Beyond Mimicry: Military Isomorphism and Context-Specific Security Approaches in the Gulf

International tax competition is a worldwide phenomenon that is intensified by globalization which is a process that eased the movement of highly mobile businesses. This work argues that, unlike the rest of the world where tax competition has existed since the 1980s, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states’ efforts to lure non-GCC entities to conduct business in the GCC’s oil-rich states (Kuwait, Bahrain, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, and Oman) have been emerging since 2000. In particular, this work examines the unprecedented shift in tax policies to halve the rates and introduce tax incentives in the GCC region. This work attempts to investigate three questions: (1) Has tax competition recently emerged in the GCC? (2) If so, who are GCC States trying to compete with? (3) What is and should be the GCC organization’s role in competition? To the best of this author’s knowledge, no literature has investigated these questions. This work is timely because GCC states have announced their official plans to further reduce corporate income tax (CIT) rates and offer more tax incentives in the near future. These are plans that ignore the ongoing global changes in tax policies that impair the success of these reforms. The findings of this work provide the foundation for future studies to debate whether tax competition in the GCC region is harmful and, if so, how to address it. Tax competition, Gulf Cooperation Council, GCC, tax incentives, tax rate.

Gulf Cooperation Council states: On the brink of HBV elimination.

The chapter focuses on the regulatory challenges and potential for the future growth of takaful products within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. Takaful is a contract that creates risk sharing obligations between participants, with monies pooled between participants in order to provide coverage for specified events. Cooperative and mutual entities are very similar in terms of their underlying principles; they have all grown within the fields of ethical investment and microfinance. One of the barriers to the growth of takaful within the GCC is the regulatory environment for shari’ah-compliant mutual and cooperative organizations that has been put in place. The challenge is to provide competitive products on commercial terms within the marketplace that meet regional financial service regulatory standards whilst adhering to principles of sharing and mutuality. There are significant barriers within the legal framework currently in place, most notably the lack of developed laws for cooperative and mutual structures and for trusts within the GCC states. The chapter (1) defines a cooperative and a mutual, as a point of comparison and analyses the compatibility of the same principles to shari’ah-compliant financial institutions; (2) studies the companies that may offer various regulated financial services products within the GCC states, with reference to capital requirements and corporate vehicles required by law; (3) considers various issues arising from a mutual model that is to be compatible with shari’ah-compliant principles and meet regulatory requirements; and (4) reflects the overall trends in terms of financial services legislation and practice within the GCC states and whether a move to encourage a mutual model within the financial services industry is feasible for the GCC states.

The purpose of the current study is to describe the prevalence and characteristics of antimicrobial stewardship programs (ASP) in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states to explore opportunities and overcome barriers to effective ASP implementation. A cross-sectional questionnaire survey was used to evaluate the current status of ASP: major stewardship components, barriers of implementation and program impact in acute care hospitals of GCC states. Forty-seven healthcare professionals responded from four GCC states, the majority from Saudi Arabia (81%). Twenty-nine (62%) participating hospitals had ASP in place. Of these established programs, 35 (75%) reported lack of funding and personnel as major barriers to program implementation. The top three objectives cited for the hospital ASP were to reduce resistance (72.3%), improve clinical outcomes (70.2%) and reduce costs (44.7%). The reported impact of existing ASP was reduction of inappropriate prescribing (68%), reduction of broad spectrum antibiotic use (63.8%), reduction of healthcare-associated infections (61.7%), reduction of length of stay or mortality metrics (59.6%), reduction in direct antibiotic cost (57.4%) and reduction of reported antibiotic resistance (55.3%). Survey participants from GCC states who have implemented ASP report significant impacts in the reduction of broad spectrum antibiotic use, hospital-acquired infection, inappropriate prescribing and antimicrobial resistance. These findings suggest a promising opportunity to enhance existing ASP through sharing of best practices and support the development of regional guidelines across GCC states.

