Both/And: Students’ Academic Benefits of Sharing Race/Ethnicity and Language With Their Teachers

Assumptions About Achievement Gap: Part Two As an educational researcher, it's gratifying to wonder about some problem of practice, undertake a systematic investigation, and discover that your speculation or gut feeling about issue proved right. This has been case in our study of gaps. Although today we are university professors with responsibilities for teaching and scholarship, other career experiences as teachers and school administrators also shaped our perspective on education. We questioned much of research literature about between minority and majority students. Our personal observations and experiences with diverse populations of students told us that was not a matter of race or ethnicity, but rather a question of personal challenges faced by individual students. We believe that key to policy development related to overcoming is more likely to be found by understanding differences within groups rather than between groups. In our first study, reported in Challenging Assumptions About Achievement Gap (Phi Delta Kappan, April 2005), we presented our findings from an examination of student among black, Hispanic (or Latino), and white students (Ramirez and Carpenter 2005; Carpenter, Ramirez, and Severn 2006). That research determined that singular definition of achievement gap (that is, difference between white and minority students) misrepresents complex and multi-layered dynamics at work in academic of black, Hispanic, and white students. Instead of dominant and singular understanding of the gap, we demonstrated that there are multiple gaps related to student and that more significant gaps were not between groups, but within groups. We concluded that casting as a white/minority dichotomy was a risky misconception that potentially promotes poor policy solutions. That research was based on an analysis of data from National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (National Center for Education Statistics 2007). We recently expanded our research beyond typical measure of student performance on tests to high school dropout status. Once again, we looked at data from black, Hispanic, and white student cohorts using National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988. As in our earlier research, we examined differences in dropout status both between and within racial/ethnic groups, paying particular attention to differences or similarities in significant predictors for each group. Moreover, we explored whether predictor variables for three groups in our earlier study would also predict dropout behavior in same manner. We found that patterns of significant predictors for dropout status were not same as in earlier study, and in process we uncovered a new set of variables associated with dropping out. Yet, new set of significant predictors for dropout status did demonstrate some consistency with our earlier research. We found certain common patterns among white and Hispanic students, but we found no statistically significant differences in dropout status based on race/ethnicity. Thus, once again we found that within-group differences may be more significant than between-group differences (Carpenter and Ramirez 2007). WHAT WE RESEARCHED The overall thrust of our research has been to challenge conventional wisdom about gap, which is typically characterized as a difference in learning between white and minority students. In our first study of gaps, we looked at academic and found not one but many gaps, and most significant of these gaps existed within racial and ethnic groups themselves. That study tested a large index of predictor variables for each racial/ethnic group and identified these as most significant: * Socioeconomic status (for all three groups); * Participation in an English language acquisition program (for all three groups); * Time spent on homework (for black and white students); * Number of units of algebra taken (for Hispanic and white students); and * Level of parent involvement (for all three groups). …

The Texas Assessment of Academic Skills (TAAS) has been used to document and track an achievement gap between white and minority students in Texas. Some educators have credited the TAAS with fueling a drive to close the achievement gap while others suggest that TAAS scores may be misleading because of factors such as score inflation and a possible ceiling effect. The purpose of this study was to analyze the gap in mathematics achievement for eighth grade students. The study compared TAAS and National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) test results to determine if the achievement gap between white, Hispanic, and African-American Students had narrowed between 1996 and 2000. Results indicate that TAAS mean scores increased significantly for all three ethnic groups between 1996 and 2000. Comparison of the TAAS test score frequency distributions for each ethnic group indicated that white students' scores shifted from the middle to the upper portion of the test score range while minority students' scores shifted from the lower to the middle and higher score range. Both white and minority students' TAAS test score distributions were significantly more negatively skewed in 2000 than in 1996. Comparisons between white and minority students' TAAS scores showed that white students had significantly higher scores than either Hispanic or African-American students in both 1996 and 2000. Comparison of mean score differences in 1996 and 2000 indicated that the achievement gap between white and minority students had narrowed. NAEP scores increased significantly from 1996 to 2000 for Hispanic students, but not for white or African-American students. However, test score distribution patterns showed small positive changes for all three ethnic groups. Comparisons between ethnic groups indicated that there were significant differences between white and minority students' scores in both 1996 and 2000. Comparison of mean score differences in 1996 and 2000 indicated that the achievement gap between Hispanic white students had narrowed slightly but that there was no change in the achievement gap between white and African-American students. Analysis of the TAAS test score distribution patterns indicated the likelihood that a ceiling effect had impacted students' scores. The evidence for a ceiling effect was strongest for white students. In 2000, 60.4% of white students had a TAAS score that fell in the top 10% of the score range. In contrast, there was no evidence of a ceiling effect for the NAEP. Mean score gains on the TAAS are only partially substantiated by the NAEP data. Furthermore, there is a very strong possibility that a ceiling effect artificially restricted the 2000 TAAS scores for white students and created the illusion that the achievement gap between minority and white students had been narrowed.

