Book Review: The Political Economy of News in China: Manufacturing Harmony by Jesse Owen Hearns-Branaman

October 2008 marked the 20th anniversary of the publication of Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky. Their Propaganda Model (PM), which attempted to explain the behaviour of the media in the United States, found that it consistently served the interests of corporate and state power. Furthermore, they anticipated that the PM would be generally ignored within academia, which, all too often, also served the interests of corporate and state power. This commentary breaks new ground by focusing upon their second-order prediction, concerning the reception of the PM within academia; it demonstrates that the PM has been systematically marginalized within the field of media and communication studies, just as Herman and Chomsky forecast it would. The commentary is divided into six sections. The first section highlights the contrast between the liberal pluralist perspective and the Marxist-radical critique of how political and media systems function in capitalist, liberal-democratic societies. The second section situates the PM within the Marxist-radical tradition of media and communication studies. The third section provides an overview of the PM, more specifically its three hypotheses, its five operative principles and the evidence presented by Herman and Chomsky in support of the PM. The fourth section, which assesses how the PM has been received within the field of media and communication studies since 1988, is concerned with the second-order prediction that the PM would be neglected. More specifically, it surveys the way in which scholars have engaged with the PM; it provides data on the proportion of media and communication journal articles that have attended to the PM; and it submits data on the number of media and communication texts that refer to the PM. The fifth section suggests a number of reasons to explain why the PM has been generally dismissed, while the sixth section makes the case for the continued relevance of the PM.

ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv LIST OF TABLES ix LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi ABBREVIATIONS xii NOTE ON CHINESE LANGUAGE SOURCES xiii CHAPTER I: Making English News in China: A Case Study 1 Multi-language Coverage by CCTV Overview of CCTV-9 Politics and CCTV-9: the Challenge of Making English News in China......... Rationale for Dissertation Outline of Chapters CHAPTER II: Literature Review, CCTV-9 in Theoretical Context and Research Questions 20 Shoemaker and Reese’s Model of Influences on Media Content International Journalism and the Role of Global TV News Practitioners......... Confucianism and the Role of Journalists in China A New Model to Understand CCTV-9— Serving the public and pushing boundaries.... Outline of Research Questions Discussion and Summary CHAPTER III: Methodology 48 Case Study Methodology Interviews Textual and Semiotic Analysis Reflexive Journaling and Memory of the Past?

This article analyses the political economy of news media production in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) using Herman and Chomsky’s Propaganda Model. This method contains two aspects: (1) an examination of the effects that a capitalist base has on news media in the transitioning system of the PRC, and (2) a study of the utility of the Propaganda Model’s dimensions for use in comparative media research. The article finds that the differing political systems of the USA and the PRC do not lead to completely different media systems. The largest differences are found to be only in the civil society sphere and in the repression of PRC journalists. The capitalist base of the media system, however, causes many commonalities, such as pro-capitalist ideology, the influence of advertisers and constraints on sourcing, while a transition towards a US-style system, in professionalization, corporatization, secularization and conglomeratization, can be found in its embryonic stages.

Aim. The work aimed to substantiate national approaches to ensuring technological sovereignty and economic security using the examples of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the United States of America (USA) in the context of digital economy development. Objectives. The work seeks to examine issues of ensuring technological sovereignty and economic security in the context of digital economy development; to analyze and systematize the factors, characteristics, and challenges of digital economy development using the examples of the PRC and the USA; to develop a framework for defining national approaches to ensuring technological sovereignty and economic security; and to substantiate national approaches to ensuring technological sovereignty and economic security using the examples of the PRC and the USA. Methods. The study was based on theoretical research in the field of economic digitalization, economic security, and innovative and technological development in individual countries, as well as empirical studies in the fields of digitalization, scientific, industrial, and technological development using the examples of the PRC and the USA, within the context of their international political and economic ties. The authors employed general scientific methods of systemic, comparative, functional, statistical, and causal analysis, as well as systematization, abstraction, and generalization. Results. The PRC and the USA are identified as global leaders in technological and digital development, while their influence extends beyond national borders. China’s national approach to ensuring technological sovereignty and economic security in the context of developing a digital economy is characterized by an industrial model of integration into international scientific and industrial chains, determined by external constraints, the implementation of a predominantly planned principle of state presence in the digital economy, and the international transmission of a horizontal architecture of international relations based on national digital sovereignty. The USA approach is distinguished by its integration into international cooperation, combining elements of protective, industrial, and open models. It implements a predominantly market-based approach to state presence in the digital economy, and promotes internationally a vertical architecture of international relations based on digital solidarity with partner countries and the accountability of states that violate the established rules. Conclusions. The study confirms the assertion that the national approaches to ensuring technological sovereignty and economic security in the context of digitalization in the PRC and the USA differ significantly in terms of government regulation of the digital economy, the quality of participation in international high-tech cooperation, and their concept of the architecture of international relations. These differences are mainly determined by asymmetric development factors and the internal specifics of the digital economies of the countries studied. Numerous restrictions aimed at restraining scientific, technological, and industrial development of Russia hinder the country’s technological sovereignty and economic security, which encourages long-term partnerships with friendly states, particularly China. Despite the differences in economic scale and socio-cultural differences, Russia and China can successfully complement each other, including in scientific, industrial, and technological partnerships.

Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Why the People's Republic of China? Chapter 3: Why the Propaganda Model? Chapter 4: Ownership, Size, and Profit Motive Filter Chapter 5: Sourcing Filter Chapter 6: External Influences: Flak and Advertisers Chapter 7: Dominant Ideology Filter Chapter 8: Conclusion

This dissertation offers new perspectives on China's transition to socialism by investigating a fundamental question--how did the state build capacity to know the nation through numbers? With the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949, jubilant Chinese revolutionaries were confronted by the dual challenge of a nearly nonexistent statistical infrastructure and the pressing need to escape the universalist claims of capitalist statistics. At stake for revolutionary statisticians and economists was a fundamental difficulty: how to accurately ascertain social scientific fact. Resolving this difficulty involved not just epistemological and theoretical debates on the unity or disunity of statistical science but also practical considerations surrounding state-capacity building. The resultant shift toward a socialist definition of statistics, achieved by explicitly following the Soviet Union's example, was instrumental in shaping new bureaus, designing statistical work, and training personnel. New classificatory schemes and methods of data collection also raised issues of authority and policy, ultimately not just remolding state-society relations but also informing new conceptions of everyday life and work. By the mid-1950s, however, growing disaffection with the efficacy of Soviet methods led the Chinese, in a surprising turn of events, to seek out Indian statisticians in an unprecedented instance of Chinese participation in South-South scientific exchange. At the heart of these exchanges was the desire to learn more about large-scale random sampling, an emergent statistical technology, which, while technically complex, held great practical salience for large countries like China and India. "Making it Count" engages with and contributes to scholarship on the history of modern China and on the global and Cold War histories of science and social science. While the historiography on statistics and quantification has focused primarily on the early-modern and nineteenth century world, the dissertation brings this history into the twentieth century, when states, multi-national institutions, and private actors, regardless of their ideological hue, mobilized statistics on behalf of positivist social science and statecraft. By examining the collection and deployment of data, a process critical to the ambitions of the revolutionary PRC state but one that has largely been overlooked in the historical literature, the dissertation also provides an alternative account for a decade often portrayed as lurching from one mass campaign to another. Finally, the examination of the Sino-Indian statistical links reveals that pioneering innovation took place in many contexts after 1945 and challenges Cold War paradigms that are predisposed to assume the United States or the Soviet Union as the primary nodes from which scientific and other forms of modern knowledge emanated.

The United States (US) is usually thought of as a nation representing freedom, democracy and human rights. However, as shown by Noam Chomsky and a few others, the US has turned out to be the most dominant imperialist nation as it is a ‘super power’ with immense political and economic clout. The US has been involved in human rights’ violations, Chomsky claims, with an intention of capturing markets for its goods and services, but has been successful in veiling it by shaping popular consciousness through its hegemony over popular media. Chomsky argues that the US has been preparing the ground for human rights’ violations by the use of ‘Propaganda Model’ which ‘filters’ reality in such a way as to give the ‘news’ that is perverted to serve the needs of the ruling elite. For instance, in many of the ‘news’ reports the weapons of mass destruction used by the US are attributed human traits while the citizens of the enemy nation are presented as nameless “aggressors” or “terrorists”. The relevance of the paper rests on working out the implications of Chomsky’s perspectives on the use of media by the US to serve its propagandist model and the implications of such tendencies to nations like India. The paper also tries to work out the possible way out of this impasse. Keywords: Culture of terrorism, human rights, media, propaganda model, US imperialism