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States and Sub-Saharan Africa:In Search of Influence, Security, and New Markets Michael B. Bishku (bio) Introduction The GCC was established in 1981 and includes the countries of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, and Bahrain. Saudi Arabia and the UAE currently have the most interactions with Sub-Saharan Africa (defined as those areas on the continent south of the Arab North African states located on the Mediterranean),1 while Bahrain has the least. Oman has historical connections with Africa's east coast, while Qatar has become more active on the continent especially since its rivalry with Saudi Arabia and the UAE heated up in 2017, due to Qatar's military ties with Turkey and the perception that it was too favorable in its dealings with Iran and Islamist organizations. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait (which received its independence from Britain in 1961), and the UAE became active on the African continent during the 1970s, especially following the 1973 Arab-Israeli War when many African countries broke off diplomatic relations with Israel over its continued occupation of Egypt's Sinai Peninsula captured as a result of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Qatar, the UAE, Bahrain received their independence from Britain in 1971, while the late-Sultan Qaboos of Oman was able to assume full control over his country's domestic and foreign policy [End Page 48] a year earlier, also from Britain. During the 1970s and 1980s, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the UAE were involved with providing developmental aid in Africa and even working for the same purpose as Libya's leader Muammar Qaddafi on the continent when activities were directed in garnering support for the Arab world in its conflict against Israel. Investment and increased trade as well as counteracting the activities of Iran's Islamic Republic in Africa have become more important for Saudi Arabia since then and, in more recent years for the UAE, which has surpassed the Saudis in those endeavors as well as in regarding Turkey as a rival for influence on the African continent. This article will review the connections and interactions of the GCC states in Sub-Saharan Africa, something that is need of more study. This is especially important given the increased activity on the continent during post-Cold War period in both security arrangements for protecting shipping lanes and in dealing with the threat of terrorist organizations and/or in economic arrangements on the part of both bigger powers such as the U.S., Russia, China, and France, middle powers such as Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Israel, India, and other countries with interests in the region such as the remainder of the Arab Gulf states. As scholars sometimes debate which countries to include in the category of middle powers, it is best to elaborate what might constitute such. A most succinct definition of a middle power is offered by Dong-min Shin: "…a state actor which has limited influence on deciding the distribution of power in a given regional system but is capable of deploying a variety of sources of power to change the position of great powers and to defend its own position on matters related to national or regional security that directly affect it."2 While greater attention is usually given by scholars of diplomatic history and international relations to the bigger powers, not enough is devoted to recognized middle powers and other countries seeking or on the verge of such status. Though there have been an increasing number of studies in recent years, especially [End Page 49] of Turkey's,3 Iran's,4 and Israel's5 activities in Africa, attention towards Saudi Arabia and the GCC states has been lagging behind; this article seeks to address that matter. The GCC States' Involvement in Africa during the Cold War Saudi Arabia's King Abdelaziz (also known as Ibn Saud) established diplomatic relations with Ethiopia's Haile Selassie in 1934 as his country was at the time one of only two independent states on the Arabian Peninsula, the other being Yemen. This was in part in response to fascist Italy's diplomatic moves in those two countries and...

Subject Nuclear power development in the Gulf. Significance Last month's nuclear agreement between Iran and the P5+1 (UN Security Council permanent members plus Germany) received the public backing of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states after a meeting between Gulf foreign ministers and US Secretary of State John Kerry on August 2. Yet GCC leaders remain concerned that the deal does not eliminate Iran's nuclear industry and fear that it will try to develop weapons capability. Several GCC states are advancing the development of civilian nuclear energy programmes, mainly to address rising domestic demand for electricity, but also with the regional rivalry with Iran in mind. Impacts Hydrocarbons will dominate the GCC power sector while subsidies remain. Nuclear expansion will increase regional security risks. The GCC envisages 20 nuclear reactors by 2030, producing 23 Gigawatts of electricity. Other GCC states will draw from the UAE's experience in pioneering nuclear development in the Gulf.

