Books in Space: The Emergence of the vade, liber Refrain in Roman Poetry

A number of research projects in Petra and the surrounding region have resulted in exciting new avenues of study with regard to Nabataean religion, architecture, and economy. Reports concerning eight such projects were presented at the 46th Seminar for Arabian Studies held at the British Museum on 28–30 July 2011. The resulting published volume contains preliminary reports of a major archaeological survey north of Petra and excavations in the earliest levels of the Petra city center, in tomb complexes, and a royal residence of the first century BCE on the Umm al-Biyara. The work also includes a number of diverse thematic studies concerning Nabataean shrines located in the hinterland, the funerary landscape of Petra, and an examination of the date of the Incense Road between Petra and Gaza.In “Landscapes North of Petra: The Petra Area and Wādī Silaysil Survey,” it is evident that Brown University continues its tradition of ground-breaking research in the Petra region with the Brown University Petra Archaeological Project (BUPAP), directed by S. E. Alcock and C. A. Tuttle. A major component of the project is the Petra Area and Wādī Silaysil Survey (PAWS), directed by S. E. Alcock and A. R. Knodell. The intensive pedestrian survey has covered ca. 350 ha in the Bayda area north of Petra during the 2010 and 2011 seasons and has sought to identify settlement change by quantification of artifact distributions across the landscape (p. 7). The survey has revealed traces of human activity that reach back into the Paleolithic era (p. 8). Of particular interest is the discovery of Early Bronze Age material around Umm Saysaban, Iron II material in the vicinity of Bayda and east of Ras al-Silaysil, and Hellenistic remains near Ras al-Silaysil. The research indicates a marked increase in sherd density across the landscape in the Hellenistic period with a noticeable peak in the Early and Middle Roman periods between 50 BCE and 250 CE (p. 10). The intensive methodology and documentation efforts employed in the project are unparalleled in the region and will undoubtedly serve as a model for future endeavors here and elsewhere.A team of eminent archaeologists, S. G. Schmid, P. Bienkowski, Z. T. Fiema, and B. Kolb, led the search for the royal palaces in Petra in “The Palaces of the Nabataean Kings at Petra.” Their work resulted in the discovery of a royal residence on the Umm al-Biyara and a possible royal quarter (basileia) at the foot of al-Khubthah closer to the Petra city center. The residence was discovered on the eastern promontory of the Umm al-Biyara Plateau, overlooking the Petra city center. It was sumptuous with heated bathing facilities, alatrine, Nabataean capitals, marble sculptures, and traces of opus sectile decoration. The discovery of this type of mountain-top palatial residence in Petra allows comparisons with the Hasmonean and Herodian palaces in neighboring Judea and particularly Herod's Northern Palace at Masada (Netzer 1991).Masada and Umm al-Biyara both share the problem of water procurement in a dry inhospitable landscape. At Petra, the Nabataean builders took advantage of natural topographical features by constructing cisterns on the natural catchment of a slope directly above the residence (p. 77). The date of the construction (late first century BCE to early first century CE) suggests the influence of Herodian architecture; although it is noted that the residence shares features found at other Judean sites as well (pp. 84–85). The researchers propose that the structure was destroyed in the earthquake of 363 CE on the basis of lamp fragments found on a floor surface. However, more extensive excavation is required to determine if the structure was damaged or destroyed by earthquake in the early second century CE (see Kolb 2002: 261; 2007: 167; Kanellopoulos 2001: 13) or if it continued to be occupied as late as the fourth century CE. The proposed basileia below the Khubthah Massif requires even more investigation. The researchers place a great deal of emphasis on the availability of water provided by the al-Khubthah aqueduct and the water catchment of the massif. They also propose that the so-called Palace Tomb may have been a royal tomb (heroon) inside the basileia similar to those found in other Hellenistic royal quarters (p. 93). The possibility that a tomb was intentionally situated inside an inhabited area stands in stark contrast with the necropoleis of Petra, which are situated outside of the inhabited areas of the city center.In “Dating the Early Phases under the Temenos of the Qasr al-Bint at Petra,” the excavations in the Petra city center next to the Qasr al-Bint conducted by the French Archaeological Expedition, including F. Renel, M. Mouton C. Augé, C. Gauthier, C. Hatté, J.