Book review: Ray Dalio, Principles for Dealing with the Changing World Order: Why Nations Succeed and Fail, 2021

Today’s foreign policy formulae need soft power as an essential dimension. On one hand, China has institutionalized soft power, recognizing its potential to counter American global influence. Meanwhile, India is continuing to follow its long tradition of cultural engagement with the rest of the world, as it has down the ages, with some greater governmental inputs and initiatives. Indian culture has a ‘visa’ since olden days that permeates willing borders. Regardless of intentions, Indian and Chinese soft power will play a significant role in shaping foreign policies of the two countries set to lead the ‘changing world order’. It is also interesting to observe that the world since ancient times innately desires knowledge about Indian traditions. On the Chinese front, the globe rather has an added business dimension of interest in getting to know about the world’s largest economy. In an era of rising nationalism, it remains to be seen if political foreign policy will affect the sending out and receiving of soft power schemes. However, the ‘changing world order’ cannot be governed by economic and strategic elements alone. It will be studied, whether in an age of technology and visual gratification, if India and China can balance political imperatives with cultural contours. The above factors will be analyzed to infer the impact of Indian and Chinese soft power and whether both countries are achieving their desired outcomes via soft power channels.

This introductory chapter aims to shed light on how tightly the EU and the liberal international order are entwined and discuss the likely impact on the EU of a changing and, most likely, less liberal world order. The chapter discusses the concept of order in international politics and analyses how the liberal order that emerged after WWII has effected the development of the EU. The chapter introduces the book’s interdisciplinary, holistic approach, and discusses how a changing world order is affecting the EU and how the EU, in turn, is trying to shape the emerging new order by recalibrating its policies and actions in various domains, ranging from its relations with the rest of the world, the relations among the member states and EU institutions as well as the impact of the EU’s current and future policies. Finally, the chapter highlights that the EU needs to actively defend the values and principles of liberal democracy in a changing world order.

Journal Article Recession, The Western Economies and the Changing World Order Get access Recession, The Western Economies and the Changing World Order. By LARS ANELL. (London: Frances Pinter, 1981. Pp. 181. £12.50.) Iain McNicoll Iain McNicoll University of Strathclyde Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Economic Journal, Volume 92, Issue 365, 1 March 1982, Pages 193–194, https://doi.org/10.2307/2232272 Published: 01 March 1982

Recession, the Western Economies and the Changing World Order Get access Recession, the Western Economies and the Changing World Order. By Lars Anell. London: Frances Pinter. 1981. 181 pp.£12.50. George C. Abbott George C. Abbott 1University of Glasgow Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 58, Issue 1, Winter 1981, Pages 129–130, https://doi.org/10.2307/2618292 Published: 01 January 1981

This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing world order. Fagersten argues that the EU is in many ways a product of the liberal order that has shaped international relations since 1945. But the liberal order is now being shaken to its foundations, as manifest in various ways in Europe. The author argues that the turbulence is leading to a fragmented world order in which cooperation among state and non-state actors is patchy and occurring in changing constellations. Furthermore, two overarching logics of interaction co-exist side by side: cooperation-oriented globalization and geopolitical competition, although they are affecting various policy areas in different ways. To determine how this fragmented world order is affecting the EU as a foreign and security policy actor, Fagersten develops an analytical framework that stipulates that a collective actor needs coherence (consensus), capacity (resources for pursuing policy), and context (a permissive setting).

This article will explore the impact of the changing world order on global religion. Specifically, it will analyze the challenges and opportunities that the upcoming post-American world order will have on Mormonism, which has been described as the quintessential American religion. In doing so the article will answer the question: How can an America-centric church become a global faith in a post-American world? This will be accomplished by looking at Mormon theology, as well as policy and practice of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, including recent challenges it has had in Russia. By merging literature from international relations and religious studies, this article will be able to better understand the interplay between the changing world order and the abilities of global religions to operate within them. As the world order changes, global faiths will have to change as well. For Mormonism, these changes are daunting but not impossible, and they are already taking place.

