Brick is Warmer than Concrete: Care for Urban Aesthetics in Cities with Violent Pasts

Technology in one form or another has always been a part of urban life. Its development and uses have traditionally been dictated by the practical needs of the community. However, technologies also impact how a city looks and feels. Some technologies have a clear perceivable presence, whereas others are more invisibly embedded into the material structures of the city. This chapter is a study of how the aesthetic features of cities manifest through and in relation to technologies. The chapter bridges recent developments in philosophical urban aesthetics and contemporary approaches in the philosophy of technology. Central concepts include perception, aesthetic experience, aesthetic value, affordance, and attention. The chapter presents urban mobility as an example of how technology can be studied through the framework of urban aesthetics. The final part of the chapter highlights some implications of the aesthetics of technology for urban design.

The corpus of miriam cooke’s writing defines new frontiers in scholarship on women’s writings on war and violence, Islamic feminism, and the dissident politics of art and literature. cooke engages with double critique that writes against Orientalism and Islamophobia as well as indigenous forms of repression and injustice. Her emphasis is on the intersections of power and poetics, highlighting the aesthetics of political critique. Her work identifies the persistent agency of women writers and artist-activists in times of hopelessness and turbulence. Her scholarship, deeply grounded in several countries in the Arab world, generates questions about gender, politics, and everyday experiences in Turkey, where I have been conducting research since the 1990s. Women have been at the forefront of contestations over the terms of inclusion and exclusion in Turkey. They challenge prevailing hegemonies, provoked partly by the targeting of women’s bodies, dress, and subject positions by differently situated ideological groups, secular or Islamist, attempting to reconfigure the public sphere according to their vision.Women Claim Islam, which focuses on the rise of Islamic feminism in the Arab world, helps us understand how secular and religious women in contemporary Turkey respond to prevalent power structures and political ideologies. cooke (2001, viii) argues that dominant narratives of history, war, emigration, and exile have excluded women’s stories, leading Arab women writers to demand “to be heard and seen.” These writers have formulated complex identifications based on their multiple positionalities, criticizing global and national feminisms and Islamic power and knowledge systems that marginalize them (155).Much of the research I conduct in Turkey focuses especially on women who self-identify as devout Muslims. For much of the 1990s through 2010, the headscarf symbolized shifting ideological fault lines in Turkey (Secor 2005). During this period the state banned the wearing of this article of clothing in many government and public spaces. In other spaces, secularists maligned and marginalized women who wore it. From 1996 to 2013 I heard many accounts of how women’s practice of wearing the headscarf had initiated encounters and experiences that made them aware of the dominance of secular ideology not only on the streets but also in scholarship, in feminist activism, and with respect to their own bodies and family lives. All devised tactics to navigate the everyday geographies of secularism and several became actively involved in resisting this hegemony by producing alternative realities.In Women Claim Islam cooke (2001, ix) usefully defines feminism as “above all an epistemology”: “it is an attitude, a frame of mind that highlights the role of gender in understanding the organization of society.” Whether or not a woman self-identifies as a feminist, cooke argues that feminism “seeks justice wherever it can find it. Feminism involves political and intellectual awareness of gender discrimination, a rejection of behaviors furthering such discrimination, and the advocacy of activist projects to end discrimination and to open opportunities for women to participate in public life” (x). This emphasis on feminism as awareness, rejection, and activism is productive for thinking about how headscarf-wearing women have responded to opposing parties politicizing and instrumentalizing women’s dress and bodies in struggles for power and dominance. Pious women have strategically claimed identities as Muslim women while refusing to be depicted as the singular Muslimwoman—a term that cooke (2007) coined to criticize the erasure of differences among Muslim women and the emergence of an ascribed singular category where gender and religion become one. Turkish women, most of whom wore the headscarf, participated in demonstrations at the gates of universities and in city squares to criticize the headscarf ban from the mid-1980s. Realizing that most women’s rights organizations were aligned with secular state-sponsored feminism and did not consider the headscarf ban a violation of women’s rights, devout Muslim women either established new Islamic feminist organizations (Diner and Toktaş 2010, 42) or started working in human rights organizations. Several sued the Turkish state at the European Court of Human Rights, to no avail (Gökarıksel and Mitchell 2005).Focusing on the symbolism of the headscarf reduces this article of clothing to a representation of something else and erases the experiences of women and even the woman herself. Instead, the stories of women in my research illustrate how veiling is an embodied spatial practice that makes the body and shapes the experiences of women across the spaces they traverse (Gökarıksel 2007, 2009, 2012). In all cases, women’s stories reveal the intimate, embodied, and everyday workings of political power and the potential of women’s actions to expose and reconfigure that power. Indeed, women’s