Borrowing microphones: The instrumentalisation of media partnerships in China’s public diplomacy efforts in Latin America

: Diplomacy is commonly understood as private communication between governments. Public diplomacy focuses on ways in which a government communicates with and attempts to influence citizens in other societies. Effective public diplomacy starts from the belief that healthy dialogue, rather than a hollow sales pitch, is key to achieving its foreign policy objectives. This project has two goals - to examine the effectiveness of U.S. public diplomacy efforts since the terrorist attacks on 9-11 and where current efforts fall short to recommend some new approaches. First, this paper describes US public diplomacy programs after 9-11 by identifying the major players and comparing how resources have been applied to various public diplomacy programs. Second, the project outlines President Bush?s public diplomacy efforts, during his administration, as they relate to his National Security Strategy. Thirdly, the project evaluates US public diplomacy efforts since the terrorist attacks of 9-11 by answering the following questions: Are current programs supporting U.S. national security strategy; is it resourced properly; and is it working based on opinion polls and expert testimony. Finally, based on the findings in the evaluation process, the project recommends new paths America?s strategic leaders can take to improve U.S. public diplomacy efforts.

This research discusses Saudi Arabia's public diplomacy efforts through the development of its professional football league which aims to achieve the 2030 vision. As one of the most popular and historic sports in the world, football has become an important instrument in a country's foreign policy, this is because Football has a big influence in influencing the public and establishing international relations. This research began by collecting and carefully examining all aspects of the public diplomacy efforts carried out by the Saudi Arabian government in its aim of achieving Vision 2030, which it launched in 2016. Based on the concept of Public Diplomacy and the theory of National Interest, this research focuses on The Saudi Arabian government's initiative in carrying out its public diplomacy activities through the development of its professional football league. The research also further analyzes Saudi Arabia's national interests that underlie its public diplomacy efforts. In this case, economic interests and national image interests are significant motivations that drive Saudi Arabia's ambitions in its public diplomacy efforts through the massive development of its professional football league. All the public diplomacy efforts have been placed under the interests of Saudi Arabia to make its professional football league a hope in achieving its 2030 vision.

As Serbia works towards European Union (EU) membership, the country's public diplomacy efforts are increasingly relevant. Through a content analysis of European news articles on the topic of Serbia's accession into the EU, this article finds a mixed degree of success to Serbia's public diplomacy efforts. Overall, Serbia's public diplomacy proved more effective as a tool to influence foreign opinion on its political changes than as a way to promote Serbia as a natural fit with the EU's identity. This article concludes that while Serbia's public diplomacy has been a useful tool in some respects, it has not proven capable of moving the nation towards a more ‘European’ identity in the eyes of EU member states.

Several scholars have addressed the convergence of public relations and public diplomacy theories, and many have argued that public diplomacy needs to move beyond normative theories of communication. Yet little scholarly work has been done to date. To fill this gap, this study explores how critical and postmodern theoretical approaches can inform public diplomacy practice by extending the cultural–economic model (CEM) of public relations through Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of practice. Based on interviews with organizational members of Sister Cities International (SCI), this study suggests that critical–cultural and postmodern perspectives can inform SCI’s public diplomacy efforts by considering larger structural factors in tension with agency. Thus, this study contributes to both the development of robust international public relations theory and theory building in the public diplomacy field. Findings indicate that drawing on Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice (1997), social capital contributes to the notion of institutionalized relationships, such as family or resources, that individuals acquire through group memberships as found in articulations within the CEM. Additionally, although the CEM explains the connection between culture and power in creating meaning, Bourdieu’s notion of cultural capital makes explicit a focus on education, which is a significant focus of many public diplomacy efforts. Therefore, the term cultural capital provides additional insight into the model to inform public diplomacy efforts. Thus, this study extends the CEM through Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of practice by indicating the role of social capital and cultural capital in SCI’s public diplomacy efforts.

While public diplomacy is utilized to enhance the visibility of democratic societies and cultivate a positive national image abroad, the extent to which governments rely on one-sided messaging to effect foreign public opinion -in many cases- is more likely to cause resistance than attraction. With soft power as its driving engine, public diplomacy is far from being coercive in nature and is entirely devoid of coercive manners to bypass the foreign public for national interest purposes. In fact, the foreign public is not a controllable target in this equation with the freedom to accept or reject -partially or wholly- public diplomacy efforts. The one-sided public diplomacy strategies of the United States as it calls upon universal respect for human rights and democracy while simultaneously waging wars in the global south, diminished its soft power base, thus making it counterproductive. In this regard, the lack of mutuality having been perceived as forcefully pushing for its own agenda is performed in complete disregard of the foreign public it aims to engage. In such cases, public diplomacy rhetoric can be tainted by the negative impressions serving as beautified modern-day propaganda and manipulation. The application of effective state-crafted public diplomacy strategies to restore its reputation and paint a favorable image requires redressing the soft-power mechanism, which lies at the core of public diplomacy and using attraction more wisely in a non-coercive or one-sided manner.