-F. Saliège, and A. Zazzo, are examined. The project has provided a major contribution to our knowledge of the earliest phases of Nabataean settlement at the site. Their research points to occupational levels as early as the fourth century BCE and the construction of dwellings in the third century BCE. This early dating is supported by calibrated radio carbon dates, as well as ceramic and numismatic evidence (pp. 50–51). The French expedition, together with the results of excavations carried out below the main street further to the east by P. Parr (1970; 2007) and D. F. Graf (2013 and Graf et al. 2005), provide evidence that offsets previous interpretations regarding the nature of early Nabataean society. Such views were influenced by a widespread reliance on the testimony of Hieronymous of Cardia (312/311 BCE), quoted by Diodorus Siculus, who claimed that the Nabataeans were nomads who abhorred any form of settlement (Dio. Sic. 19.94.10; cf. 2.48.1–2).Wenning and Gorgerat discuss the excavation of a chamber tomb and adjacent complex next to the Aslah Triclinium, located on high ground opposite the opening to the Siq, described as the Bab al-Siq necropolis in “The International Aslah Project, Petra: New Research and New Questions.” The project area is of particular importance due to a Nabataean inscription found on the back wall of the triclinium, which is considered to be the oldest dated inscription in Petra: ca. 96/95 BCE. The excavation has revealed a number of issues succinctly treated by Wenning. In spite of the date of the inscription, which includes a reference to the existence of a nearby cistern, the burials in the tomb and the complex in front appear to have been carved nearly a century later, toward the end of the first century BCE or early first century CE, and remains continued to be interred until at least the beginning of the second century CE. This discrepancy has prompted Wenning to examine the function and significance of Nabataean sanctuaries, such as triclinia, within the framework of G. Dalman's assumption that the Aslah Triclinium Complex belonged to a clan (Dalman 1912: 100). Wenning points out that rock-cut installations at Petra in the form of triclinia, biclinia, and stibadia are not necessarily found in relation to burials and in fact less than a quarter of these installations have been found in such contexts (p. 137). He regards the Aslah Trinclinium Complex as a sanctuary devoted to Dushara that belonged to a particular clan. The complex included the triclinium and its inscription, as well as incised symbols of the deity, a niche basin for purification, cup-holes that may have been used for libations, and votive niches, which includes an entire row of 18 niches located near the triclinium.Gorgerat's excavation in the deep pit graves inside the chamber tomb produced an impressive group of 30 ceramic unguentaria recovered from one grave (p. 129). These vessels have since been published (Gorgerat and Wenning 2013: Fig. 14) and they appear to belong to the latest types of ceramic unguentaria produced in the area from the post-annexation period until the early third century CE.Lucy Wadeson's contribution, “The Funerary Landscape of Petra: Results from a New Study,” deals with the influence of geology and topography on tomb architecture, important factors that have largely been overlooked. She devotes a better part of the chapter to the large numbers of shaft tombs in Petra. For obvious reasons, tombs with carved decorative façades have been studied intensely at the expense of plain shaft graves, which are nearly invisible in the landscape. Wadeson discusses the chronology of the shaft tombs in relation to the development of the façade tombs, noting that a number were apparently converted into façade tombs, thus pre-dating the better known type (p. 114). Overall, shaft tombs were probably the most common form of Nabataean burial. At least 3,500 examples were located east of the Dead Sea in Khirbet Qazone, where they were dated to the first three centuries CE (Politis and Cline 1999). Moreover, the use of shaft tombs is not restricted to the Nabataeans; they were also utilized by the Jewish inhabitants of Qumran in the first and second centuries CE. In both cemeteries the graves are oriented north–south (Magness 2004: 119). Wadeson also discusses the possibility that the façade-type tombs developed out of the earlier block tombs that are found next to the eastern and southern approaches to Petra (p. 105). The development of the façade-type tombs appear to have been strongly influenced by Alexandrian tomb architecture that Nabataean artisans skillfully adapted to the extreme