The beginning of a special military operation in Ukraine is accompanied by assumptions about the beginning of the formation of a new world order and the revival of its bipolar character. The article draws attention to the fact that the world community is at the stage of self-organization, which gives it the property of a single system, all the elements of which are interconnected and interdependent in real time. These properties of the system are accompanied by an increase in the pace of development and compression of historical time. In these conditions, there is an objective need to build international relations on the basis of mutual trust and mutual responsibility, compliance with certain rules of moral behavior of states while maintaining uneven development and a competitive environment. The trend of spreading the practice of using legally non-formalized obligations and rules of conduct is shown by concrete examples. The analysis of the historically formed features of the use of the factor by self-organizations of China, the USA, European states and Russia is given. Based on this analysis, their behavior is predicted in the near future. Attention is drawn to the manifestation of some trends in the changing world order. They are connected with the self-organization of states both on a regional basis and on the basis of common interests aimed at creating favorable conditions for their development. This trend corresponds to the formation of the world community in the form of a single system consisting of interconnected and overlapping structural associations of states. It is noted that by now Humanity, as non-equilibrium system, is in a critical state. Either it will move into a new state, harmoniously existing on the planet Earth, or at the point of bifurcation it will receive a different impulse that can put the final point in the existence of Humanity.

After the ‘unipolar moment’ of the 1990s, the emerging multipolar world order has brought a new environment for regional organisations, which they are adjusting to. Mercosur and Visegrad Group, with semi-peripheral member states, are both categorised as intermediate regions with close institutionalised and cultural links to the Western world, while structural political and economic features distinguish them from the core regions. Carrying out a comparative analysis, the article’s research question is: How have leadership, objectives and actorness changed in the case of Mercosur and Visegrad Group since 2000 as a response to the changing world order? A case study analysis explains the similarities and differences between Mercosur’s and Visegrad Group’s responses to and performance in the changing world order. Criticisms towards the traditional partners, shifting agendas, a search for alternatives beyond the Western model of market democracy and building links with emerging partners are the most essential similarities of Mercosur’s and Visegrad Group’s responses.

If the term ‘Cooperative Security’ is rarely used in European Union (EU) parlance, it is at the heart of the EU’s approach to security as expressed in its 2003 European Security Strategy (ESS), together with its comprehensive or holistic nature and its emphasis on conflict prevention. First of all, and traditionally perhaps, Cooperative Security is pursued in what the EU calls its ‘Neighbourhood’: ‘Our task is to promote a ring of wellgoverned countries to the East of the European Union and on the borders of the Mediterranean with whom we can enjoy close and cooperative relations’, says the ESS. The EU pursues this via a strategy of positive conditionality: partnership and access to European markets are to stimulate security cooperation and political, social and economic reforms, thus spreading the EU’s model and values. Cooperative Security and comprehensive or holistic security are thus two sides of the same coin. More recent is the extension of Cooperative Security at the global level, under the guise of ‘effective multilateralism’: ‘We need to pursue our objectives both through multilateral cooperation in international organizations and through partnerships with key actors’, according to the ESS, which calls for ‘Strategic Partnerships’ with ‘all those who share our goals and values and are prepared to act in their support’. This extension of the approach at the global level goes hand in hand with the EU’s slow but steady development as a global actor, and is provoked by the current global environment. Marked by increasing multipolarity, i.e. the rise of ‘emerging’ or ‘re-emerging’ global actors, the ‘changing world order’ creates a sense of urgency. These powers include Brazil, Russia, India and China, commonly known as the BRIC’s, as well as other States with a global scope in one or more policy areas. For Cooperative Security and multilateralism to work and peaceful resolution of disputes to continue, these States too, many of which have a very different model and values from that of the EU, have to be integrated and socialized into the web of regimes, treaties and institutions. The world is not just increasingly multipolar, it is also characterized by increasing interdependence between the poles, which ought to facilitate cooperation. Although other global actors often have different worldviews and competing objectives, all are increasingly interlinked economically, and all are confronted with the same

This introduction to the roundtable “The Responsibility to Protect in a Changing World Order: Twenty Years since Its Inception” argues that the geostrategic configuration that made the responsibility to protect (RtoP) possible has changed beyond recognition in the twenty years since its inception.

