Beyond access: racial belonging, social identity, and student persistence in Brazilian higher education

Lack of racial diversity remains a persistent problem in medicine, most notably in the field of orthopaedic surgery. In 1999, an analysis by England and Pierce of orthopaedic residents who had been selected for residency programs from 1983 to 1995 found that the percentage of Blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans had changed minimally over that 12-year period1. During that time, the rate of Black orthopaedic residents in training never surpassed 3.5%. In the >2 decades that have followed, there has been a continued call to increase recruitment of underrepresented minorities (URMs), particularly Blacks, into orthopaedic surgery2-6. Despite these directed efforts, orthopaedic surgery remains the least racially and ethnically diverse field among both surgical and nonsurgical specialties7,8. Lack of racial diversity correlates with substantial disparities in the culturally competent care of minority patients, with well-documented negative implications9-11. Improving diversity within our specialty is essential to achieving equitable postoperative and functional outcomes in our diverse patient population. While barriers to improving gender diversity have been and should continue to be explored, the profession of orthopaedic surgery must critically evaluate the barriers to recruiting URM applicants, particularly Black applicants. This is essential to help usher in the next decade with a racially diverse, inclusive, and equitable workforce. This article serves as the first in a series exploring the barriers to achieving a diverse, inclusive, and equitable environment for Black orthopaedic surgeons. The focus of the article is to examine the barriers to successful recruitment of Black applicants and provide tangible recommendations for improving racial diversity in residency. What Obstacles Do Black Candidates Face in Matching into Orthopaedic Surgery? The barriers to Black students' pursuit of orthopaedic surgery as a career are both intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsically, Black students assess the career choices that are available to them by evaluating what those in their own communities are doing or are expected to do. In a 2013 article, Hill and Vaughan explored the concept of "paradigmatic trajectories" to explain ways that students self-select out of pursuing surgical specialties12. Black medical students are frequently unable to see, identify, or interact with orthopaedic surgeons who look like them. These students are repeatedly informed about the difficulty of getting into orthopaedics and are denied "experiences of participation," which leads them to being unable to see themselves as orthopaedic surgeons. By contrast, their majority peers often have the opposite experience: they see many available role models in orthopaedics who match their demographic, serve as role models, and provide hands-on experiences. As this scenario is repeated each academic year, the disparity between the number of White and Black medical students choosing to pursue orthopaedics as a specialty increases, a process that, to date, appears perpetual. Extrinsically, the pipeline of minority students to orthopaedic residency positions is filled with detours due to the redirection of minority students to other career pathways. This discouragement begins early for Black students, particularly Black male students, especially in educational environments in which their teachers are White. A study using survey data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002, which was conducted by the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, evaluated how teacher expectations influenced student performance among 6,000 high school students13. It found that there were clear racial disparities in teacher expectations of student performance. For example, the study found that teachers expected 58% of White high school students to obtain a 4-year college degree, but expected only 37% of Black students to do so. Furthermore, when considering these same Black students, White teachers were significantly less likely than their Black colleagues to expect the students to achieve a 4-year college degree. This difference was even more pronounced when the student was a Black male. Ultimately, the study concluded that negative expectation bias contributed to a self-fulfilling prophecy: only 29% of Black students in the study obtained a 4-year degree. Certainly, diminished expectations of Black students may carry similar consequences in higher education. For Black medical students, the lack of early exposure to orthopaedic surgery and the elimination of student-generated stereotypes regarding their potential fit for the specialty are critical roadblocks to increasing applications to residency programs. Schmidt et al. noted that the timing of exposure and student-perceived stereotypes, among other factors, were major determinants in a medical student's decision to pursue surgery14. An early introduction to the field of surgery was particularly important in increasing a student's interest in a surgical career. For those Black students who persevere in choosing orthopaedics, being chosen for an orthopaedic residency program is still problematic. The benchmarks that are used for resident selection are arbitrary at best, and biased and discriminatory at worst. In the 2018 National Resident Matching Program (NRMP) survey of program directors15, 91% of orthopaedic residency program directors cited the United States Medical Licensing Examination (USMLE) Step-1 score as the most important factor for selecting students to interview. Membership in the Alpha Omega