embodied practices, such as wearing the headscarf and identifying as devout Muslims, became crucial to their awareness of gender injustices. Their experiences helped many see and feel these injustices as products of secular nationalist political ideologies. This kind of awareness remains a critical element of their ability to challenge the reign of the Islamically oriented populist nationalism of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) regime as well.Women’s encounters with the state and broader cultural hegemony in public spaces produced a certain kind of feminist consciousness. For example, after deciding to wear a headscarf in college, Neriman found herself no longer able to pursue her university degree, disowned by her family, and rapidly losing her hair. Becoming pious and adopting a new style of dress and bodily conduct underscored for her an intimately felt sense of gendered injustice and initiated a critical approach to the making of bodies, everyday spaces, and the state (Gökarıksel 2009). Similarly, many Turkish women who wear the headscarf recount stories of feeling out of place in shopping malls (Gökarıksel 2007). Fellow citizens verbally and even physically assaulted such women at parks and on the streets because of their dress (Gökarıksel and Secor 2016).Pious Turkish women insistently claim their rights and seek belonging in the city and nation. Today headscarf-wearing women are increasingly and more comfortably visible in the media and on the street in Turkey. However, new lines of exclusion and unfreedom have emerged. For example, during a focus-group discussion with self-identifying devout women in 2013 in Istanbul, when one woman praised the AKP government for taking steps to address discriminatory acts against headscarf-wearing women, another questioned her claim of new freedoms, citing the crackdown on the Gezi protesters as an example (Gökarıksel and Secor 2016). This conversation underlines that while Islamic feminists have certainly developed deep criticisms of state secularism and associated feminist movements, they still can do more to criticize the masculinist, Islamic populist politics of the AKP regime as well as to stand up for the freedom of all women and other oppressed groups.A sea change occurred in Turkey at the beginning of the twenty-first century. A neoliberal, procapitalist, and increasingly authoritarian Islamically oriented government led by Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP and a newly enfranchised Sunni Muslim middle class challenged secular hegemony over politics, economics, and public life. To an important degree, these Islamic political and economic elites have become the new hegemons. Their values, lifestyles, and ideologies have replaced the spaces, institutions, and cultural norms previously defined by secular elites. These drastic changes are especially visible in the cosmopolitan city of Istanbul, where the new elites constantly and sometimes violently contest the city’s pluralism. The 2013 Gezi mass protests were a significant flash point in the struggle over who has a right to the city and whose norms and values will govern it.Since the rise of Islamic government, pious and secular Turkish women have also had to develop tactics to live with and challenge the hegemony of Muslim nationalism (White 2013). Since the AKP lifted the ban against the veil, wearing the headscarf has ironically become almost an obligation in many places. Studies today find that women feel that they must cover their heads and publicly present themselves as observant Muslims to ensure access to jobs and for family social mobility and economic success (Toprak et al. 2009). Women who wore tank tops or short skirts reported being harassed on the street even during demonstrations to counter the military coup attempt on July 15, 2016 (Tahaoğlu 2016, cited in Korkman 2017, 182, and Başdaş 2017, 187).Islamic feminism developed a crucial voice against oppressive secular republican ideology and secular state feminism. Today Islamic feminists are uniquely positioned to oppose the new forms of Islamic masculinist hegemony of government that professes to represent the victimized devout Muslim majority. The AKP consolidated its power over a decade in government, moving it in a more religiously and socially conservative direction, especially after 2007. In late May 2013 a mass movement emerged to resist a government plan to demolish a central Istanbul park and its centuries-old trees, but it quickly spiraled into a widespread protest against the AKP government, its neoliberal policies and practices, its intensified imposition of an Islamic lifestyle, and its increasingly authoritarian tendencies. Similar protest sites developed in other cities throughout the country.In Istanbul many groups came together at Taksim Gezi Park, and some joined an encampment that lasted more than two weeks. Among them were anticapitalist and revolutionary Muslims, including women who joined the protests to reject Erdoğan’s efforts to present himself as representative of all pious Muslims. Photographs of such women circulated widely. In one, a headscarf-wearing woman carried a banner that ridiculed the Erdoğan government’s legislation restricting the sale of alcohol: “It’s impossible to stand you when sober” (Ayık kafayla çekilmiyorsun AKP). The poster held by the woman standing next to her (also wearing a headscarf) read: “Standing together against fascism” (Faşizme karşı omuz omuza) (festigan.blogspot.com/2013/06/direnis-degil-uyanis.html).The presence at the demonstrations of headscarf-wearing women whose Islamic orientation was visibly marked was significant because Erdoğan consistently tried to present the protests as a return to the “tyranny” of the secular establishment. To illustrate this narrative, he and progovernment media circulated apocryphal stories of headscarf-wearing women being abused in Istanbul during the Gezi protests. The presence of visibly pious Muslim protesters at Gezi