??8 China Review International: Vol. 6, No. ?, Spring 1999 John W. Garver. Face Off: China, the United States, and Taiwan's Democratization. Seattle: University ofWashington Press, 1997. xii, 193 pp. Paperback $18.95, isbn 0-295-97617-9. From March 8 to March 25, 1996, the People's Republic of China (PRC) launched missiles directed toward the vicinity of Kaohsiung and Keelung, the two major seaport cities on Taiwan, and conducted a series of extensive live-fire military exercises in the Taiwan Strait. These PRC military actions occurred as Taiwan was engaged in its first-ever direct, popular presidential election. The United States responded to this PRC military intimidation by deploying two aircraft-carrier battle groups in the waters near Taiwan—the largest concentration ofAmerican naval power in East Asia since the Vietnam War. This was the first Sino-U.S. military confrontation since the one involving Vietnam in the late 1960s; faced with superior U.S. forces, the PRC backed down and an international crisis was averted. What led to this PRC saber-rattling? What objectives was the PRC trying to achieve by these threats of force? Why did the United States decide to intervene against these acts of military intimidation? What is the significance of the 1996 crisis and the consequence ofAmerican intervention? How has democratization in Taiwan affected Taiwan-China and Taiwan-U.S. relations? These are among the many issues that John Garver painstakingly examines in Face Off: China, the United States, and Taiwan's Democratization. According to Garver's analysis, two major sets of grievances prompted Beijing to commence large-scale military exercises to intimidate Taiwan (p. 13 ). One was concerned with recent shifts in U.S. policy toward Taiwan: President Bill Clinton's decision in May 1995 to issue a visa permitting Taiwan president Lee Teng-hui to visit his alma mater, Cornell University, was seen by Beijing as a clear and major violation of "explicit commitments" by the United States on the Taiwan question—such as the "One China" policy. The other was concerned with Taiwan's domestic developments and external behavior. The steady process of democratization and the transformation of Taiwan's ruling elite and polity on the one hand and its "pragmatic diplomacy" and growing international status on the other indicated to Beijing that Taiwan was moving closer to independence and further away from unification with the PRC. According to Garber, "The drastic measures of 1996 were, in large part, an© 1999 by University effort to abort this process" (p. 14). ofHawai'i PressRightly or wrongly, PRC leaders at first believed that they could strike a deal with Taiwan's autocratic KMT rulers, Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo, on the matter ofTaiwan's unification with China. Democratic change Reviews 119 in Taiwan thus created a major problem for the PRC—for Beijing could no longer expect to reach a setdement that might totally ignore the wishes of the people ofTaiwan. The death of Chiang Ching-kuo and the political ascendancy of Lee Teng-hui presented new worries for Beijing: although a member of the KMT, Lee is an ethnic Taiwanese and seems to have weaker ties to the mainland than the Chiangs. The PRC leaders were especially incensed by an interview Lee gave in 1994 to a Japanese writer, Ryotaro Shiba, in which Lee (1) stated that Taiwan must belong to the people ofTaiwan, (2) called the KMT regime in Taiwan "an alien regime," and (3) castigated the post-1945 KMT rule in Taiwan as "a period of oppression and darkness for the people ofTaiwan" (p. 24). When Lee used the Old Testament story of Moses leading the Hebrew people out of slavery in Egypt to imply his self-conceived mission for Taiwan, PRC analysts equated Egypt with China and concluded that Lee intended to lead the people ofTaiwan out ofChina (p. 24). Under Lee, Taiwan has also endeavored to reverse its diplomatic isolation by taking a series ofinitiatives to seek greater international recognition. Under the term "pragmatic diplomacy," Taiwan established diplomatic ties with several states that had already recognized the PRC, compelling Beijing to sever relations with them. From 1993 on, Taiwan began knocking on the...

