in specific contexts and subjects, given that the analysis of the public sphere in concrete spaces shows its normative limits. Limits appear when one analyses some countries, such as Cuba, that are not governed by the principles of liberal democracy, such as Cuba.

This chapter explores policy evaluation that is used to inform new policy practice. Two reflexive methods for evaluating public policy practice—Learning History and Learning Evaluation—are introduced and discussed in a theoretical and practical sense. The potential value of these methods is discussed by showing their recent application to complex urban issues. The reflexive and constructivist nature of policy evaluation must lead to results that are recognised by target audiences and will lead to conclusions that can be supported by them. As such, the learning impacts of the study itself can be maximised. By deliberative inclusion of the target audiences, researchers can organise how they might productively contribute to the evaluation study at hand, without violating “common rules of good science”, or changing the evaluation instruments or results. Learning from evaluation refers to the wish to identify or initiate visible change, often presented, of course, as an improvement of the evaluated public policy practice and its artefacts (objectives, resources, relations, skills, etc.). Both methods appear to be capable of actively stimulating and facilitating learning for public policy practice through evaluation. Both learning evaluations and learning histories must be deployed in a learning manner. Through an iterative research process—of targeting, applying, reflecting, readjusting, and reapplying—in-depth insight into the evaluation issue will be gained from different perspectives, held true or relevant by the target audiences. For public policy professionals involved, both learning evaluations and learning histories appear to be safe research procedures for sharing their knowledge of and experiences with “what was going on”. Naming, shaming, and blaming of events, people, or agencies are avoided because the multi-perspective approach of both methods shows vividly that there are more sides to the story, taking the evaluation and the subsequent discussion away from conclusions that are too easy or too hasty.

Book Review: Public interest: A Paper on Public Policy Theory and Practice Recenzia na knihu: Verejný záujem: Príspevok k teórii a praxi verejnej politiky Journal Politické vedy has been released since 1998. The aim of the academically reviewed journal is to publish original articles of Slovak and foreign authors, concerning different fields of social science

Reviewed by: Beyond Slash, Burn, and Poison: Transforming Breast Cancer Stories into Action Julie Sze (bio) Knopf-Newman, Marcy Jane . Beyond Slash, Burn, and Poison: Transforming Breast Cancer Stories into Action. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004. 197 pp. Marcy Jane Knopf-Newman's Beyond Slash, Burn, and Poison: Transforming Breast Cancer Stories into Action is a readable and engaging account of twentieth-century breast-cancer narratives in the United States. The book is focused on women whose writings on breast cancer "explore the symbiotic relationship among culture, politics, and medicine," and whose writings, Knopf-Newman argues, "had an impact and led to changes in public policy or medical practices or both" (5). A major strength of the book is its complex analysis of culture, politics, and medicine deeply informed by not only gender, but also race, class, and global considerations. And, as her acknowledgements attest, the book is indebted to feminist and activist scholarship, and thus, well suited for use in a feminist classroom dealing with feminist narratives or topics such as gender and the body, medicine/ environment, and public policy. Knopf-Newman opens with an early nineteenth-century account of mastectomy performed on the English novelist Frances Burney. Describing the procedure (without anesthesia or antiseptic), Burney uses legal metaphors to chart her experience "as a criminal who must submit to her sentence" (3). For Burney, writing about the procedure was a tool that assisted her in becoming empowered and through which she gained agency by representing her body and experience. For Knopf-Newman, the role of language and literature in negotiating breast cancer as a gendered medical condition, the power of literature in the public sphere, and individual/ female agency are key terms constituting her discussion. If there is one issue that fascinates Knopf-Newman, it's the history and evolution of the Halstead mastectomy as the gold-standard treatment for breast cancer (the choice for many years was seen as Halstead or certain death). The Halstead mastectomy was the removal of all the pectoral muscles during mastectomy (later critiqued by physicians like George Crile, who argued that a wide array of options were preferable to this extremely painful procedure). The ubiquity of the procedure was also a result of the structure of the insurance industry that financially rewarded massively invasive procedures. Part of the horror of the Halstead was in how it was performed, a result of the medical community's belief in the need for speed between diagnosis and surgery. Thus, women did not know what their diagnosis or prognosis was until the mastectomy and biopsy were done simultaneously. Women would often have no idea that they would wake up without a breast (or pectoral muscles). To Knopf-Newman, [End Page 252] this medical procedure, unchallenged for nearly a century as the sole answer to breast cancer, resulted in suppressing women's agency and in silencing them as autonomous agents. To counter the culture of the Halstead mastectomy, which represents the suppression of female agency and silence, Knopf-Newman analyzes four well-known women who had and wrote about breast cancer. She focuses on Rachel Carson, who wrote the landmark environmental tract Silent Spring, First Lady Betty Ford, journalist and health activist Rose Kushner, and African-American poet, writer, lesbian, and anti-apartheid activist, Audre Lorde. Organized chronologically, her text "highlights women who wrote about their breast cancer and resisted the impulse to contain breast cancer in an apolitical private space for doing so contributes to blaming the victim, which saturates mass media representations of the disease" (23). Thus, these women each engage with central topics in feminist scholarship, specifically, the relationship between the personal and the political, and the body. They also engage (to varying degrees) important topics in environmental and public health scholarship, specifically, what causes breast cancer? Or, what are the environmental influences on breast cancer that destabilize a dominant causation narrative focused on family genetics and lifestyle choices? Probably, the most well known of the four women Knopf-Newman discusses is Betty Ford. As First Lady (along with the near simultaneous announcement of the vice president's wife's cancer), Ford drew mass media attention. Knopf-Newman situates Ford's self...