Secondary school students' rates of substance use vary significantly by race/ethnicity and by their parents' level of education (a proxy for socioeconomic status). The relationship between students' substance use and race/ethnicity is, however, potentially confounded because parental education also differs substantially by race/ethnicity. This report disentangles the confounding by examining White, African American, and Hispanic students separately, showing how parental education relates to cigarette smoking, heavy drinking, and illicit drug use. Data are from the 1999-2008 Monitoring the Future nationally representative in-school surveys of more than 360,000 students in Grades 8, 10, and 12. (a) High proportions of Hispanic students have parents with the lowest level of education, and the relatively low levels of substance use by these students complicates total sample data linking parental education and substance use. (b) There are clear interactions: Compared with White students, substance use rates among African American and Hispanic students are less strongly linked with parental education (and are lower overall). (c) Among White students, 8th and 10th graders show strong negative relations between parental education and substance use, whereas by 12th grade their heavy drinking and marijuana use are not correlated with parental education. Low parental education appears to be much more of a risk factor for White students than for Hispanic or African American students. Therefore, in studies of substance use epidemiology, findings based on predominantly White samples are not equally applicable to other racial/ethnic subgroups. Conversely, the large proportions of minority students in the lowest parental education category can mask or weaken findings that are clearer among White students alone.

The achievement gap, traditionally measured by test scores, also can be documented by dropout behavior. Examining dropout behavior among Black, White, and Hispanic students, with a particular focus on gaps within groups and not just between Whites and minorities, shows a clearer picture of the achievement gap. The results of our study show multiple achievement gaps both between and within groups, ultimately concluding that within-group gaps were often more significant than gaps between groups. Through hierarchical linear modeling, we found two common predictors for all three groups—being held back and number of suspensions. Hispanic and White students showed three additional predictors in common—time spent on homework, gender, and family composition. White and Black students shared only one common predictor beyond suspensions and being held back: parental involvement. Black and Hispanic students shared no additional common predictors. Finally, race/ethnicity generally proved not to be a significant predictor of dropping out. Gaps within groups may be more significant than those between groups. Such differences further reinforce our concern about the practice of establishing policy initiatives that conflate all minority group students into a monolithic whole. Our research suggests that policy makers and school leaders should craft dropout prevention policies and programs with sufficient flexibility to allow school-level personnel to individualize said policies and practices based on local conditions.

National employment data forecasts a significant need for graduates in the STEM disciplines for middle-income American jobs. If the American labor force is to keep pace with the global economy, it is critically important that American higher education increase STEM degree production. Currently, minority populations lack access and thus opportunity for success in higher education, but, among them, Hispanic groups account for about 59 million Americans, are the youngest demographic, and have the highest growth rate of any ethnic group. Hispanic students are inadequately represented in higher education enrollment numbers, graduation rates, graduate degree attainment, and STEM degree attainment. While only 14% of American institutions of higher education are designated as Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSIs), 64% of Hispanic American college students attend an HSI. As a result, HSIs are in a unique position to improve student success in STEM disciplines. A statistical analysis of the grades of Hispanic and White students in an introductory STEM course, Calculus I, at two Florida HSI universities and two non-HSI universities, revealed 1) white students significantly outperformed Hispanic students in Calculus I at State of Florida non-HSIs and 2) white students did not outperform Hispanic students in Calculus I at State of Florida HSIs.