The trade war between the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) has attracted world attention because it was predicted to affect the global economy. The trade war started with the United States implementing high import tariffs on PRC products, to which the PRC then responded with similar actions. The application of this tariff is a response to the trade deficit that occurred to the United States in its trade with China. The United States' trade deficit with China has existed since 1989. Meanwhile, in 2017, the United States and China agreed to implement a 100-day plan aimed at opening up and expanding trade between the two countries. Thus, the question in this research is "Why did the United States launch a trade war against the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 2018?". The theory used in this research is trade expectations theory. The data sources are official United States government documents, World Bank reports and various journals related to this theme. This paper aims to analyze the causes of the United States launching a trade war against the PRC in 2018. The result of this research is The United States launched a trade war against the PRC was because of the United States' negative expectations of the PRC which made the United States choose war against the PRC even though there was high dependence between the two countries. Negative expectations of the United States were assessed by trade deficit aspect, foreign investment aspect, employment and unemployment rate, and public opinion.

East Asia is facing many security challenges from complicated regional issues. When East Asian countries cooperate to handle these issues, China's role is becoming more and more important. This study intends to explore what role China is playing in the security issues related to geopolitics, regional integration and North Korean nuclear programs. At present the United States and its regional allies are casting doubts over China's role in terms of geopolitics and regional integration. The sense of distrust results from ”structural” problems-power structure competitions and political system divergence. Due to different political values, geopolitical considerations and economic interests, the United States and its regional allies take cautious attitudes toward the rise of China. Should China want to reduce the suspicions from the United States and Asian countries, China may need to adopt cooperative approach to manage its territorial disputes with neighboring states peacefully and to play a positive role in the process of handling North Korean nuclear issues. More importantly, China needs to move to a transparent political system and a market-based economic regime-a step that would help China to promote its position role in the region.

Reviewed by: China in International Society Since 1949: Alienation and Beyond Yafeng Xia (bio) Yongjin Zhang . China in International Society Since 1949: Alienation and Beyond. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998. viii, 345 pp. Hardcover $69.95 , ISBN 0-312-21540-1. Since the early 1980s, scholars have been introducing different approaches to the study of Chinese foreign policy. Utilizing the "international society" model associated with the English school as his theoretical framework, Yongjin Zhang has written a fine book on the international relations of the People's Republic of China (PRC). This is a continuation of his endeavor to interpret China's international behavior in the tumultuous world of twentieth-century politics, begun in his 1991 book China in the International System, 1918-1920: The Middle Kingdom at the Periphery. "The central argument of this study," Zhang declares of the work under review here, "is essentially a simple one. The international relations of the People's Republic of China is a saga of the isolation-alienation-socialisation-integration of China in international society since 1949. This saga is the continuation of a historical search by both China and the wider world for mutual accommodation" (p. 244 ). Zhang challenges the conventional wisdom that China was in isolation from the international system during much of the Cold War. He contends that China did not isolate itself, but rather was alienated from international society. To Zhang, "alienation" means that cordial relations between states "have been broken and friendly feelings toward each other have been turned into bitterness and hostility" (p. 44). "Alienation," therefore, is often accompanied by "violent confrontations and conflicts" (p. 45). Zhang advances a clear thesis that he develops consistently throughout his analysis. He discusses in detail the five stages of China's gradual alienation from international society, starting in 1949, when the PRC, as a revolutionary state, was mistrusted by the United States, which took measures to alienate the emerging new regime in Beijing from the international community. The United States adopted a policy of nonrecognition of "Red China" and urged its Western allies to take the same position. The second phase was dominated by the Korean War, which "created lasting enmity and apprehension between the two nations." The United States instituted a full trade embargo against the PRC and blocked its membership in the United Nations. The PRC was further alienated from an international society dominated by the United States. The third phase was "marked by crises and border wars in and around the PRC" (p. 53). The two Taiwan Strait crises in 1954-1955 and 1958, the Tibetan rebellion in 1959, and the Sino-Indian border war in 1962 only served to alienate the Beijing regime further from international society at a time when many regarded the PRC as an expansionist power. The fourth phase was dominated by the Sino-Soviet [End Page 495] polemics of the 1960s, which ended with the PRC's alienation from the Soviet bloc. This process came to a climax in the late 1960s during the Chinese Cultural Revolution when the PRC "called for and set out to establish an international united front against both superpowers, urging revolutionary changes to the international system" (p. 57). Thus, the author argues, the period from 1949-1970 "was characterized by the exclusion, more than seclusion, of China from the universal international organisations and international institutions" (p. 57). As international society refused to accord the PRC legitimacy as a normal player in the system of states, Beijing constantly posed itself as a challenge to the existing international system. Just as Zhang attributes China's alienation largely to "systemic factors," he claims that the de-alienation of China in international society since the early 1970s has depended "as much on the systemic changes as on the changing orientation of China's international policies" (p. 58). As the international system became more accommodating to the adversarial relationships between ideologically hostile power blocs, China's perception of changes in the international system led China to reconsider its international strategy. Structural change at the United Nations brought China into the world organization, thus beginning the acceptance of China into international society. China's de...