geology and topography of Petra (pp. 108–9).The Finnish Jabal Hārūn Project completed several seasons of excavations that uncovered a Byzantine-period monastery below the peak of Jabal Hārūn (Fiema and Frösén 2008). In his article, “Reinventing the Sacred: From Shrine to Monastery at Jabal Hārūn,” Fiema proposes that part of the Western Building that was the core of the complex may have originally been part of an earlier Nabataean shrine. In view of the religious significance of this highly visible peak in the Byzantine and Islamic periods, the existence of a Nabataean cultic shrine here is quite reasonable. Needless to say, mountain-top shrines and temples are found throughout Nabataean-controlled regions in the Sinai, the Negev, the Edomite plateau, and Petra itself. Fiema discusses the circumstances that a pagan shrine may have given way to a Christian site that venerated the biblical figure of Aaron, brother of the prophet Moses. He points out that the transition from paganism to Christianity at the site may not have been particularly violent and may have even been possible by the natural destruction of an earlier shrine during the earthquake of 363 CE (p. 33).Marie-Jeanne Roche offers an intriguing contribution entitled “A Nabataean Shrine to Isis in Wādī Abū Ullayqah in the South-West of Petra.” She examines an important shrine dedicated to the goddess Isis, who is depicted as a seated Demeter-type figure (now headless) beautifully carved in a sandstone outcrop. Roche proposes that the shrine may be identified as one described in the Oxyrhynchus Invocation of Isis, “in Petra, [Isis] is called soteira (‘saviour’)….” (p. 68). The area around the statue exhibits possible cultic installations: a natural basin under a waterfall; Nabataean inscriptions, including two that refer to the goddess Isis; and engraved drawings of feet. Two betyls, one an eye-idol, and more inscriptions are present in a second location beyond the waterfall (pp. 58–59). Roche notes that the Nabataean spelling of the name Isis corresponds to the Egyptian rather than its Greek equivalent (p. 61), a fact that appears to underline the direct ties between Petra and Egypt that go back to the beginning of the Hellenistic period. Nearly 150 Nabataean names are found in the descriptions along with common Nabataean formulas, dkr, “to remember,” and slm, “peace.” Notably, these formulas continue to appear in late Nabataean inscriptions, including those written in ink on plaster (by the plasterer himself) that were uncovered in sealed contexts from the late fourth century at Oboda (Erickson-Gini 2010: 185, Fig. 7.5). The dedication of a physician (p. 64) ties in with Roche's supposition that the site was a healing shrine where flowing water was an important component. According to Roche, this may be an element that was shared with the Nabataean deity, Dushara, whose name appears several times in inscriptions at the site in the form of al-Ga (p. 59).Haim Ben-David's contribution, “Nabataean or Late Roman? Reconsidering the Date of the Built Sections and Milestones along the Petra–Gaza Road,” discusses the phasing of the ancient Incense Road that stretched across the Wadi Arabah to the Mediterranean coast. His work is significant because all too often the Incense Road is treated as a monolithic single-period entity whereas in actuality it was developed over centuries, first by the Nabataeans and later under Roman rule. Ben-David points out that section between Petra and Oboda, originally established in the late first century BCE, underwent changes following the Roman annexation of Nabataea in 106 CE. Toward the end of the second century CE, Roman military tower forts were built at a number of sites and milestones were erected (p. 19). In the wake of the results of Andrew Smith's surveys and excavations in the eastern side of the Wadi Arabah (2010), Ben-David proposes that the Petra–Gaza Road may be identified in the Petra region as following the Naqb al-Rubai route (the limestone ridge south of Jabal Hārūn) and northwest to Khirbet Sufaysif and Moyat ‘Awad (pp. 21–22). The Petra side of the Incense Road also exhibits phases from more than one historical period and portions of the leg from Naqb al-Rubai to the Petra city center appear to have been developed by the Roman army in the post-annexation era.To conclude, the papers from the special session of the Seminar for Arabian Studies in 2011 make up a unique collection of important and interesting studies of the archaeology of Petra and the culture of the Nabataeans. This collection is an indispensable acquisition for scholars and laymen alike. Drs. Nehmé and Wadeson are to be commended for producing a quality volume in such a timely manner following the conference.

