Bidirectional interactions between L1 and L2 gender systems

Aims and Objectives: We investigate whether the cognate facilitation and gender congruency effects observed in previous bilingualism research extend to pronoun production. The aim is to examine these effects in bilinguals’ L1 as a function of L2 proficiency. Design/Methodology/Approach: Fifty late, unbalanced Polish-German bilinguals completed a pronoun production task, in which they produced third-person singular pronouns in their L1 Polish in response to visually presented Polish bare nouns. The stimulus set included 132 inanimate nouns, manipulated for cognateness and cross-linguistic gender congruency. Participants also completed a control gender assignment task and a background questionnaire. L2 proficiency was measured using the Dialang test. Data and Analysis: We analysed participants’ response times in L1 Polish using linear mixed-effects models. Trials involving nouns with unknown gender in L2 German were excluded from the analysis. Findings/Conclusions: Pronoun production in bilinguals’ L1 was not affected by cognateness with the L2. However, we found a significant gender congruency effect in the L1, with faster responses to nouns congruent in gender with L2 German than to incongruent ones. This effect was limited to masculine and feminine nouns and decreased with increasing L2 proficiency. In addition, we observed a main effect of gender, with facilitated pronoun production for the feminine gender relative to the masculine and neuter genders. Originality: The study is the first to explore whether lexical cognate and gender effects in bilingual language production extend beyond nouns to agreeing elements such as pronouns. It also contributes to the underexplored areas of bilinguals’ L1 production and L2 effects on L1. Significance/Implications: The findings provide novel evidence that pronoun production depends on the lexico-syntactic, but not the formal, properties of the antecedent noun. Moreover, the results demonstrate stronger cross-language activation in the L1 at lower L2 proficiency levels, offering support for parasitic models of the bilingual mental lexicon.

Three experiments demonstrate gender congruency effects (i.e., naming times of a picture are faster when the name of the target picture and a distractor noun are gender congruent) in Czech. In the first experiment, subjects named the pictures by producing gender-marked demonstrative pronouns and a noun. In the second and third experiments, subjects produced a gender-marked numeral (marked with a suffix) plus a noun. Two types of such suffixes exist in Czech. Some numerals vary in nominative singular with gender, others do not. The results show significant gender congruency effects in all experiments. They suggest that gender congruency effects can be obtained not only with free, but also with bound morphemes. In the second and third experiment the effect only emerged when the suffix was gender-marked (as opposed to gender-invariant), supporting the view that the gender congruency effect is due to competition at the level of phonological forms rather than at the grammatical level.

Grammatical gender as a lexico-syntactic feature has been well explored, and the gender congruency effect has been observed in many languages (e.g., Dutch, German, Croatian, Czech, etc.). Yet, so far, this effect has not been found in Romance languages such as Italian, French, and Spanish. It has been argued that the absence of the effect in Romance languages is due the fact that the gender-marking definite article is not exclusively dependent on the grammatical gender of the head noun, but also on its onset phonology (e.g., lo zucchero is ‘the sugar’ in Italian, not il zucchero, il being the default masculine determiner in Italian). For Spanish, this argument has also been made because feminine words starting with a stressed /a/ take the masculine article (e.g., el água is ‘the water’, not la água). However, the number of words belonging to that set is rather small in Spanish, and it may be questionable whether or not this feature can be taken as an argument for the absence of a gender congruency effect in Spanish. In this study, we investigated the gender congruency effect in native Spanish noun phrase production. We measured 30 native Spanish speakers’ naming latencies in four conditions via the picture–word interference paradigm by manipulating gender congruency (i.e., gender-congruent vs. gender-incongruent) and semantic relatedness (i.e., semantically related vs. semantically unrelated). The results revealed significantly longer naming latencies in gender-incongruent and semantically related conditions compared to gender-congruent and semantically unrelated conditions. This result suggests that grammatical gender as a lexico-syntactic feature in Spanish is used to competitively select determiners in native Spanish speakers’ noun phrases. Our findings provide an important behavioral piece of evidence for the gender congruency effect in Romance languages.