Objectives:Drawing on the racial threat and intergroup contact literatures, we explore whether (1) a school’s racial or ethnic context increases school suspensions for Black, Hispanic, and White students; (2) intergroup contact among school board members reduces school suspensions for Black, Hispanic, and White students; and (3) a school’s racial or ethnic context effects on school suspensions are conditioned by intergroup contact among school board members.Method:Count-dependent multilevel modeling techniques on school- and district-level measures from a representative sample of Florida middle and high schools.Results:Larger racial and ethnic student populations within schools increase the likelihood of suspensions for Black and Hispanic students while decreasing suspensions for White students. Further, higher levels of intergroup contact between Black, White, and Hispanic school board members are associated with a lower likelihood of suspensions for all students. Finally, intergroup contact between Black, White, and Hispanic school board members moderates the effects of school racial and ethnic context on school suspensions.Conclusions:Important factors are associated with school punishment for Black, Hispanic, and White students. Integrated spaces play an important role in decreasing both punishment disparities and punishment severity.

The current study explores the relationship between friendship formation, school engagement, and belonging among White and Hispanic students. It employed the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, a nationally representative sample of adolescents in high school. The sample consisted of 6,366 Mexican, 1,132 Cuban, 1,330 Puerto Rican, 4,446 Central/South Hispanic origin youth, and 46,592 non-Hispanic Whites. Hispanic students are less likely to report having friends and to having their best friend at school. Both Hispanic and White students who have a best friend report fewer engagement problems and a higher school belonging. However, only students whose best friend attends their same school report higher levels of school belonging. Findings suggest that ethnic origin is an important stratifier among Hispanics for the studied school outcomes. Signs for optimism are discussed as some Hispanic ethnic groups report higher levels of school belonging compared with their White counterparts.

Most research about student transition to college has focused on students at four-year institutions with the conclusion that feelings of incongruence or isolation can affect adjustment to college life, particularly for minority students. The research described in this report was designed to examine differences in the transition process among Black, Hispanic, and White students at a community college. Using focus groups as a data collection tool and assigning students to focus groups based on their race-ethnicity, the researchers collected data from first-time freshmen using a discussion guide that explored students' goals and expectations, transition to college, and comfort level with the college. Although students shared many of the same experiences, their transition differed by raceethnicity insofar as enrollment difficulties, academic adjustment, and feelings of fit in the college environment. Faculty played a critical role in establishing positive classroom experiences for students.

Previous research has well demonstrated that there is a statistically significant gap between the academic performance of Black and Hispanic students and the academic performance of White students. However, the factors contributing to this phenomenonvare not clearly defined. By analyzing data from the Department of Education’s National High School Longitudinal Study of 2009, this study determines if teacher-student racial/ethnic congruence is associated with a student’s mathematics performance for Black, Hispanic, and White students and teachers. After initial calculations suggested differences in standardized mathematics performance among student groups based on the race/ethnicity of the student’s math teacher, several linear regressions that controlled for sex, income, and guardian education level revealed the statistical insignificance of these relationships. Although this study shows that teacher-student racial/ethnic congruence is not associated with the present academic performance disparities in American society, further research is warranted as to what factors are and are not associated with this observed phenomenon.