In this study, we assess the human capital of Roman legionaries, officers and the civilian population born between the first century BCE and the third century CE in Pannonia (today’s West Hungary). Age-heaping techniques allow the measurement of human capital for this early period, although we need to discuss intensively potential selectivity. We find that the Roman military benefited strongly from occupational choice selectivity: those social groups who decided for a military career had better numeracy values than the remainder of the population. This applied especially to the first centuries BCE and CE. Over time, however, the civilian population converged to the military occupational groups. This ‘military bias’ analysis also contributes to the debate about long-term growth determinants: in some societies, the most educated parts of the elites selected a military career, rather than opting for entreprenuerial activities which might have impacted more positively on macroeconomic growth.

Many narrative histories of Rome's transformation from an Italian city-state to a Mediterranean superpower focus on political and military conflicts as the primary agents of social change. This book places religion at the heart of this transformation, showing how religious ritual and observance held the Roman Republic together during the fourth and third centuries BCE, a period when the Roman state significantly expanded and diversified. Blending the latest advances in archaeology with innovative sociological and anthropological methods, the book takes readers from the capitulation of Rome's neighbor and adversary Veii in 398 BCE to the end of the Second Punic War in 202 BCE, demonstrating how the Roman state was redefined through the twin pillars of temple construction and pilgrimage. The book sheds light on how the proliferation of temples together with changes to Rome's calendar created new civic rhythms of festival celebration, and how pilgrimage to the city surged with the increase in the number and frequency of festivals attached to Rome's temple structures. The book overcomes many of the evidentiary hurdles that for so long have impeded research into this pivotal period in Rome's history. It reconstructs the scale and social costs of these religious practices and reveals how religious observance emerged as an indispensable strategy for bringing Romans of many different backgrounds to the center, both physically and symbolically.

The Neo-Assyrian Empire in the Southwest: Imperial Domination and Its Consequences

An analysis of the bas reliefs and inscriptions on the group of about twenty-nine extant carved sacred plaques called as āyāgapaṭas is essential for evaluation of Mathura sculpture. The group of āy āgapaṭas discussed in this chapter represent a spectrum of styles spanning about four hundred years, from as early as ca. 150 BCE to 226 CE. Among the surviving group of āyāgapaṭas, four date to the second century BCE; ten are attributable to the first century BCE; about eleven date to the first century CE; and three seem to have been made during the second and third centuries CE. The earliest āyāgapaṭas of the second century BCE are both pictorial, as seen in the Śimitrā āyāgapaṭa, and diagrammatic, as seen in the Okaraṇa āyāgapaṭa. The two latest examples, probably of the third century CE, are the pictorial Kaṇa plaque and the diagrammatic Koḷiya Gaṇa āyāgapaṭa.Keywords: Śimitrā āyāgapaṭa; Kaṇa plaque; Koḷiya Gaṇa āyāgapaṭa; Mathura sculpture; Okaraṇa āyāgapaṭa

This article discusses the diachronic development of the Chinese long passive. The diachronic analysis is built on structural analysis of the long passive and the wei … suo passive. I show that both constructions involve a highly restricted embedded clause (a v P) and that both are derived via A‘-movement. Based on their structural parallelism, I argue that the wei … suo passive, which first appeared in Late Archaic Chinese (fifth century bce ~ third century bce), is the direct ancestor of the long passive. The long passive inherits its A’ properties and biclausal structure from the wei … suo passive. I also show that the diachronic development from the wei … suo passive to the long passive took place in two steps: (i) the loss of suo following a morphophonological change in Early Middle Chinese (second century bce ~ second century ce, and (ii) the replacement of wei by bei in Middle Chinese (third century ce ~ sixth century ce).

This article discusses the diachronic development of the Chinese long passive. The diachronic analysis is built on structural analysis of the long passive and the WEI ... SUO passive. I show that both constructions involve a highly restricted embedded clause (a vP) and that both are derived via Aʹ-movement. Based on their structural parallelism, I argue that the WEI ... SUO passive, which first appeared in Late Archaic Chinese (fifth century BCE ~ third century BCE), is the direct ancestor of the long passive. The long passive inherits its Aʹ properties and biclausal structure from the WEI ... SUO passive. I also show that the diachronic development from the WEI ... SUO passive to the long passive took place in two steps: (i) the loss of SUO following a morphophonological change in Early Middle Chinese (second century BCE ~ second century CE, and (ii) the replacement of WEI by BEI in Middle Chinese (third century CE ~ sixth century CE).

From its beginnings in the fourth or third century BCE, Buddhist literature abounds in tales of miracles (Sanskrit prātihārya; Pali pāṭihāriya). From the early centuries BCE these miracles are depicted in the stone reliefs on Buddhist monuments across India. For the Chinese pilgrims Faxian and Xuanzang, visiting India in the fifth and seventh centuries CE respectively, stories of the miracles performed by the Buddha and his disciples informed the very landscape of Buddhist pilgrimage sites as well as the imaginations of Buddhist pilgrims.