Alpha (AΩA) honor society was the third most important factor listed, and the Medical Student Performance Evaluation (MSPE) was noted as the seventh factor. Ramkumar et al. confirmed that orthopaedic surgery interview offers for applicants correlated most with AΩA status, the Step-2 Clinical Knowledge score, and the Step-1 score16. This has important implications for URM students. Wijesekera et al. reported that the USMLE perpetuates downstream pipeline disparities stemming from parental education or socioeconomic status, especially for URM students17. Clinical clerkship evaluations and the MSPE have demonstrated a negative bias toward Black students compared with their White counterparts18, and there are implicit differences in the words that are used to describe different ethnic groups19. Boatright et al. reported that Black students were less likely than an equivalent White student to be selected for the AΩA honor society, even after controlling for Step-1 scores, research, leadership roles, and membership in the Gold Humanism Honor Society20. The data reveal that there is inherent bias in the objective measures that are used by orthopaedic surgery programs to vet their applicants. Although the current measures select excellent future orthopaedic surgeons, these measures ultimately favor a specific group, which is defined by Rubright et al. as "a native English-speaking White male U.S. citizen at average age"21 at the expense of applicants who do not fit this mold. What Current Strategies Have Been Implemented to Increase the Number of Black Medical Students Applying into Orthopaedic Surgery? In 2020, racial inequality, health disparities, and social injustice have played a central role in the civil discourse within and outside of the field of medicine. The lack of racial and ethnic diversity in orthopaedic surgery deprives the specialty of the diversity of ideas and lived experiences that can speak to social issues that affect our diverse patient population. Different national organizations have attempted to champion diversity efforts in orthopaedics. The American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons (AAOS) has incorporated diversity initiatives into its strategic goals. These goals include understanding and responding to the diversity of the patient population, enhancing the delivery of culturally competent care, and supporting efforts to diversify the profession and the orthopaedic workforce. Despite these efforts, orthopaedic surgery still critically lags behind other subspecialties with regard to increasing the diversity of its surgeon workforce, which speaks to a critical need to further prioritize diversity in orthopaedics through a coordinated multidisciplinary approach. At the 2011 AAOS/ORS (Orthopaedic Research Society)/ABJS (Association of Bone and Joint Surgeons) Musculoskeletal Healthcare Disparities Research Symposium, Dy and Nelson proposed that cross-cultural communication and workplace diversity should be valued by all orthopaedic surgeons and should be championed by the leaders of academic orthopaedic departments2. They suggested that structured collaborative initiatives should be implemented by departmental leadership at each medical school in coordination with female and URM orthopaedic surgeon role models. Furthermore, they recommended that national orthopaedic societies like the AAOS should work in concert with diversity-minded orthopaedic associations such as the Ruth Jackson Orthopaedic Society, the J. Robert Gladden Orthopaedic Society (JRGOS), and the American Association of Latino Orthopaedic Surgeons to recruit and prioritize the mentorship of underrepresented populations into the field of orthopaedic surgery. In tandem with the efforts of the AAOS, mentoring pipeline programs such as Nth Dimensions coach applicants on how to prepare and position themselves as highly qualified applicants into the field of orthopaedic surgery. Nth Dimensions has developed a longitudinal pipeline curriculum that is designed to engage medical students in their first year of medical school. The program has multiple phases that maintain contact after exposure, including webinars, symposia, and an immersive summer internship program, as well as longitudinal mentorship and professional development. The program intentionally exposes students to multiple hands-on experiences through bioskills workshops and physician-shadowing. In addition, Black students are exposed to an extensive network of Black orthopaedic surgeons with a wide variety of lived experiences. From the initial contact through residency completion, the Nth Dimensions "community" reinforces orthopaedics as a viable career. This exposure was found to significantly increase the odds of URM participants applying to orthopaedic residencies by 15-fold22,23. To our knowledge, no other pipeline programs that focus on improving racial diversity within medicine exist with data to support their success. For Programs That Historically Lack Ethnic Diversity, How Can Residency Program Leadership Increase Recruitment of Black Orthopaedic Residents? A study by Adelani et al. recently reported that the number of orthopaedic training programs with no Black residents actually increased from 40 programs in 2002 to 60 programs in 2016, with the worst year being 2011, when 76 programs had no Black residents24. Recently, McDonald et al. surveyed program directors and coordinators on perceived barriers to increasing the diversity of their individual orthopaedic programs25. Nearly 70% of respondents said that the lack of enough URM faculty hindered their ability to recruit URM applicants. Fifty-six percent of programs responded that they consistently ranked URM applicants to match, but these