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Previous research has shown that bilinguals process nouns that have the same grammatical gender in their two languages faster than nouns that differ in gender between L1 and L2. This finding, referred to as the gender congruency effect, has so far only been documented in L2. Hence, the aim of the present study was to examine whether late unbalanced bilinguals would also show gender congruency effects in their L1. To that end, 44 L1 Polish/L2 German bilinguals were tested in a gender decision task in Polish, which included gender-congruent and gender-incongruent nouns. The results revealed a robust gender congruency effect in L1, which was limited to bilinguals with very high L2 proficiency. This indicates that bilinguals activate grammatical gender information in L2 when accessing gender in L1, providing that they are highly proficient in L2. More broadly, the study demonstrates that foreign language knowledge can affect native language performance in exclusively native contexts. Finally, as a first attempt to examine grammatical gender access in Polish, this study shows that feminine gender is accessed faster compared to masculine and neuter, suggesting that the ending -a is the most reliable gender cue in Polish.

Ongoing debate exists regarding the role of production-based versus comprehension-based training for L2 learning. However, recent research suggests an advantage for production training due to benefits stemming from the opportunity to compare generated output with feedback and from the memory mechanisms associated with language production. Based on recent findings with an artificial language paradigm, we investigated the effects of production-based and comprehension-based training for learning grammatical gender among beginning L2 German learners. Participants received production-based or comprehension-based training on grammatical gender assignment and gender agreement between determiners, adjectives, and 15 German nouns, followed by four tasks targeting the comprehension and production of the target nouns and their corresponding gender marking on determiners and adjectives. Both groups were equally accurate in comprehending and producing the nouns. For tasks requiring knowledge of grammatical gender, the production-based group outperformed the comprehension-based group on both comprehension and production tests. These findings demonstrate the importance of language production for creating robust linguistic representations and have important implications for classroom instruction.

ABSTRACTTo investigate cross-linguistic lexical and syntactic influences in grammatical gender in early bilingualism, we tested 12 simultaneous, 12 early successive bilingual Russian-German children, and 15 monolingual German children aged 8–9 years. An elicited production task in German shows that all bilingual children assign target gender to nouns, irrespective of whether nouns belong to the same (gender-congruent) or different gender class in German and Russian. In visual-world eye tracking, we tested whether children use gender marking on German articles or adjectives to anticipate upcoming nouns. Like monolingual children, simultaneous bilingual children made predictive use of gender irrespective of gender congruency. In contrast, the successive bilingual children showed predictive gender processing only for lexically congruent nouns. We argue that the asynchronous acquisition of the L2 in successive bilinguals implicates that L2 gender is first accessed through the L1 lexicon. In contrast, syntactic differences between Russian and German gender do not affect early bilingual processing.

The aim of the study was to explore the nature of the gender-congruency effect, characterized by a facilitation on the processing of congruent words in grammatical gender. Moreover, we explored whether resemblances between gender identities and gender attitudes with grammatical gender modulated lexical processing. We designed a gender-priming paradigm in Spanish, in which participants decided the gender of a masculine or feminine pronoun preceded by three different primes: biological gender nouns (mapping biological sex), stereotypical nouns (mapping biological and stereotypical information), and epicene nouns (arbitrary gender assignment). We found faster processing of gender congruent pronouns independently of the type of prime, showing that the grammatical gender feature is active even when processing bare nouns that are not conceptually related to gender. This indicates that the gender-congruency effect is driven by the activation of the gender information at the lexical level, which is transferred to the semantic level. Interestingly, the results showed an asymmetry for epicene primes: the gender-congruency effect was smaller for epicene primes when preceding the feminine pronoun, probably driven by the grammatical rule of the masculine being the generic gender. Furthermore, we found that masculine oriented attitudes can bias language processing diminishing the activation of feminine gender, which ultimately could overshadow the female figure.

The mechanisms underlying grammatical gender selection in language production: A meta-analysis of the gender congruency effect

In Dutch noun phrases like “het boek” (the book) or “de kat” (the cat), the definite article (het or de) depends on the noun's grammatical gender (neuter or non-neuter). Schriefers reported that the production of a noun phrase like “het rode bed” (“the red bed”) in response to a colored picture takes less time when the picture is accompanied by a distractor word of congruent gender (e.g., “huis,” a het-word) than when it is accompanied by a word of incongruent gender (e.g., “hand,” a de-word). In three experiments we explored the characteristics of this gender-congruency effect. The following conclusions were reached. First, the gender-congruency effect is a rather robust phenomenon. Second, with the exception of a small effect in Exp. 2, no evidence was obtained for a gender-congruency effect when subjects were required to produce a single noun in response to a picture (e.g., “bed”). Third, the gender-congruency effect decreases with a decreasing familiarity of the distractor word. Implications for models of word production are discussed.