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) mainly exports labor-intensive manufacturing products, especially textile and apparel, which face fierce international competition. The PRC’s trade is also unevenly distributed, which has led to trade frictions with the United States (US). Given this situation, four factors (challenges) are important for the future of the PRC’s trade: membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO); Sino-US trade relations, which will affect the PRC’s access to the US market and conditions for entering WTO; phasing-out of the Multi-Fibre Arrangement (MFA); and antidumping, a trade policy instrument that makes the PRC’s exports especially vulnerable because of the use of surrogate countries. In the near future the PRC should still be able to obtain reasonable market access because most countries except the US have already given the PRC unconditional most favored nation (MFN) status. A US withdrawal of the PRC’s MFN status will lead to trade wars and is unlikely to happen under normal circumstances. The PRC will not suffer much from the MFA phasing-out because benefits of the agreement are heavily back loaded and will not materialize until years later. Setting up the PRC’s own antidumping regulations is a good strategic move to deter possible abuse of antidumping by other countries.

Ending the Strategic Holiday:U.S. Grand Strategy and a “Rising” China Christopher A. Ford (bio) Ashley J. Tellis Balancing Without Containment: An American Strategy for Managing China Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2014 ≈ 105 pp. [End Page 181] Ashley Tellis’s valuable new work, Balancing Without Containment: An American Strategy for Managing China, helps fill a lamentably empty niche in Western strategic writing about the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It is perhaps a shame that there are still such gaps remaining to be filled, but also a pleasure to see an able scholar make thoughtful suggestions. The United States’ Strategic Holiday Americans were not always bad at strategic thinking, but our strategic holiday as the post–Cold War “hyperpower” seems to have made us intellectually lazy. While Americans once sought to encourage the growth of the PRC’s power for strategic reasons, hoping to build up Beijing as a counterweight to the Soviet Union, we continued—in President Obama’s words—to “welcome China’s rise” long after the end of the Cold War.1 Many seem to have assumed that economic development would inevitably lead to China’s democratization, and indeed its Americanization. As President Bill Clinton put it, “our engagement with China is…the best way to advance our ideals. The more we bring China into the world, the more the world will bring freedom to China.”2 With the tides of history apparently on our side, there seemed to be little need for anything like strategy, nor even much need to have a China policy at all, except simply to embrace the PRC and “engage” with it at every level. Deep thinking was implicitly unnecessary, and indeed for some China experts even discussing the idea of a U.S. competitive strategy was a bad idea. The only way that things could really go wrong would be if the United States “made” China into an adversary by acting as if it might be one. For such thinkers, the answer [End Page 182] to any Sino-American problem was thus always simply to double down on the cure-all of soft-edged engagement. To be sure, a subset of American thinking about China cast the PRC’s rise more darkly, warning about the implications if the Communist authoritarian oligarchy in Beijing were to continue to amass power. For years, however, many of these warnings seemed to echo too strongly of Cold War concepts and military prescriptions to be taken very seriously by mainstream leaders, who were well aware that whatever the rising PRC was, it was not the same thing as the old Soviet Union. All in all, neither the engagers nor the hawks offered much strategic thinking. This is clearly a problem, however, since it is increasingly recognized that the United States’ relationship with China partakes of elements of both cooperation and competition. How are we to cooperate and compete with the PRC at the same time? Engage and Compete Ashley Tellis’s new book does much to meet this need for prescriptive strategic analysis. Indeed, its ambition is nothing less than to provide a full-blown competitive strategy with which the United States can hope to answer the challenges of China’s rise, yet without forgoing the great benefits that economic interdependence and globalization can still provide. As the title of the book suggests, Tellis promotes a notion of “balancing” that is neither uncritical engagement nor Cold War–style oppositionalism. Equating “containment” with “cutting off ties with Beijing and urging China’s neighbors to do the same,” Tellis sensibly argues that taking this approach vis-à-vis China today is “politically, economically, and practically unthinkable” (p. ix). At the same time, he is also adamant that simply continuing along the well-trodden path of relatively uncritical engagement is unwise. The United States badly needs a real strategy vis-à-vis China in order to preserve both its own interests and those of the prosperity-engendering global order that U.S. hegemony has underwritten for so long. Tellis calls for a strategy tailored to the circumstances of modern globalization, one that shuns easy analogies to the Cold War but is unabashedly competitive nonetheless. In...