Printing and Publishing in East Asia through circa 1600An Extremely Brief Survey Lucille Chia Introduction The history of book culture and printing in East Asia shows how different cultures that used the same manuscript and print techniques to produce many of the same books in the same language (Chinese) developed distinctive book cultures. This essay focuses on China and compares its book culture with those of Korea and Japan, from the inception of woodblock printing around the late seventh century until about 1600. Other peoples were also heavily influenced throughout history by Chinese culture in East Asia and Inner Asia, such as the Mongols, Khitans, Tanguts, and Uighurs. We should note, however, that some of the peoples in this vast area adopted and modified the Chinese writing system, even if their languages were very different from Chinese. They also used printing technologies from China—both woodblock and movable type, often within a century of the development of a writing system for their own languages. The history of the uses of printing technologies and their adoption and adaptation in different cultures therefore helps us understand the nature of technologies in general. China Printing can be described as a method by which texts and images prepared on a master form are transferred by being impressed onto a receiving surface. Printing is thus an extremely ancient process that ranges from the cylindrical seals of the fourth millennium BCE used in Mesopotamia to a wide variety of later methods that could [End Page 129] produce a three- or two-dimensional impression using inks, dyes, or pigments. Both the master form, prepared in relief or intaglio, and the receiving surface could be made from a variety of materials. The printed text or image could then be used for different purposes—to record information, to disseminate information, to assert authority, to indicate confidentiality, to convey religious or talismanic power, etc. Printing therefore is not synonymous with publishing, or the broadcasting of information. Woodblock Printing (Xylography) The idea for block printing develops easily from using seals to make impressions, a practice known in China as early as the Shang period (ca. 1500–1050 BCE). The earliest extant seals, dating from the late Zhou Dynasty (ca. 1050–256 BCE), were made of stone, earthenware, metals, horn, etc., and could be used to make impressions on clay, silk, and other surfaces.1 Most of these seals were used to authenticate the identity and authority of an individual or organization, but some from the first or second century CE also served religious and magical purposes. Textual accounts suggest seals were used to protect occupants of tombs, and we also have records about the apotropaic use of seals carved from peachwood from the first century CE, and descriptions of Daoist seals from the fourth century. Buddhist texts, such as one from the fifth century, describe “devil-subduing seals” as well as impressions of the Buddha’s image for devotional purposes. Moreover, the impressions were not necessarily made on silk or paper but on soft clay, sand, or even human skin.2 A different application of block printing in China was its use in dyeing textiles, for which we have brass blocks from the second century BCE and one anecdotal account describing a dye-resist method using woodblocks in the eighth century CE.3 Scholars have suggested that these different methods of making impressions on a variety of surfaces may have led to the development of block printing on paper. Equally important for multiple replication of text and image by printing is the availability of a pliant, absorbent surface that could be cheaply produced—paper. Although the earliest extant paper dates to the first or second century BCE,4 historical tradition credits a Han Dynasty official named Cai Lun in the second century CE with developing high-quality paper suitable for writing and painting. Although [End Page 130] the method of block printing may easily have been inspired by earlier technologies that applied ink or dye on a given material, xylography differed sufficiently from these other processes that it may not have been immediately obvious as a means of replicating text and image on paper for the purpose of making multiple...

This chapter examines successively six distinct practices that characterized Judaism in the first century CE: circumcision; the Sabbath prohibitions; the Passover sacrifice and the Festival of Unleavened Bread; fasting on the Day of Atonement; the two central rituals of the Sukkot festival—building and residing in booths and taking of the “four species”; and having a continually lit seven-branched menorah in the Jerusalem temple. In each case, evidence for the practice or prohibition in the first century CE is surveyed, followed by an examination of the earliest available evidence from prior to the turn of the first millennium. It is demonstrated that observance of all these elements of Torah law is well attested in the first century CE, in the first century BCE, and to some degree also in the second century BCE, but none of these practices are clearly attested to prior to this.