ABSTRACTIn formal gender languages, all nouns have grammatical gender, regardless of whether their referents have a biological sex. The question of whether the grammatical gender affects how the denoted entities are conceptualised is subject to ongoing debate. Here, we investigate the extent to which a gender congruency effect emerges for three categories of nouns, with a particular focus on generic nouns (or epicenes). In two experiments and two replications with native speakers of German, we used an implicit measure to test possible associations of nouns with biological sex. These experiments revealed a stable gender congruency effect for congruent animates, and a weaker effect for generic animates and non-animates. In a fifth experiment, we combined the implicit measure with an explicit measure and contrasted items that have strong versus weak associations with biological sex. The results indicate that the congruency effect is driven by item-specific associations rather than by grammatical gender.

This study investigates grammatical gender processing in multilingual visual word recognition, focusing on the cross-linguistic gender congruency effect, which has only been studied in bilingual contexts. The study explores which language – L1 or L2 – has a stronger influence on gender processing in L3, and whether there is a cumulative effect of L1 and L2 on L3. Thirty-one adult L1 Polish learners of L3 Spanish (elementary proficiency) and L2 German (upper-intermediate to advanced proficiency) completed a primed lexical decision task and a go/no-go gender decision task in their L3 Spanish. The results reveal a consistent gender congruency effect with L1 but not with L2, even after controlling for participants’ knowledge of gender in L2. These results suggest that when L3 is not typologically related to L1 or L2, L1 has a dominant influence on gender processing in L3. The findings are interpreted in terms of the stability of gender representations in L1 versus L2, and are further discussed in relation to the parasitic model of vocabulary acquisition.

We investigated the effects of grammatical and stereotypical gender information on the comprehension of human referent role nouns among bilinguals of a grammatical (French) and a natural gender language (English). In a sentence evaluation paradigm, participants judged the acceptability of a gender-specific sentence referring to either a group ofwomenormenfollowing a sentence containing the plural form of a role noun female (e.g., social workers), male (e.g., surgeons) or neutral (e.g., musicians) in stereotypicality. L1 French and L1 English bilinguals were tested both in French and English. The results showed that bilinguals construct mental representations of gender associated with the language of the task they are engaged in, shifting representations as they switch languages. Specifically, in French, representations were male-dominant (i.e., induced by the masculine form), whereas in English, they were stereotype-based. Furthermore, the results showed that the extent to which representations shifted was modulated by participants’ proficiency in their L2, with highly proficient L2 participants resembling native speakers of the L2 and less proficient L2 participants being influenced more by their native language.

Aims and objectives: The current study examines the role of grammatical and positional parallelism on ambiguous German pronoun resolution in monolingual speakers and highly proficient L2 speakers with L1 Georgian. In particular, the study asks whether an object pronoun ihn in a sentence initial position could refer to the non-subject antecedent in a preceding subject–verb–object sentence. Furthermore, it investigates whether L1 and L2 speakers show similar preferences when resolving ambiguous object pronouns. Methodology: Two visual world eye-tracking and two offline experiments were conducted with L1 and L2 speakers of German. During the eye-tracking session, the task was simply to look and listen, while in the offline test, participants were required to decide on the assumed referent of the ambiguous pronoun. Data and analysis: Linear-mixed effect models were applied to the eye-movement data. Two-sample t tests were used in the analysis of the offline data. Findings and conclusions: Eye-movement results revealed a bias toward the subject antecedent in L1 speakers, while the L2 speakers showed a non-subject preference when resolving the referent of the object pronoun. The offline experiments supported the eye-tracking findings of both groups, particularly as regards the role of grammatical parallelism in the resolution of ambiguous pronouns by the L2 speakers. These findings are interpreted in the context of language-specific processing strategies in anaphora resolution. It appears that L1 and L2 speakers may be using different information-structural cues to resolve ambiguous pronouns. Concretely, a less strongly internalized knowledge of the target language or the influence of the first language may produce alternative processing mechanisms in L2 speakers. Originality: This study fills the research gap on ambiguous object pronoun resolution of L1 and L2 speakers of German. Implications: The findings of this study add additional information to the growing body of research into pronoun resolution. It focuses on the resolution of the German object pronoun within an information-structural framework of language processing in L1 and L2.

The scope of grammatical gender in Spanish: Transference to the conceptual level