applicants matched elsewhere. Fifty-five percent of programs felt that their programs could be more diverse, but the programs simply did not receive enough applications from URMs. Interestingly, 32% of programs were not specifically trying to recruit URM applicants at all. While pipeline programs such as Nth Dimensions provide a solid foundation for improving the number of Black students pursuing orthopaedics, future strategies need to implement program-level initiatives to further these goals. Orthopaedic residency programs that are affiliated with medical schools should nurture an early interest in orthopaedic surgery and musculoskeletal care among Black and other URM applicants through endorsement of a musculoskeletal education curriculum for medical students. Early exposure to orthopaedic surgery fosters more interest in the field, particularly among minorities and women22,23. Bernstein et al. reported that medical schools that required instruction in musculoskeletal medicine had significantly higher rates of application to orthopaedic residency programs26. This difference was even more pronounced among female and URM medical students. On a broader scale, increasing the diversity of orthopaedic faculty has downstream implications in the growth of diversity in residency programs. Okike et al. reported that URM medical students who attended medical school at institutions with high URM representation among orthopaedic faculty (>8.8%) or orthopaedic residents (>10.5%) were more likely to apply into orthopaedics than those with low URM representation among orthopaedic faculty (<4.0%) and orthopaedic residents (<6.1%)27. We would also submit that simply hiring Black faculty is not sufficient to move the needle toward a more diverse workforce. To improve racial equity and inclusion, there needs to be a concerted effort to support and advocate for Black faculty in leadership roles within orthopaedic departments and on a national level. We also suggest that orthopaedic department leadership become actively involved in diversity-related orthopaedic organizations such as the JRGOS and Nth Dimensions. This offers opportunities to interact with the majority of Black residents, fellows, and faculty within the orthopaedic specialty nationwide, and goes a long way toward improving a culture of inclusion within the field. Nearly every medical school in the U.S. has local chapters of medical student URM groups such as the Student National Medical Association (SNMA) and the Latino Medical Student Association (LMSA). Sponsorship of an SNMA or LMSA meeting by the affiliated orthopaedic department provides a rich opportunity to interact with Black and other URM students and provides exposure to the orthopaedic specialty. This also allows faculty to interact with more Black students, developing critical mentorship and sponsorship opportunities for these students that not only foster a more inclusive environment within that orthopaedic program but develop critical pipelines for future Black faculty recruitment and development. In "Ten Key Steps for Chairs, Program Directors, and Faculty to Serve as Allies During This Racial Crisis," Ross et al. highlighted the importance of developing transparent nationwide metrics on racial diversity in orthopaedics28. This concept mirrors that of the value-based care philosophy that links financial incentives to surgeon performance on a set of defined measures29. The JRGOS has the most comprehensive database of Black orthopaedic surgeons in the U.S. Based on their data, a diversity ranking was created for the 2020-2021 academic year30. Of the 56 orthopaedic residency programs that had Black residents this academic year, the following programs were ranked in the top 5 in terms of the highest percentage of Black residents: Howard University (70%), Tulane University (27%), Kingsbrook Jewish Medical Center (20%), New York University (15%), and Stanford University (14%). One argument against ranking metrics such as these is that they could potentially foster competition between programs for a small finite population of qualified Black applicants. However, the counterargument to this would be that the applicant pool is not truly finite. Poon et al. evaluated orthopaedic applicants between 2005 and 2014 and found that 5.7% were Black applicants and 71% were White applicants8. However, during that same period, only 3.8% of orthopaedic matriculants were Black while 74.7% of orthopaedic matriculants were White (an acceptance rate of 46% versus 73%). As established diversity pipeline initiatives increase the number of Black and other URM applicants into orthopaedic surgery, there needs to be an increase in the acceptance and retention of these students among a broader group of residencies. Recruitment of Black and other URM applicants must be an active and sustained effort. Diversity metrics such as the JRGOS rankings allow residencies that lack diversity to objectively compare themselves with more diverse programs on a granular level. However, we would further argue that program-level information on underrepresented populations in orthopaedics should be readily available through national orthopaedic associations such as the AAOS or the American Orthopaedic Association (AOA). Furthermore, programs should perform an objective and critical analysis of negative factors that have impeded the recruitment and retention of Black residents and faculty at their programs. These factors could contribute to the outward perception of a noninclusive, even hostile, environment, which could deter Black applicants from considering a program. Exploring the root causes that impede diversity may not achieve immediate gains in recruitment, but may help prepare a program for future