Adverse childhood experience (ACE) scores have become a common approach for considering childhood adversities and are highly influential in public policy and clinical practice. Their use is also controversial. Other ways of measuring adversity - examining single adversities, or using theoretically or empirically driven methods - might have advantages over ACE scores. In this narrative review we critique the conceptualisation and measurement of ACEs in research, clinical practice, public health and public discourse. The ACE score approach has the advantages - and limitations - of simplicity: its simplicity facilitates wide-ranging applications in public policy, public health and clinical settings but risks over-simplistic communication of risk/causality, determinism and stigma. The other common approach - focussing on single adversities - is also limited because adversities tend to co-occur. Researchers are using rapidly accruing datasets on ACEs to facilitate new theoretical and empirical approaches but this work is at an early stage, e.g. weighting ACEs and including severity, frequency, duration and timing. More research is needed to establish what should be included as an ACE, how individual ACEs should be weighted, how ACEs cluster, and the implications of these findings for clinical work and policy. New ways of conceptualising and measuring ACEs that incorporate this new knowledge, while maintaining some of the simplicity of the current ACE questionnaire, could be helpful for clinicians, practitioners, patients and the public. Although we welcome the current focus on ACEs, a more critical view of their conceptualisation, measurement, and application to practice settings is urgently needed.

Official statistics document that the majority of all crime committed in the U.S. is intra-racial. Only crimes involving victims and offenders of Black racial identity have been assigned an explicitly racialized label. Drawing on work from multiple disciplines, this paper traces the historical origins of racialized crime statistics. It examines how official statistics are manipulated, through racial disproportionality analysis, to mask the amount of crime committed by Whites and to support a view that Black crime is more prevalent and dangerous than other criminal offending. We trace the origin of the term “Black on Black crime” to unsuccessful efforts by Black leaders to protect the Black community from victimization or gain equitable treatment for Black defendants. We argue that the use of the term should be abandoned, in part, because of its current use in public discourse to legitimize police and civilian violence against Blacks. Recommendations for addressing and eliminating the use of this racially charged term in public discourse, policy, and criminal justice practice are provided.

The article presents the reasons for which the issue of providing housing to low-income citizens has been a real challenge in Addis Ababa during the recent years and will continue to be, given that its population is growing extremely fast. It examines the tensions between the universal aspirations and the local realities in the case of some of Ethiopia’s most ambitious mass pro-poor housing schemes, such as the “Addis Ababa Grand Housing Program” (AAGHP), which was launched in 2004 and was integrated in the “Integrated Housing Development Program” (IHDP) in 2006. The article argues that the quotidian practices of communities and their socio-economic and cultural characteristics are related to the spatial attributes of co-housing practices. Drawing upon the idea that there is a mutual correspondence between social and spatial structures, it places particular emphasis on the analysis of the IHDP and aims to show that to shape strategies that take into account the social and cultural aspects of daily life of the poor citizens of Addis Ababa, it is pivotal to invite them to take part in the decision-making processes regarding their resettlement. Departing from the fact that a large percentage of the housing supply in Addis Ababa consists of informal unplanned housing, the article also compares the commoning practices in kebele houses and condominium units. The former refers to the legal informal housing units owned by the government and rented to their dwellers, whereas the latter concerns the housing blocks built in the framework of the IHDP for the resettlement of the kebele dwellers. The article analyzes these processes of resettlement, shedding light of the fact that kebele houses were located at the inner city, whereas the condominiums are located in the suburbs. Despite the fact that the living conditions in the condominium units are of a much higher quality than those in the kebele houses, their design underestimated or even neglected the role of the commoning practices. The article highlights the advantages of commoning practices in architecture and urban planning, and how the implementation of participation-oriented solutions can respond to the difficulties of providing housing. It argues that understanding the significance of the endeavors that take into account the opinions of dwellers during the phase of decision-making goes hand in hand with considering commoning practices as a source of architecture and urban planning frameworks for low-cost housing in this specific context. The key argument of the article is that urban planning and architecture solutions in Addis Ababa should be based on the principles of the so-called “negotiated planning” approach, which implies a close analysis of the interconnections between planning, infrastructure, and land.