Public diplomacy is a central pillar of Chinese foreign affairs, with a strong emphasis on people-to-people and cultural diplomacy. Mandarin Chinese, as one of the most widely spoken languages globally, played a significant role in China’s cultural diplomacy efforts. This study examined the role of the Chinese language in fostering China’s soft power in Kathmandu, Nepal, based on data, both interview and records, collected from Bishwo Bhasha Campus. Using César Villanueva Rivas’s framework, which explored how language promotion translates into soft power across five levels—empathetic, sympathetic, geopolitical, diplomatic, and utilitarian—this study found that Mandarin enhances China’s soft power primarily at two levels. First, it increased knowledge and appreciation of Chinese culture, fostering cultural connections (empathetic). Second, it served as a practical tool for economic interactions and opportunities in Kathmandu (utilitarian). These findings highlighted the potential of language learning to act as a bridge for cultural and economic exchange, contributing to China’s public diplomacy efforts in Nepal.

Public diplomacy is a relatively young concept and a field of study that has produced a deluge of literature since the turn of the century. The learning curve has been considerable. This bibliography is mainly based on the literature since 2010, so as to present cutting-edge knowledge in the field. The worldwide practice of diplomatic engagement with people preceded the integration of its terminology within governments and ministries of foreign affairs. In the present century, public diplomacy efforts have become increasingly mainstreamed. The practice is subject to wider evolutions occurring in international relations, diplomacy, and state-society relations. As such it is considered to be different from traditional government-to-government diplomacy, in the first place because it engages nonstate actors. Many policymakers and scholars associate public diplomacy primarily with “soft power” and there is no one-size-fits-all definition in what is a truly multidisciplinary field of study. The initial normative debate has distracted from deeper issues in the field and public diplomacy’s evolution and significance. Two common conceptual frameworks recur in the early-21st-century literature: “old” (unidirectional government communication) and “new” (network relational multi-actor) public diplomacy. These categories are attempts to make sense of public diplomacy’s concepts and key functions in a fast-changing international environment. More recent scholarship seeks to move beyond these categorizations by emphasizing the integration of old and new as well as public diplomacy’s integration within diplomacy. Some of the latest work on public diplomacy is in response to recent trends in international politics, such as enhanced geopolitical rivalry, the impact of digital technologies and the rise of populism. US writings once dominated the literature, but contributions from Europe have been significant, while academic output from the postcolonial world is growing rapidly and is increasingly important. This article begins with works that offer a General Overview. Following this, selected secondary sources on Soft Power are listed and, in New Century, New Public Diplomacy, works discuss early-21st-century trends in the debate, followed by Beyond the New Public Diplomacy. Works cited under Coming of Age: Diplomacy’s Public Dimension highlight the importance of realizing that public diplomacy accompanies wider developments in diplomatic practice. This section stresses new themes and modes of communicative practice. Literature cited under Public Diplomacy Worldwide focuses on the United States, China, and India as well as the European Union, and the article concludes with Book Series and Journals.

This study posits that advocacy NGOs are successfully creating soft power using relational, network-centric public diplomacy. The United States, on the other hand, struggles to wield its soft power and continues to apply the outdated information, media-driven approach to its public diplomacy efforts. This article suggests that a public diplomacy strategy that tailors itself to the dynamics of the international context will prove most effective in achieving its tactical goals. The first section highlights changes in the international arena since the end of the Cold War and their corresponding impact on communication dynamics. The second section delineates the critical features that define mass communication and the network communication approach. The third examines specific applications of both communication approaches, drawing on examples from the US's post-'9/11' public diplomacy in the Arab world and those from advocacy NGOs. The paper concludes with implications of the differences between wielding versus creating soft power for state actors.

This article analyzes the use of strategic communication for nation-building purposes in the case of regions, or the so-called “stateless nations” of contemporary Spain. It describes the case of the Basque Country region where successive nationalist governments over the last 30 years have used soft and hard power methods for this purpose. The soft power methods have consisted fundamentally of the use of mass media campaigns and funded institutional publicity to generate a climate of opinion that opposes Basque identity and Spanish identity. Other soft power methods have involved the promotion of Basque culture, beliefs, and values through mostly public diplomacy efforts (which also had an impact among internal audiences). Soft power approaches have resulted in a positive climate of opinion concerning an inclusive (not ethnic) Basque identity without political connotations. Nevertheless, this positive outcome has been contradicted by other hard power approaches such as the implementation of coercive linguistic laws and a level of passivity towards terrorism. Far from reinforcing each other, the intensive use of one-way communication and hard power methods seems to have created a dissonance between Basque identity and Basque nationalism.