As a regional and international business hub, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states have an important role to play for business holders to ensure providing a welcoming environment for businesses and enterprises. This certainly includes protection of IPRs owned by business entities through advanced legislations, and serious enforcement. Meanwhile, legal issues and concerns of Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) are on the rise more than ever. The rapid technological developments put these rights under the imminent threat of infringement, leading to financial losses to right holders. Such losses have deeper impact when it comes to businesses and enterprises where IPRs are in fact a source of income. GCC states should therefore be concerned with securing protection of IPRs in order to maintain their position as an international and regional business hub. This protection ought to be achieved through advanced IP legislations and strong enforcement policy. At the same time, ensuring more protective measures for enterprises and businesses would minimize the risk of potential financial losses as a result of IP infringement. In search of possible ways to minimize such risks, insurance coverage comes across as a doctrine with potential advancement. Therefore, it is the aim of this paper to examine the intersection between insurance coverage and IPRs. It attempts to answer questions related to how an insurance policy can in fact be applied to save the interests of holders of IPRs. As the scope of IPRs is wide enough to include intellectual and industrial property, one needs to determine the types of IPRs that can be covered by an insurance policy. Despite the actual steps to unify laws of trademark and patents in the GCC states, its legislations remain silent as to the question of insurance of IPRs. Hence, in order to address these issues, this paper will first examine the legal position of IPRs in GCC legislations. This will be followed by examination of the applicable legal rules to insurance policies in the GCC. Consequently, intersection of the two systems requires identification of the types of IPRs that can legally be subject to insurance policies in addition to any potential legal complications which can be associated with it from the view point of insurance companies. Finally, the paper shall conclude by evaluating the current legal position and proposing a way forward.

12 Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Vol. XXXVIII, No.2, Winter 2015 Iran’s Relations with Persian Gulf Arab States—Implications for the United States Gawdat Bahgat* Iran’s Relations with Persian Gulf Arab States—Implications for the United States In his first press conference as the elected president Hassan Rouhani pledged good relations with neighboring countries, which he considered a main priority for his administration. The President stated, “The Persian Gulf has strategic importance both in terms of politics and economy.”1 Rouhani added, “Saudi Arabia is a brother and neighbor with which we have historic, cultural and geopolitical relations.”2 Attending the United Nations General Assembly meeting in New York a few months later, Rouhani presented a more moderate approach than his predecessor Ahmadinejad. The visit was followed by a significant interim agreement with global powers on the country’s nuclear program. Continuing this “charm offensive,” Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif visited four of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states (Kuwait, *Gawdat Bahgat is a professor of National Security Affairs at the National Defense University’s Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Study. He is an Egyptian-born specialist in Middle Eastern policy, particularly Egypt, Iran, and the Gulf region. His areas of expertise include energy security, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, counter-terrorism , Arab-Israeli conflict, North Africa, and American foreign policy in the Middle East. Bahgat’s career blends scholarship with national security practicing. Before joining NESA in December 2009, he taught at different universities. Bahgat published eight books including Energy Security (2011), International Political Economy (2010), Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in the Middle East (2007), Israel and the Persian Gulf (2006), and American Oil Diplomacy (2003). His work has been translated into several foreign languages. Bahgat served as an advisor to several governments and oil companies 1 Press TV, “Rouhani pledges constructive interaction with world via moderate policy,” available at http://www.presstv.com. Accessed June 17, 2013. 2 Alalam, “Rouhani vows confidence-building in foreign affairs,” available at http://en.alalam.ir/news/1485360. Accessed June 17, 2013. 13 Qatar, Oman and the United Arab Emirates) in December 2013. It is too early to assess the success or failure of Iran and its Arab neighboring states overcoming the deep-rooted mistrust and instead to engage in confidencebuilding measures. What is clear, however, is that sectarian and ethnic rivalry (and at times open hostility) has been a defining character in recent years of the Gulf region and indeed the broader Middle East. Geography and history have been the driving forces behind these love-hate relations between the Shiite-Persian Iran and its Sunni-Arab GCC neighbors. The following figures underscore the disparity between the two sides. All figures are from Central Intelligence Agency, World Fact Book, available at https://www.cia.gov. Accessed January 4, 2014. Population figures in all GCC states include large expatriate communities. Thus Iran is much larger than all the GCC states. (Saudi Arabia is larger in area and one third the size in population). Iranian population is much bigger than the combined GCC population. These geographical facts mean the mere size and population of Iran have made its Arab neighbors suspicious of its intentions and accuse Tehran under any political regime (Pahlavi or Islamic) of harboring hegemonic ambitions. History has not helped to alleviate this suspicion. Iran is one of the oldest civilizations in the world and despite its multi ethnic population, has developed a strong sense of nationalism combined with a specific interpretation of Shiism. On the other side of the Gulf, with the exception of Oman, the other five GCC states are relatively young states (Saudi Arabia 1932, Kuwait 1961, Bahrain, Qatar and the UAE 1971). Arguably, national identity in these GCC states is generally fragile and competes with tribal and sectarian identities (among others). The presence of Shiite majority in Bahrain and sizable minorities in the other GCC states has further complicated relations with Iran. Country Size in square kilometers Rank in the world Population in millions Rank in the world Iran 1,648,195 18 79,853,000 19 Bahrain 760 188 1,281,332 157 Kuwait 17,818 158...