El artículo estudia la sucesión de cambios en la estructura política internacional ante la reconfiguración de las fuentes de poder. Establece tres vertientes en las bases teóricas del cosmopolitismo urbano. La primera indica cuáles deberían ser los fundamentos de una elaboración teórica. La ciudad internacional contribuye a la reconfiguración de la estructura y el ejercicio del poder interestatal ocupando o creando nuevos espacios que contribuyen a la pluralidad de las Relaciones Internacionales. El segundo aspecto que se analiza es el crecimiento de la ciudad como unidad de medida en la economía global. Los flujos de capital circulan y operan sobre una base local con destinos globales. Son las ciudades y sus extensiones metropolitanas quienes se benefician del sistema económico. Aparecen grandes bolsas de desigualdad interna y, sobre todo, con una ruptura entre ciudades dentro y fuera del orden económico, incluyendo aquí la desigualdad relacional que se genera en los territorios menos poblados. Por último, se incide en la razón antropocénica, esto es, el impacto de la acción humana en las condiciones naturales y sus consecuencias en el orden mundial. El cambio climático cambia el sustrato principal de las Relaciones Internacionales, que es el medio físico y la geografía. Sobre estas dos dimensiones tangibles, se ordenan las bases del poder y la teoría básica de los estudios internacionales. Al cambiar el tablero estratégico, la ciudad conquista posiciones de poder no coercitivo, lo que facilita la colaboración mediante redes y estructuras. El aspecto militar y de seguridad no es relevante para la diplomacia urbana, que se centra en aspectos de poder económico y social. Los resultados indican que el nuevo cosmopolitismo tiene bases urbanas y ofrece un marco de interpretación de las tensiones entre centro y periferia de la acción exterior, la globalización económica y las nuevas políticas públicas en la lucha contra el cambio climático. El cosmopolitismo urbano emerge como referencia teórica en el orden postliberal.

Background: Understanding ecological factors that influence risky sexual behavior of adolescents is vital in designing and implementing sexual risk reduction interventions in specific contexts. Interventions undertaken without understanding the critical factors may not produce the desired results. Objective: The objective of this study was to identify the factors associated with adolescent risky sexual behavior among school adolescents in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Methods: This cross-sectional study was done among randomly selected school adolescents in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Data were collected by an anonymous self administered questionnaire. Risky sexual behavior was assessed by asking question about sexual activity, consistent condom use and faithfulness to a single partner. Logistic regression analysis was done to identify factors related to sexual behavior using the ecological framework. Result: Overall 377(10.6%) of the 723 sexually active students were involved in risky sexual practices. Risky sexual behavior was significantly and very strongly associated with perception of peers' involvement in sexual intercourse [AOR = 11.68 (95% CI: 8.76 - 15.58)]. Conclusion: This study demonstrated that peer pressure is the most important factor associated with risky sexual behavior among school adolescents in Addis Ababa. Interventions aimed at reducing sexual behavior among school adolescents should target adolescents as a group rather than individually.

In this article, I critically analyze the anthropological foundation of the bioethics of philosopher Jean-François Malherbe, particularly as presented in his book, Pour une Éthique de la Médecine. Malherbe argues that such practices as organ donation and transplants, assisted reproduction, resuscitation, and other uses of biotechnologies in contemporary medicine are unethical because they go against essential human nature. Furthermore, he uses this position as a basis to prescribe public policy and institutional practice. In contrast, I argue not only that 'human nature' is much more malleable and adaptive to changes in technology and society than Malherbe allows, but also that his criticisms of medicine and technoscientific development overstep the bounds of the social function of philosophical ethics, which is to inform and clarify public debate. Public policy and institutional practice is thus best left to the democratic political process under the parameters of the just rule of law.

Integration has emerged as having an increasingly significant role in public policy discourse and practice in many jurisdictions across the globe. In providing a different framework for establishing relationships between service providers and citizens and government, horizontal integration arrangements offer the prospect of delivering new ways of working and providing solutions to seemingly insolvable social problems. Ways of achieving horizontal integration have been variously described by linkage terms such as cooperation, coordination, and collaboration. These terms have been typically used interchangeably to describe the coming together of individuals to work in concerted effort to achieve common goals.We argue that each of these terms, expressed as the “3Cs,” are different and consequently achieve different objectives. This paper explores the use of the “3Cs” and examines the differences highlighted by practitioners in the human services arena to extend the understanding of constructs relating to integration mechanisms. It is contended that in focusing on the experiences of integration and unpacking the use and expectations of the related “3Cs,” public administrators and practitioners will gain an enhanced understanding of each of the processes of integration as a coherent framework. As a consequence, there will be improved ability to match appropriate integration mechanisms with contexts and strategies.