The Olympic Games are global communication events that offer host-nations the unique opportunity to promote a soft power agenda by allowing them to construct global messages about their cultural identities and work towards public diplomacy goals that may be more difficult to achieve under normal circumstances. At the same time, however, the Olympics accentuate nationalist and patriotic sentiment, especially in host-nations. Nationalist conviction must be conceptually differentiated from support for the national government. Indeed, we suggest that one of the tasks of governments of Olympic host cities is to manage strong nationalist emotions in order that they support the public diplomacy efforts associated with the Olympic Games. In this paper, American and Japanese media responses to the interplay of China's 2008 Olympics public diplomacy efforts and Chinese nationalism are comparatively analyzed for each of three periods: 1) the international torch relay; 2) the 2008 Sichuan earthquake; 3) the Olympic Games. Our findings suggest that in the West, the Chinese nationalism that was prompted by a controversial torch relay overpowered other aspects of the Games and that thus the Olympic Games ultimately gave new power to familiar discourses emphasizing a fear of China. In Japan, on the other hand, the Olympics presented modest, albeit important, new opportunities to test and promote positive portrayals of Sino-Japanese relations

In 2013, China introduced the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to enhance economic cooperation, connectivity, and development among participating nations. While extensive research has examined the economic and political dimensions of the BRI, its public diplomacy efforts have received comparatively less attention. This article explores the strategic objectives, functions, and challenges of China’s public diplomacy within the BRI framework, emphasizing its influence on international relations, mutual understanding, and cultural exchange. Adopting a qualitative approach, the study analyzes policy documents, official statements, and cultural initiatives to understand how China uses public diplomacy to shape its international image and support its economic and cultural goals in collaboration with BRI nations. The findings demonstrate that public diplomacy is an essential tool for China to expand its soft power. Initiatives within the scope of BRI such as cultural outreach programs, educational exchanges, and infrastructure collaborations aim to strengthen people-to-people connections and promote trust with partner countries. However, these efforts face significant challenges, including geopolitical rivalries, concerns over economic feasibility, and insufficient transparency in engaging local communities. Such issues risk undermining China’s public diplomacy effectiveness and its ability to sustain long-term partnerships under the BRI framework. To address these challenges, the article proposes actionable recommendations. These include developing a cohesive and consistent public diplomacy narrative, improving public relations strategies, and expanding efforts to facilitate cultural and interpersonal connections. By addressing these weaknesses, China can enhance the BRI’s potential for long-term success, fostering a global environment of sustainable development, mutual cooperation, and greater international understanding. Ultimately, effective public diplomacy can serve as a cornerstone for achieving the BRI’s ambitious goals.

The perennial narrative of foreign correspondents’ misadventures in China alerts us to a blind spot in current examinations of China’s public diplomacy efforts. Much work has been done to indicate the level of efforts on the part of the state actors in their engagement of public diplomacy exercises. However, how foreign media shapes the success or failure of public diplomacy is not at all clear. Yet knowing the answer to this question is crucial if we are to understand the depth and breadth of the challenges facing China’s public diplomacy goals. Concerned with this question, this article, combining institutional and historical analyses, centres upon the figure of the foreign correspondent in China, and raises the empirical and conceptual question of the role of the foreign correspondent in China’s public diplomacy agenda. The article’s main objective is to chart a new direction in the examination of China’s soft power, public diplomacy and communication strategies.

Without the participation of civil society institutions, all public diplomacy efforts in any country might utilize propaganda and lose the option of “soft power”. The understanding of this interconnection in Russian politics took place gradually, as the need for public diplomacy was recognized as part of a foreign policy strategy to craft a favourable image of the Russian Federation. The concept of civil society and its institutions required ideological and practical adaptation to Russian realities. At present, the place and role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been determined in the structure of society and public administration. Some NGOs have acquired the status of institutes and/or instruments of public diplomacy. These include (1) specialized institutions (Rossotrudnichestvo, the Gorchakov Foundation, etc.); (2) traditional networks with support from the Russian Federation and abroad (the Red Cross, Greenpeace, Sister Cities, etc.); and (3) an expert community. Also, among the subjects of public diplomacy should be attributed to prominent politicians, cultural figures, individual journalists and bloggers. In this aspect, the main problems in discourse on public diplomacy are (1) from the institutions—financing, difficulties in interaction at different levels, forecasting of current topics and risks; (2) from the side of civil society—distrust to institutions, lack of awareness and priority of internal problems.

This paper explores the role of Turkey's National Technology Management Policy and Technology Transfer Offices (TTOs) as components of public diplomacy. The National Technology Management Policy plays a significant role in shaping Turkey's international image, influence, and soft power. The centralized approach to policy formulation and implementation underscores the strategic alignment of technology management policies with the country's objectives, including those related to public diplomacy. Additionally, TTOs play a crucial role in facilitating the transfer of technologies and knowledge between universities, research institutions, and industry, contributing to Turkey's technological advancement and competitiveness. The paper evaluates the impact of these components on Turkey's public diplomacy efforts and their potential to enhance the country's international standing and influence.

Existing literature on public diplomacy has generally defined foreign publics as the global constituents with whom a country builds relationships through its public diplomacy efforts. However, not all foreign publics are the same; they represent a collection of separate public opinions. As such, foreign publics need to be segmented and differentiated in order for countries to strategically invest their resources and optimize public diplomacy outcomes. In light of this, this paper proposes a taxonomy which approaches the concept of foreign publics as an intersection between symbolic environment and behavioral experiences. By classifying foreign publics into four segments (i.e., ambassadorial, advocational, accusational, and adversarial), this paper explains the formation and characteristics of each segment of foreign publics, as well as their implications for a country’s public diplomacy efforts.