The purpose of this book is to examine the ways in which France’s relations with the international community have evolved in a period of accelerating globalisation. It considers the role of the nation state and its capacity for political initiative, examining French strategies to consolidate French influence on the world stage. It questions whether an intermediary country such as France can continue to ‘punch above its weight’ in a changing world order. Thus, the book considers France both as a passive and an active actor. In other words, as well as assessing the impact of globalisation on France, it addresses French strategies to avert unwelcome outcomes and to deepen global developments by reinforcing French influence and policy preferences around the world.KeywordsEuropean UnionUnited NationsSecurity CouncilPath DependencyCommon Agricultural PolicyThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

The paper aims to analyse Hungary’s evolving foreign policy in a changing world order since the politico-economic regime change of the early 1990s, but with the main focus on relations with the member states of the BRICS group since the initiation of Hungary’s ‘Global Opening’ policy in 2011. As such, the paper aims to offer a comparative overview of Hungary’s engagements with the five core members of the BRICS. By following the theory of poles and paying attention to the changing world order, Hungary’s foreign policy is critically examined to pave the way for a geopolitical analysis of bilateral relations with the BRICS members. Trade, security and soft power (culture and education) will be analysed in more depth and scrutiny.

Russian Abstract: В статье анализируется место Китая в контексте глобальной истории эпидемий, представления западных наблюдателей о причинах возникновения опасных инфекций на территории этой страны, а также меняющаяся роль Китая в рамках изменяющегося мирового порядка. Рассматривается продолжительный период истории от вспышки бубонной чумы в Гонконге в 1894 г. до пандемии коронавирусной инфекции, начавшейся в конце 2019 г. в Ухане. В контексте глобальной истории эпидемий Китай долгое время воспринимался как страна с неэффективными механизмами управления. В первые два десятилетия ХХ в. Китай уверенно превратился в страну с могущественной экономикой и эффективной административно-политической системой. В статье делается вывод о том, что очередной мировой кризис, который символизирует данная пандемия, не только укрепит позиции Китая на международной арене, но будет способствовать изменению мирового порядка, в котором Китай займет место одного из главных центров силы в XXI в. English Abstract: The article is analyzed the place of China in a context of a global history of epidemics, representations of the western observers about the reasons of occurrence of dangerous infections in territory of this country, and changing role of China within the limits of a changing world order. The long period of history from the outbreak of the bubonic plague in Hong Kong in 1894 to the pandemic of coronavirus infection that began in late 2019 in Wuhan is considered. In the context of the global history of epidemics, China was long perceived as having poor governance mechanisms. In the first two decades of the 20th century, China confidently became a country with a powerful economy and an efficient administrative and political system. The article concludes that the current world crisis, which symbolizes this pandemic, will not only strengthen China's position on the international arena, but will contribute to changing the world order, where China will take its place as one of the main centers of power in the XXI century.

How are small states managing the shift under way in the global economic and political order from the USA and Europe towards other regions, especially Asia? In the International Relations literature, there is a tendency to focus on the great powers — they set the scene, and the small states have to adjust, and therefore their different national political characteristics, values and preferences are not seen as having a strong influence. Being small is seen as an inherent disadvantage in international politics, but are there also advantages? Analyzing how Danish foreign policy, especially the Danish approach to the BRICs, has developed in recent years, I show how Denmark — a small state — is trying to maneuver in the changing world order through a “creative agency” approach.2

Gould, W. T. S. and Findlay, A. M. (eds), "Population Migration and the Changing World Order" (Book Review)