complicated such representations. On June 7, 2013, about fifty headscarf-wearing women marched to protest the harassment of headscarf-wearing women on the street and expanded their concerns to include forms of violence that target all women. This march ended at Taksim Gezi Park, where the marchers noted a lack of harassment. They asserted ownership of urban spaces with banners that read, “Taksim is ours, Çarşı is ours, the street is ours.” They enacted “a politics that refused the alignment of the headscarf with unconditional support for the AKP government, and call[ed] for a broad feminist alliance to fight violence against all women” (Gökarıksel 2016, 236–37).Following Gezi and the corruption scandal that threatened Erdoğan’s close circle in the winter of 2014, the AKP government continued to amass power and suppress critics. The unsuccessful coup attempt of July 15, 2016, fueled a widespread government crackdown on its opposition facilitated by the declaration of a state of emergency. The government arrested and detained thousands of people and canceled the passports of many more. Most of these people were associated in some way with Fethullah Gülen’s Hizmet Movement, which the government accuses of orchestrating the coup. However, among the detained are also critics of the AKP, pro-Kurdish activists, academics who signed a peace petition, and members of parliament from the People’s Democratic Party (HDP). For years Erdoğan voiced ambitions to change the parliamentary system into a presidential system that gives the leader more executive power. After the coup the parliament proposed a referendum on this issue for April 16, 2017. The results are widely contested, although Erdoğan declared victory.Women’s voices, Turkish and Kurdish, were crucial leading up to the referendum. They challenged what they aptly called “one-man rule” and urged everyone to vote no. Among these were devout Muslim women who wore a headscarf and even the çarşaf. Their voices questioned ethnic and religious divisions that extend the ruling party’s power. They challenged the narrative that the AKP is ruling on behalf of all devout Muslims. They expressed a clear message that being religious does not mean supporting Erdoğan unconditionally and pointed to ongoing and expanding injustices. These women voiced their opposition despite strong measures to silence any dissent.cooke’s work on Islamic feminism opens up productive avenues for understanding women’s awareness, positioning, and activism. The work draws attention to the ways in which women who may not necessarily identify as feminist are indeed feminists—and may be uniquely positioned to expose and subvert masculinist narratives and ideologies. They do so even, or perhaps especially, in repressive environments where their bodies, dress, and everyday practices become targets of political ideologies and when cultural and political hegemony is manifest through their bodies. In Turkey such women have challenged secular ideology and encouraged moving away from authorized state feminism toward more plural feminisms. Today their voices are crucial for questioning the encroaching authoritarianism of an Islamically justified ideology.cooke (2007, 140) notes how central Muslim women have become to political discourses and cultural production about the Middle East and Islam:In the twenty-first century, Muslim fundamentalists, neo-Orientalists, Western feminists and Muslim and non-Muslim states are all arguing about what is right and wrong for the newly visible Muslim women. More and more Muslim women are joining the fray. Recognizing their centrality to their society’s self-conception, they are looking for ways to affirm themselves. Many are embracing and performing a singular religious and gender identity even if their lives are as varied as the innumerable cultures they inhabit.The increased visibility of Muslim women, cooke argues, generates a primary identity in which gender and religion become inseparable and gain ascendance over other identity categories. Such reductive labels serve conservative right-wing politics at home and abroad: “The Muslimwoman erases for non-Muslims the diversity among Muslim women and, indeed, among all Muslims. This erasure of diversity is mirrored within Muslim societies . . . where the Muslimwoman becomes the emblem of the purity of her community” (cooke 2007, 142).These dynamics continue to structure how others see and represent Muslim women as well as how they see and represent themselves. Identifying a diverse “Islamic culture industry” that includes fashion, literature, and products for Muslim women (Gökarıksel and McLarney 2010), cooke, Ellen McLarney, and I collaborated on the “Marketing Muslim Women” project, which examined the production, circulation, and consumption of images, commodities, and narratives concerning Muslim women in the early twenty-first century. The related JMEWS-sponsored conference led to the publication of a special issue of the journal that I guest-edited with McLarney. The essays focus on the negotiation and redefinition of what it means to be a Muslim woman “through or in reaction to the images, narratives, and knowledges about Muslim womanhood constructed in the marketplace.” We argue, “As Muslim women stake out their own positions, they actively engage with given Islamic practice and knowledge as well as with modalities of capitalism” (2). The political implications of this engagement continue to be crucial.cooke (2007, 153) encourages us to examine how women form and negotiate their gender and religious identities in complex times. Such a project remains important as the image of the Muslimwoman continues to circulate, even wrapped in the US flag in an iconic response to Donald Trump’s anti-Muslim and misogynistic rhetoric and policies. cooke’s research provides us with the critical tools we need to perform double critique that questions given categories, develops grounded understandings of agency, and recognizes the aesthetics of politics.