Nebraska's Students Are Changing, But Its Teachers Are NotAccording to the Nebraska Department of Education's 2005-06 State of the Schools Report, there were 32,795 Hispanic students enrolled in Nebraska schools, a 459% increase from the 1990-91 tally of 7,147 and more than the entire 1980 Census total count for Hispanics in Nebraska (28,000).1 Five Nebraska districts were majority Hispanic-Schuyler Grade Schools (76%), Lexington (74.7%), Madison (60.8%) Schuyler Central High School (52.1%), and South Sioux City (51.4%),-while several other districts also had large Hispanic enrollments. (See Table 1, next page). Comprising 11.5% of Nebraska's overall 2005-06 enrollment, Hispanics were the second largest racial/ethnic group in Nebraska schools, behind 'White, not Hispanic' (221,252) and ahead of 'Black, not Hispanic' (21,605), 'Asian / Pacific Islanders' (5,193), and 'American Indian / Alaskan Native (4,703).In 2005-06, Hispanics made up the second largest portion of the teacher population, but at 227 out of 23,587 (just ahead of 226 'Black, not Hispanic' teachers) Hispanic teachers constituted less than 1% of Nebraska's teacher workforce, a workforce that was 97.6% 'White, not Hispanic'. In short, the number of Hispanic students in Nebraska is growing quickly, but they (and other student populations) have little access to Hispanic teachers. This is especially true in non-metropolitan districts; 11 of the 12 districts identified in Table 1 (next page) as having significant Hispanic student populations but no Hispanic teachers were non-metropolitan. South Sioux City was the one metropolitan district with no Hispanic teachers.If Nebraska's new Latino student population is trying to learn mainly from non-Latinos, we should ask two intertwined questions: (1) How well are Latino students faring in Nebraska? and (2) How ready are Nebraska teachers for Latino students? Answering the first question is risky using State department collected data, because only 4th, 8th, and 11th grade assessment data are available and only in writing is that assessment data broken out by race and ethnicity. Writing is also the only topic area in which all Nebraska districts use the same assessment. Looking at writing scores, it appears that, like Latino student populations elsewhere in the U.S. (Garcia 2001), Nebraska's Latinos are not faring as well as some other student populations. According to the state report card, 27.50% of Hispanic 4th graders, 21.61% of 8th graders, and 22.61% of 11th graders did not meet standard in writing in 2005-06.ii This compares to the state average of 18.19% of all 4th graders, 13.92% of all 8th graders, and 10.00% of all 11th graders not meeting standard. If one looks only at the non-passing rate among white students, an achievement gap becomes starker; 15.33% of non-Hispanic Whites did not meet standard at the 4th grade level (making a 12.17% White/Hispanic achievement gap), 11.62% of non-Hispanic Whites did not meet standard at the 8th grade level (making a 9.99% White/Hispanic achievement gap), and just 8.26% of non-Hispanic Whites did not meet or exceed standard (making a 14.35% White/ Hispanic achievement gap).There are hazards to noting that Latinos are not faring as well in school as other populations, because such reporting can risk reifying a kind of lower achievement stereotype of Latinos. It is important for us to note that Latinos can fare well at school, or phrased another way, that schools can meet the needs of Latino students as well as any other group (e.g., Callahan and Gandara 2004; Ernst, Statzner, and Trueba 1994; Lucas 1997; Lucas, Henze, and Donato 1990; Mehan et al. 1996; Pugach 1998; Reyes, Scribner, and Scribner, 1999; Romo and Falbo, 1996; Walqui 2000). In other words, because Latino populations should be able to fare as well in Nebraska schools as other populations, the fact that so far they do not, demand inquiry.One starting point for such inquiry is to look at who teaches them and the contexts within which they encounter schooling. …

The study investigated motivational differences and higher education outcomes between limited English proficiency (LEP) Hispanic students compared with non-LEP Hispanic students. With a sample of 668 Hispanic community college students, we measured various forms of achievement motivation informed by self-determination theory, grade point average (GPA), and first-semester and 1-year persistence outcomes. Using ANCOVA and logistic regression, we found that LEP students had significantly higher retention rates and levels of external regulation, or motivation out of compliance or extrinsic rewards. Moreover, LEP students with moderate levels of external regulation persisted longer in their first semester of community college. Implications for understanding the complex motivations of Hispanic community college students are discussed.