The Future of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank: Concerns for Transparency and Governance

After the Second World War, a bipolar world, known as the Cold War Era, has been clearly formed between the Western Bloc and Communist Bloc while the United States and the Soviet Union at the peak on each side. In Eastern Europe, the United States was restrained and felt helpless about Soviet expansion in this area with the perception of Yalta system. On the other hand, in Asia, with the breakdown of talks, an all-out war resumed. A Chinese civil war fought between Kuomintang (also as KMT or Chinese National Party) and Chinese Communist Party (CCP). At the end of 1948, KMT has occupied the inferior position. In the early period of 1949, CCP forces crossed the Yangtze River and successfully captured Nanking, the capital of KMT’s Republic of China (PRC) government. On October 1, 1949, Mao Zedong proclaimed the People’s Republic of China (PRC) with its capital at Beiping, which was renamed Beijing. Chiang Kai-shek and millions of Nationalist Chinese retreated from mainland China to the island of Taiwan. Confronted with the CCP takeover of mainland China, the United States came to reformulate its China Policy which later marked a turning point in Sino-American relationship during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950. In June 1948, the leader of Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, was officially denounced and his party, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), was ejected as a member of the Cominform by the Soviet Union. Since the West branded Tito a Soviet puppet for his loyalty and constancy of faith to Stalinism, the Tito-Stalin Split presented a whole new realm of possibilities to the United States for its dilemma in china—“Chinese Titoism.” With the influence of Stilwell Incident over Sino-American relationship and the facts of Tito-Stalin Split, Truman made an about-face change to U.S. China Policy in 1949. By the early 1949, the Truman Administration has already been making plans to diverge from Chiang and his KMT such as the publication of China White Paper; at the same time, Truman Administration keeping making chances to have conversations with the CCP. By meeting and negotiating with the CCP officials, Truman Administration attempted to disunite Communist China and the Soviet Union, expected Mao to be the “Asian Tito,” and then Communist China can joint forces with the United States to fight against the Soviet Union, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. Until the outbreak of Korean War in June 1950, the United States finally realized that what it faced is hostile china along with the Sino-Soviet partnership. By applying Graham T. Allison’s three decision-making models, namely, the Rational Actor Model (RAM), the Organizational Behavior Model (OBM), and the Governmental Politics Model (GPM) as the theoretical structure and basis, the thesis would step by step explore the decision-making process of Truman Administration in engaging China to counter the threat from the Soviet Union during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950 through the perspectives of the rational assessment and choice on national interest, struggles between/among organizations based on different target and organizational culture, and pulling, hauling and bargaining games among relative bureaucrats. In addition, the thesis also applied the principles from Alexander L. George’s book, Presidential Decision-making in Foreign Policy, to aim at examining how President Truman’s, who has the final say, character, personality, value and world views made effect in the decision-making process of the target case study. In the process of theory confirming, the thesis discovered that by the period of transformation of Chinese regimes in 1949, the Tito-Stalin Split of 1948 presented the United States a new inspiration for the Communist World, that is, the Eastern Bloc is not a rigid “Iron Curtain.” Truman Administration considered that Titoism may set its roots upon China, the Yugoslav-Soviet Conflict could be a replay situation that occurred in mainland China, and both would put the strategic thought—Engaging China to counter the Soviet Threat—into practice. Nevertheless, from the historical perspectives, this kind of strategic thought seemed over-optimistic, which did not conform to fully rational considerations. However, with regard to the background of the early Cold War Era and the suspicion between the Truman Administration and KMT, the alternative that the United States took reflected the principles of “bounded rationality model.” As a result, by examining the decision-making process of Truman Administration in engaging China to counter the threat from the Soviet Union during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950, what the thesis explored not only the facts about the Sino-American relationship in this period, but also the continuity and change of Truman’s China Policy along with its cause and effect.