城市美學治理是哲學，也是科學，因為它不僅反映市民美學的意識、素養與價值，也是城市追求善治的社會學習、公共選擇與城市治理的過程。台北面對全球化新自由主義的浪潮、快速變遷的移民社會與多元文化差異的現實，存在著複雜的美學意識與衝突的價值體系，要尋求台北城市美學的集體共識顯然是艱困與長期的挑戰。本文探究與建立城市美學治理的假說與邏輯架構，發展出一套包含五個漸進式的循環步驟，期待作為推動城市美學治理的程序性操作建議，並以台北市政府城市美學專案辦公室之運作進行實證案例研究。研究發現此一城市美學治理的架構與假說，可作為檢視、評估與精進城市美學治理的理論架構與實務運作之參考，另基於實證研究結果，也提出未來城市美學治理的制度性與操作性計16項具體建議，期能發揮承先起後的作用。Urban aesthetics governance is both philosophy and science, because it not only reflects the awareness, quality and value of citizens' aesthetics, but also the process of social learning, public choice and urban governance in the city's pursuit of good governance. Facing the tide of global neo-liberalism, the rapidly changing immigrant society and the reality of multicultural differences, Taipei has complex aesthetic consciousness and conflicting value systems. It is obviously difficult and long-term to seek a collective consensus on Taipei's urban aesthetics challenge. This article explores and establishes the hypothesis and logical framework of urban aesthetics governance, and develops a set of five progressive cyclical steps, which is expected to serve as a procedural operational suggestion to promote urban aesthetics governance, and is carried out with the operation of the Urban Aesthetics Project Office of the Taipei City Government empirical case studies. The research found that this framework and hypothesis of urban aesthetics governance can be used as a reference for examining, evaluating and improving the theoretical framework and practical operation of urban aesthetics governance. In addition, based on the results of this empirical research, it is proposed that the future urban aesthetics governance of Taipei City Institutional and operational specific recommendations. In addition, based on the results of this empirical study, sixteen specific suggestions for institutional and operational aspects of urban aesthetics governance in the future are put forward, hoping to play a role of succession.