Interactions Between Race/Ethnicity and Gender on Physical Activity Among US High School Students: Youth Risk Behavior Survey 2011–2017

Introduction: College students—including those of Hispanic backgrounds—are at risk for hazardous drinking. Research has shown robust group differences between Hispanic and White individuals in alcohol use outcomes. The ability to resist alcohol consumption can be leveraged to reduce hazardous drinking; however, little research has examined Hispanic-White differences and whether drinking refusal self-efficacy accounts for group differences in hazardous drinking. Considering Hispanic individuals make up the largest ethnic/racial minority group in the United States, it is important to identify malleable psychological factors that prevent and reduce drinking problems. Method: Hispanic and White college students at two predominantly White institutions (N = 389; 58.6% women, Mage = 20.22) completed measures assessing drinking refusal self-efficacy, hazardous drinking, and negative drinking consequences. Results: Hispanic students reported lower levels of hazardous drinking, alcohol-related problems, and drinking refusal self-efficacy than White students. Drinking refusal self-efficacy was found to partially explain Hispanic-White differences in the levels of hazardous drinking and drinking-related problems. Specifically, drinking refusal self-efficacy was associated with alcohol use outcomes only among White students and not Hispanic students. Conclusion: The correspondence between drinking refusal self-efficacy and actual behaviors to turn down drinks, ethnic/racial distinctiveness in ratings of self-efficacy and cultural orientations, and situational contexts that surround drinking should be examined in future research.

Though sexual assault is prevalent among college campuses, there is a paucity of research on whether risk factors vary for different racial/ethnic groups. As such, this article examines familial and individual risk factors and three sexual assault types (coercive, physically forced, and incapacitated) with depressive symptoms and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms to see whether such risks vary for Black/African American, White, Asian, and Hispanic groups of college students. Data were gathered in 2019 to 2020 from 783 undergraduate college women and men at a large public university in the Midwestern United States. Results revealed that in terms of family background, Black/African American, Asian, and Hispanic students reported more experiences of child physical abuse and lower levels of warmth and support compared to White students. White college students, however, reported more frequent heavy drinking compared to Asian and Hispanic students. For sexual assault, Asian students reporting experiencing incapacitated sexual assault more so than White students, whereas Black/African American students reported experiences of physically forced sexual assault more so than White students. For mental health, Hispanic students reported more PTSD symptoms compared to White students while Asian students reported more depressive symptoms compared to their White counterparts. It is noteworthy that early experiences of child physical abuse and lower warmth and support continued to significantly impact both PTSD symptoms and depressive symptoms. Our results demonstrate the importance of going beyond the typical dichotomy of White and non-White to gain a more nuanced understanding of how risk factors vary for different racial and ethnic groups, which has implications for intervention and prevention when understanding sexual assault and mental health outcomes.

The performance of White students and Hispanic students from California, Texas, and Arizona on the Advanced Placement (AP) Biology exam were compared using archival data from the College Board from 2016 through 2019. Pearson chi square tests yielded statistically significant differences in all four-year comparisons of White and Hispanic students in all three states. White students from California had the highest percentage of students earn a 3 or higher for all four years, Arizona had the second highest percentage of White students earn a 3 or higher for all four years, and Texas had the lowest percentage of White students earn a 3 or higher for all four years of comparison. Hispanic students from Arizona had the highest percentage of students earn a 3 or higher for all four years, California had the second highest percentage of Hispanic students earn a 3 or higher for all four years, and Texas had the lowest percentage of Hispanic students earn a 3 or higher for all four years of comparison. It was discovered a majority of White students who took an AP Biology exam, from 2016 to 2019, earned a passing score (3 or higher), while the majority of Hispanic students who took an AP Biology exam failed to earn a passing score (3 or higher), that would result in college credit. Implications of these findings are discussed. Key Words: AP Biology, Hispanic students, College Board.