BackgroundThe Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have among the highest prevalence of adult obesity and type 2 diabetes in the world. This study aimed to estimate the recent prevalence of obesity among school-age children and adolescents in the GCC States.MethodsThe literature search for obesity prevalence data was carried out in July 2017 in Google Scholar, Physical education index, Medline, SCOPUS, WHO, 2007–2017, and updated in November 2018.In addition, 22 experts from the GCC were contacted to check the search results, and to suggest studies or grey literature which had been missed. Eligible studies were assessed for quality by using the Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) tool for prevalence studies. Conduct of the systematic review followed the Assessment of Multiple Systematic Reviews Tool (AMSTAR) guidance. A narrative synthesis was conducted.ResultsOut of 392 studies identified, 41 full-text reports were screened for eligibility; 11 of which were eligible and so were included, from 3 of the 6 GCC countries (United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia). Surveillance seems good in Kuwait in compared to other countries, with one recent national survey of prevalence. Quality of the eligible studies was generally low-moderate according to the JNBI tool: representative samples were rare; participation rates low; power calculations were mentioned by only 3/11 studies and confidence intervals around prevalence estimates provided by only 3/11 eligible studies; none of the studies acknowledged that prevalence estimates were conservative (being based on BMI-for-age). There was generally a very high prevalence of obesity (at least one quarter-one third of study or survey participants obese according to BMI-for-age), prevalence increased with age, and was consistently higher in boys than girls.ConclusionsThe prevalence of obesity among school-age children and adolescents appears to have reached alarming levels in the GCC, but there are a number of major gaps and limitations in obesity surveillance in the GCC states. More national surveys of child and adolescent obesity prevalence are required for the GCC states.Trial registrationPROSPERO registration number CRD42017073692.

This paper examines the foreign aid behavior of Muslim donors, focusing on Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, in responding to the Coronavirus pandemic regionally and globally. It explores the patterns of foreign aid for GCC states using data of four-member countries; Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, and UAE. Also, this study unveils the Muslim aid policy framework and offers an overview about the GCC foreign aid. Then, it presents the global response framework by global, Muslim and GCC donors during the pandemic. Through employing qualitative and quantitative methods, this study shows the distribution of GCC aid and provides an adequate analysis about its nature, characteristics, and mechanisms. This paper shows that GCC donors have effectively participated in the global efforts to tackle the pandemic employing their resources and achieving their political and national values. Also, it provides critical view about the GCC’s involvement in fighting the pandemic in terms of policy and internal coordination of aid efforts as well as it suggests some remedial policy actions.