Background/Context Across the nation, people living in the United States are embroiled in conflict over the meaning of its past. Many of the most fervent conflicts relate to acts of historical violence: war, enslavement, conquest, and colonization among them. Elementary school students commonly study the early colonization of the land now known as the United States, the nation's Revolutionary and Civil Wars, and other periods of history that historians describe as rife with violence. In the field of California colonial history, there is virtual consensus among historians that the Spanish mission system was a period of violence and devastation, most especially for California Indians, but school history curricula have been criticized for avoiding this history of violence. This raises questions about the role of intellectual honesty in teaching elementary-aged students about U.S. history. Though a small body of scholarship engages with questions of whether and how to talk with young children about human atrocity, few studies have empirically examined what state-recommended elementary school curriculum actually say about historical violence in the formation of the United States. Research Questions/Focus of Study This study examines the representation of violence in state-recommended elementary school history textbooks on the topic of the Spanish colonization of California. Specifically, the study responds to the following questions: How do the textbooks’ content address the topic of violence? Are California Indian and Spanish acts of violence represented differently? If so, how? Research Design Data were derived from a content analysis of fourth grade-level history textbooks recommended by the California State Department of Education in public use at the time of the study. Data Collection and Analysis Using qualitative coding software, chapters on California colonial mission history in each of the four state-recommended textbooks were coded and analyzed at the level of the sentence (n = 1,601). Coding and analysis took place in two stages. First, each sentence was coded for references to violence and ethnic group(s), which allowed for analysis of the number of references to acts of violence and ethnic groups throughout the entirety of the text. The second stage more closely examined the set of sentences that referred specifically to violence, allowing for comparison of the representation of violence according to the ethnic group with which it was associated. Findings/Results The study shows that violence is only minimally addressed in California fourth-grade history textbook content on the topic of Spanish colonization. Although generally underrepresented throughout the text, California Indian people are disproportionately over-represented as perpetrators of violence in the early colonization of California, a framing that is drastically out of alignment with the historical record as it is agreed upon by historians. Conclusions/Recommendations This study makes two key conclusions. First, the article argues that, in this case, elementary school history curriculum presents a distorted vision of violence in the colonial past. Second, the article complicates the issue of when young children are old enough to learn about violent histories in school by revealing that they are already learning about violence in the past, although such representation is both minimal and problematic. The article concludes by recommending the design of learning activities that engage in preparatory version of a more intellectually honest investigation of the historical record, as well as its relationship to the present.