The history of Jainism in Mathura has been reconstructed largely on the basis of donative inscriptions and the remains of temples, stūpas and tīrthaṅkara images unearthed in this area. The āyāgapaṭas—an integral part of Mathura art and extremely important for the understanding of Jaina art and religious practice—have been relatively neglected. The āyāgapaṭas reflect the simultaneous existence of symbol and image worship in Jainism. The practice of donating these carved slabs started in the first century BCE and continued till the third century CE. The āyāgapaṭas were intended for worship as the inscriptions specify that they were set up for the worship of arhats ( tīrthaṅkaras). This article aims to understand the āyāgapaṭa inscriptions in the context of their relief carvings. The religious imagery on these slabs represents various foci of Jaina worship, namely the stūpa, the dharmacakra and the Jina image. The evidence of the Jina image carved on the āyāgapaṭas as early as the first century BCE, points towards the prevalence of image worship in Jainism even before the first century CE. The analysis of the āyāgapaṭa inscriptions highlights the varied occupational background of donors and the active role played by women donors. The article explores the probable reasons for the discontinuation of āyāgapaṭas after the third century CE at Mathura. Finally, it clearly establishes that āyāgapaṭas were installed in temples and monasteries and were objects of worship and an important component of Jaina religious practice.

This chapter surveys the evidence for widespread observance of the Pentateuchal ritual purity laws among first-century-CE Judeans, and seeks out the earliest evidence for such observance prior to the turn of the Common Era. A remarkable set of both textual and archaeological evidence suggests widespread adherence to the ritual purity laws in the first century CE. Archaeological evidence for observance of the purity rules at this time includes ritual immersion pools and chalk vessels. A significant amount of evidence indicates that these rules were being followed, discussed, and debated in the first century BCE and perhaps also in the second century BCE. Prior to the second century BCE, there is no evidence which demonstrates that Judeans knew of—let alone practiced—anything closely resembling the Pentateuchal system of ritual purity laws. Lacking earlier evidence, the second century BCE is our terminus ante quem for the beginning of widespread Judean observance of the ritual purity practices enshrined in the Torah.

Phonetics, the study of the sounds of a language, relies for an ancient language on evidence from writing, and this complicates the interpretation of phonological facts. In the case of Greek, several problems arise: the chronological scope of the documentation (from the fifteenth century bce to the fifth century ce), geographical dispersion (from the western Mediterranean to the Indus and from the Black Sea to Egypt), and from the multiplicity of uses (official and private inscriptions and papyri, literature). In the syllabaries which preceded Greek alphabets, the problems posed by both of them are very different: the rudimentary notation of syllabograms gave way to greater precision in alphabetic writing with the distinction between consonants and vowels. The first syllabary noting Greek is the Linear B, attested in the Mycenaean period (fifteenth to twelfth century bce) in the first millennium in Cyprus, a syllabary was used until the third century bce. Appearing from the ninth century bce, epichoric alphabets often reflect local differentiations. Greek dialects, barely perceptible in Mycenaean times, were expressed in writing, before gradually giving way to a common standard, the Koine and its graphic notation, the Ionian-Attic alphabet, which has remained in use to the present day. From Homer to the Church Fathers, Greek literature has known multiple linguistic forms, in the most diverse genres; in poetic works, metrics open up access to certain concrete linguistic realities, tackled on occasion by ancient grammarians; each literary genre is in principle linked to a particular dialect, used without any relation to the authors’ vernacular. But the evolution of the language and its variations are revealed mainly through epigraphy; even official inscriptions, which have a tendency to become standardized, reveal phenomena for which private inscriptions provide the clearest evidence. These phenomena include usages related to social conditions. Accent, which is essential to the functioning of the Greek language, is much less easy to grasp. Later, as early as the second century bce, there was also interference with Latin.

This chapter considers the poetics of Roman imperial expansion in three dimensions. It investigates the depth and density of straits and clogged waterways—paradigmatically the Hellespont—in Latin poetry from Catullus to Statius, arguing that such spaces become laboratories for the ways in which poetic and military power is amplified in imperial texts via restriction, contraction, and pressure rather than by expatiation. The aim here is to go beyond recent critical appraisals of straits on either side of the Black Sea as simply representing an ‘overcrowded literary tradition’, in which expectations are confounded, bellicose epic is mitigated or postponed, and Alexandrian principles ironically reconfirmed. By the second half of the first century CE, as Roman poetry gets to grips with and reshapes discourses of empire, the spatial metaphors that underpin its evolution are smashed apart.

Uusklassikaline luuletraditsioon varauusaja Tallinnas ja Tartus / Humanist Greek and Neo-Latin poetry in Early Modern Tallinn and Tartu