The rising burden of non-communicable diseases is taxing health systems globally. Using data science and information systems is necessary to support public health practices. Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are key to inform and help guide public health policies related to place (i.e. location or where one lives) and how it affects health. Despite the increasing use of GIS for public health globally, its applications to health in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states remains largely unknown. This systematic scoping review aimed to uncover how GIS has been used in the GCC states to understand "place" and "health". A comprehensive search of the literature was performed in PubMed, Scopus, Science Citation Index Expanded, ScienceDirect, Embase, IEEE Xplore, and ACM Digital Library during June 2020. All journal articles involving the use of GIS for human health applications in the GCC states published in English in peerreviewed scientific journals were considered. After removing duplicates and applying eligibility criteria, qualitative content analysis was performed for 24 of 630 studies. GIS uses in the GCC states were categorized as health access and planning (n=9), health risk analysis (n=8), disease surveillance (n=6) and community health profiling (n=1). The majority of the uncovered evidence in this study focused on the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The results of this study indicate a deficiency of published evidence regarding the use of GIS in support of public health in other GCC states. This stands to compromise planning and strategic decision making in health risk analysis, disease surveillance, community health profiling, health services provision and health interventions.

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states have relied on their abundant oil and gas resources, which have shaped their economic and social structures. The comparative advantage of the oil/gas sectors encouraged the development of those sectors, but other sectors (actual or potential) suffered from comparative disadvantage and shrank or did not develop. The potential of industrial strategy in driving the energy transition and promoting sustainable economic competitiveness in the region is explored. Shifting from a rentier state perspective to a more developmental and entrepreneurial approach, this paper examines the range of economic and industrial policies the GCC states could adopt to facilitate the energy transition. The energy transition requires the identification of potential industries and sectors that can provide the GCC states with competitive advantages. The industrial policy framework must prioritize local content development, skill enhancement, and knowledge transfer to ensure a successful transition.

International labor migration is the unique reality of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states. Despite seemingly open migration policies and reforms, the GCC states recently engaged in international and domestic policies to manage the migrant population better. Considering the dependency of Gulf states on migrant labor and the constant increase in migration to these states, this article aims to understand the policies pertaining to the presence, conditions of residence, integration, and socioeconomic rights of the migrant labor force. After an overview of migration trends and patterns in the GCC states, the article examines the migration policy framework that regulates and governs migration in the GCC. It also highlights the recent reforms and initiatives taken by the GCC states and a few sending countries which have impacted the migration flows, migrant rights, and development benefits of migration. Finally, the article concludes with a discussion on policy challenges and provides recommendations as a way forward.

As an important regional organization in the Middle East, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) faces many challenges in its current development. Today, trapped in intensified internal and external problems, as well as caught in increasingly crises, the GCC is standing at a difficult crossroad. The diplomatic strategies of the GCC in general since its establishment have always been looking towards the West, especially towards the United States (the US). All member states of the GCC maintain close ties with the US and their diplomatic strategies are heavily dependent on it. However, in recent years, the drastic changes in the Middle East and of the international political patterns have posed severe challenges to the GCC states' diplomatic strategies, which have also brought some opportunities with which the GCC states begin to change their diplomatic strategies significantly. Under the new circumstances, the GCC states, especially Saudi Arabia, are extricating themselves from the diplomatic tradition of looking westwards while beginning to make remarkable changes towards looking and going eastwards instead, gradually showing their trend of diversification and autonomy in diplomacy and trying to balance their diplomacy among regional and world powers, also between the East and the West. Therefore, any development on diplomatic orientation of the GCC states, especially Saudi Arabia, along with the accompanying impact on the geopolitical situation in the Middle East, deserves sustained attention. Indeed, it is really a problem for the GCC states to go eastwards or go westwards.

Abstract: The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states are experiencing a growing interest in electric vehicles (EVs) due to the region's focus on sustainable development and reducing carbon emissions. Although the GCC EV market is relatively small compared to other global markets, sales are expected to increase in the coming years. Thus, the EVs market presents an opportunity for the People's Republic of China (PRC) and GCC states to enhance their cooperation and achieve their common goal of promoting sustainable transportation, with potential for further collaboration in areas such as technology transfer, joint ventures, and infrastructure development. Chinese car manufacturers have penetrated the GCC market by offering competitive prices, innovative technology, and strong after-sales support. Additionally, their experience in the EV market has allowed them to produce high-quality vehicles that meet the needs of consumers in the region.