J. Baird Callicott suggests in Land that the environmental community would be well served to focus on the aesthetic value of natural ecosystems as a source of intrinsic value in nature. But Callicott's own Humean and biological account of aesthetic value is inadequate as a basis for understanding the aesthetic appreciation of nature. This paper argues that John Dewey provides a holistic and transactional account of aesthetic value that is easily tailored to fit the ecocentric requirements of a rich environmental aesthetics.1. IntroductionJ. Baird Callicott's work, In Defense of the Land Ethic: Essays in Environmental Philosophy, and his subsequent philosophical essays on ethical obligations to the environment have had a significant impact on philosophers and their approaches to the environment. His work has turned philosophers' attention to Aldo Leopold's seminal work, The Sand County Almanac. He has made a compelling case for attributing intrinsic value to ecosystems. Finally, along with Holmes Rolston III, Callicott has been a central figure in developing an ecocentric philosophical approach to the environment. His writings have become essential readings within ecocentrism.Despite this, critics of Callicott's approach have raised significant concerns about his land ethic. This paper will outline Callicott's holistic and Humean approach to environmental ethics and discuss criticisms of this approach raised by Rolston and Hugh McDonald. Because, for Callicott, the land ethic is critically and explicitly associated with aesthetics, this paper then turns to analyze Callicott's analysis of beauty as discussed in his article, Land Aesthetic,1 arguing that Callicott's analysis falls victim to similar criticisms raised of his land ethic. These criticisms have the most force when addressing Callicott's discussion of intrinsic value and in particular the criteria of beauty, stability and integrity taken from Leopold's work. Finally, this paper presents and develops a reading of the aesthetics of John Dewey that complements and frames Callicott's land aesthetic. Dewey's approach, like Callicott's, is holistic and non-dualistic, but he avoids the dangers of homocentrism in aesthetic experience. Dewey emphasizes that experience is not a subjective term. As such, a Deweyan approach can preserve an ecocentric account of the aesthetic value of land without making aesthetic experience derivative of ecological or evolutionary knowledge.Dewey shares with Callicott an appreciation of the close relationship between ethical and aesthetic values. He comments favorably on Greek philosophers' appreciation of this relationship, writing, Greek emphasis upon Kalokagathos, the Aristotelian identification of virtue with the proportionate mean, are indications of an acute estimate of grace, rhythm and harmony as dominant traits of good conduct. Callicott also connects aesthetic value and ethical value. In the introduction to Land Aesthetic, Callicott argues that private landowners may prefer a land aesthetic to a land ethic because it emphasizes assets and rewards. Yet is also fosters conservation. He argues that ethical values, which he characterizes as a set of duties and obligations to an environment, are not appealing because they primarily emphasize prohibitions. Aesthetic values, values of harmony, diversity and beauty are more compelling and rewarding to landowners. But these aesthetic values also solicit ethically appropriate conservation of ecosystems.2. Callicott's Land EthicBecause of these close connections between aesthetic and ethical value, and because Callicott's (and Leopold's) land aesthetic is, at least in part, a means to achieving ethically appropriate conservation of ecosystems, a brief outline of Callicott's land ethic is necessary before focusing on his land aesthetic. Callicott has made a strong case that an environmental ethics must be based upon the intrinsic value of environments. …

Regulatory reform in Indonesia has become an important effort to simplify overlapping regulations and support economic growth. However, this policy is often questioned as to whether it prioritizes the interests of political and economic elites over the interests of the broader public. This article aims to analyze the role of legal politics in regulatory reform, focusing on how decision-making in policy formation is influenced by certain interests. The method used in this paper is a literature review and qualitative analysis of the existing legal political dynamics. The main findings indicate that legal politics often creates an imbalance between the interests of elites and the public, potentially undermining social justice in the regulatory process. Regulatory reforms aimed at accelerating economic development may, in fact, worsen social inequalities and strengthen the dominance of certain groups. The impact of this imbalance is the potential decline in social legitimacy of the policies enacted, as well as the emergence of distrust in the existing legal system. Therefore, it is crucial to consider aspects of social justice and transparency in every step of legal reform taken by the government to ensure that the policies generated can create inclusive and sustainable development.

The method used in this study comprises of creating a literature research based on the concepts of culture, memory, cultural memory, aesthetics, art as the expression of aesthetics, and aesthetic culture and building a series of conceptual frameworks of aesthetics of urban space as a result of this reading and examining process. The approach that makes the basic proposition of this study is that “the examination of the physical structure that generates the general appearance of a city is insufficient to define urban aesthetics.” While the process and outcomes of the elements directing our culture, such as “social justice, quality of life, and ghettoization,” are the most prominent problems to be solved, we should prefer “innovative” attitudes, behaviors, methods, and means rather than “new” ones for development. Memory provides cultural transfer in every matter together with reminiscence. Cultural memory derives from customs and communication but is not identified by them. While human, capital, and culture mobilization are gaining impetus with globalization, cultural memory elements have become a consumption material and amnesia has risen. When we consider the relations between modernity and memory, we observe a constant progress and “memorylessness.” The real world that has no relation to an ideal has no aesthetical value. When the existence of aesthetics is considered, “criticism must be a vision of the world and a philosophical method.” This does not happen at a moment’s notice. Aesthetic perception is a kind of perception that discovers the infinite secret force that belongs to the object. We flourish as we perceive the richness of our surroundings. Besides, the most ethical judgment is aesthetic judgment. This is the sign that shows how important the concept of aesthetics is in our lives. Although we say there is a relative independence for aesthetic value, it can be a means of exploitation against the pragmatic value of the object it belongs to. In this respect, art as the carrier of cultural memory renews itself for the notion of building the ideal rather than rebuilding the reality. Spatial creations with applied arts reveal not only the technical improvement of a society but also the lifestyle, way of thinking, vision, understanding the ideals, and psyche of different social layers. Aesthetic culture is our way of life, reflected in urban space, that has been passed to us from our ancestors, is revealing our attitude and behaviors toward our surroundings naturally and unconsciously, by the summation of social experience, and is produced socially by our mental structure. Globalization threatens our cultural memory, and the culture industry jeopardizes our aesthetic culture. That’s why, urban aesthetics is under threat. Under these circumstances, reaching the ideal for aesthetics of urban spaces, based on today’s quality of life, the “unique” creativity in the reality of time with fictions, made with the help of art, embracing the self without denying universality, far from individual profit, in accordance with social decisions, must be inevitable.

Urban esthetics is an important aspect that must be recognized and understood, especially the ones related with urban architecture and/or urban design. Along with the history of an urban area, activities to identify esthetic aspects must be implemented in order to improve urban esthetic value create

Along with the tremendous rise of Cambodia's construction sector, Cambodians, particularly those living in cities and rural tourism destinations today, embrace the rising influx of new architectural styles. This aspect has an impact on the value of Khmer architectural and urban aesthetics. Furthermore, the construction of buildings in rural tourist destinations in Cambodia has been considerably influenced by modern architectural features, such as the development of hotels, guesthouses, and resorts. This article's research on the construction of buildings in rural tourism resorts in the Kingdom of Cambodia reveals that the majority of these architectural structures are not motivated to incorporate or showcase Khmer architectural styles. Instead, it emphasizes modern and blended foreign styles that lead to a loss of national identity. Those resorts, on the other hand, do not follow the ideals of sustainable development, causing environmental damage and building structures that are unsuitable for Cambodia's tropical environment.Recognizing that tourism and architecture are inextricably linked and play a significant role in fostering Khmer identity through architectural inspiration in rural tourism as well as tourism promotion. Through field research and literature review, the tourism market in Cambodia will be strengthened as a result of the quick development and continual improvement of the country's tourism industry, while also promoting the effective growth and development of the national economy and allowing other aspects of the country to advance and develop. According to the Ministry of Tourism of the Kingdom of Cambodia's study, "The Planning of Tourism Development 2012 to 2020," which focused particularly on Cambodia's cultural and natural tourism resources. Furthermore, in terms of the Cambodian people's living choices, in recent years, individuals have been engaged in many types of commercial operations, particularly tourism activities, with a good momentum of development. Simultaneously with the continued development and promotion of tourist resorts and hotels, such as those in the Kingdom's sea areas, mountains, and rural regions, other cultural regions will be developed as tourism attractions.Currently, the number of tourists in Cambodia is significantly decreased due to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, with an enthusiastic attitude, the Cambodian government aims to promote the development of local tour destinations for each district through creative tourism services in rural areas with the involvement of various partners including private sectors, foreign investors, and from all levels of the government institutions. Andung Tek commune in the Botum Sakor district is facing various problems such as deforestation and overdevelopment that have become more and more harmful to the environment and local people. The paper seeks to address these problems and come up with potential solutions to solve the problems. Additionally, to answer the problems, the project in this article also established long-term planning methods such as disaster prevention, human resource development, and promoting attractive advantage tourism. As a result, uses a housing model with a unique Khmer housing architectural style include interaction design objectives, and home structure and landscape design to promote sustainable development in the areas and to transform the area into an attractive tourist destination for both locals and foreigners.

Violence Prevention among HIV-Positive Women with Histories of Violence: Healing Women in Their Communities

Misgivings concerning the value of beauty are widespread. Outside the academy, beauty is often regarded as frivolous, and public support for aesthetic activities is often justified by appeal to their economic and cultural spillover effects, rather than their inherent value. Arts scholars who regard perceptions of beauty as contributing to oppressive social formations have come to emphasize non-aesthetic values in art. Meanwhile, philosophy has been stuck for some time with a consensus that aesthetic values are hedonic values—an item’s aesthetic value is its power to produce finally valuable experiences. The trouble is that aesthetic hedonism plays into misgivings about the value of beauty. A plan is laid out for working towards the network theory of aesthetic value as an alternative to aesthetic hedonism.

Статтю присвячено розгляду теоретичних методологічних засад, і практичних виявів досвіду перебування-в-місті як ключового елементу предметного поля такого напряму сучасних естетичних досліджень як естетики повсякденного. В статті здійснюється окреслення та аналіз предметного поля сучасних досліджень естетики повсякденного; визначення специфіки трансформації поняття естетичного досвіду в контексті досліджень естетики повсякденного; виокремлення естетики урбанізму як дослідницького напряму естетики повсякденного та досвідуперебування-в-місті як головного предмету його дослідження (згідно з ідеями А. Берлеанта); дослідження проблематики естетики урбанізму, зокрема питання, найбільш релевантні в межах естетичних досліджень досвіду-перебування-в-місті сучасних українських містян та гостей міст.

Flowers are one of the extraordinary forms that are enjoyed by their beauty. Starting from a childhood experience, this work tries to manifest anxiety through the art of photography. The object selected in this work is a lay flower. Wither is where a condition is not fresh or pale. Based on changes in flower color, irregular textures and shapes are interesting to visualize in a photographic work. One of the genres of photography used is still life photography. A work of art that creates an image of an inanimate object or object to make it appear much more alive. The work of this work, uses air-filled media with other supporting objects. The selection of media that contains water is used to facilitate the arrangement in order to achieve aesthetic or beauty value. The values of beauty include unity, complexity, and sincerity in creating such works. All of these things are related to the results in the process of working on the work. The Creation of Withered Flowers in Still life Photography has meaning, not just a visual form without aesthetic value.

Arab Patriotism: The Ideology and Culture of Power in Late Ottoman Egypt

Three New York films of the Great Depression and its aftermath, 42nd Street (1932, Lloyd Bacon), Dead End (1937, William Wyler), and The City (1939, Ralph Steiner and Willard Van Dyke), embodied a new political aesthetics in screening urban democratic spaces during moments of social breakdown. This article draws from urban and cinema studies, as well as from social and cultural theory (Lefebvre, Benjamin, Kracauer), to show how these films contributed to a discourse of urban planning and cinematic democratic aesthetics on the possibility of an egalitarian, inclusive, participatory community in diverse city spaces. The article argues that the reshaping of this cultural discourse, through the films’ emphasis on the conflicting material domains of the skyline and the slum, came at the cost of undermining the metropolis and, in The City, of limiting the urban spaces of democracy.