Black applicants. These applicants will eventually recognize concerted efforts by a program for achieving inclusive culture, and they may choose to attend a program that may not historically have been diverse. The successful recruitment of Black applicants into the field of orthopaedic surgery also requires that the resident selection process eliminate unconscious biases in the screening of potential applicants. One means of achieving a diverse selection pool is to modify the screening criteria of potential applicants. Blind screening of potential candidates has been proposed as a way to mitigate racial, ethnic, gender, and medical school bias in the screening process28,31. Fadem et al. found a significant correlation between the income level of a medical student's parents and that student's Medical College Admission Test (MCAT) and USMLE scores for both minorities and nonminorities32. A study evaluating general surgery applicants found that discrete USMLE cutoffs eliminated URM applicants at a higher rate than non-URM applicants33. The concept of "distance traveled" is another screening process that is used in the technology and corporate sectors as a means of mitigating unconscious bias in hiring practices, which have favored more privileged and homogeneous applicants34,35. The "distance-traveled" concept factors in where a job candidate came from and how many obstacles he or she had to overcome to get to where he or she is currently. Recently, medical schools have used "distance-traveled" metrics to admit a more racially/ethnically, culturally, and financially diverse group of medical students while deemphasizing reliance on standardized test scores in screening practices36,37. As the USMLE Step-1 shifts to a pass/fail format from the numerical score format that has been perceived as disadvantageous to minority students38, use of a "distance-traveled" screening measure may allow for the prioritization of candidates from diverse backgrounds who demonstrate higher levels of resilience and "grit," which are considered desirable traits among successful orthopaedic residents39,40. Furthermore, we recommend that all selection committee members at residency programs should complete bias/allyship training prior to the selection process. In a study by Capers et al., investigators evaluated the value of identifying bias in medical school admissions41. All 140 members of the Ohio State University College of Medicine (OSUCOM) admissions committee were administered the Black-White Implicit Association Test (IAT) prior to the 2012-2013 application cycle. All of the groups surveyed, particularly male members and medical school faculty, demonstrated a significant White male preference. The IAT results were released to the participants, with 48% admitting that they were conscious of their individual results when interviewing candidates during the next application cycle. This information resulted in measurable change: the class that matriculated following the IAT exercise was the most diverse in OSUCOM's history at that time. The implementation of comparable bias training programs within orthopaedic residencies may achieve a similar effect. Summary Orthopaedic surgery has the lowest percentage of Black representation of any specialty, and there has been minimal to no improvement on this front over the last 2 decades. As racial and ethnic inequities in America are increasingly highlighted, it is clear that orthopaedic surgery as a field has fallen short regarding diversity. Orthopaedic surgery can improve its racial diversity with concerted effort and the active engagement of future applicants of color. We recommend active recruitment of Black applicants with the utilization of established pipeline programs and organizational resources. Furthermore, strategies to increase the number of Black applicants to orthopaedic residency programs require paradigm shifts in medical students' perception of orthopaedics as a viable career path and strategic preparation of residency program environments for URM-resident recruitment. Most importantly, programs must take a proactive role in creating a safe and fair working environment for their URM residents. Our hope is that these strategic collaborations can contribute to measurable change in racial diversity in orthopaedics over the next decade.

Race, parents, and schools: Understanding how parental racial socialization operates within schools as racialized organizations.

Data for this study emerged from a larger quantitative investigation of factors associated with the doctoral education of Black students attending selected historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). This article discusses the variance within and impact of faculty-student interaction on doctoral students' positive academic and social experiences as well as their perceived program persistence - their belief they would persist to graduation. Specifically, external engagement - social components for student success external to a student's program and research practices - was found to be the best predictor for both students' overall experience and perceived persistence in the program. Recommendations for the ways in which faculty and administrators can work more effectively toward enhancing faculty- student interaction and perceived program persistence for Black doctoral students, particularly at HBCUs, are offered. Keywords: HBCUs, doctoral, engagement, persistence INTRODUCTION Over the last 20 years, researchers have learned a considerable amount about the academic and social experiences, and graduation outcomes of Black students who attend historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). Research studies (Jackson, 2001; Outcault & Skewes-Cox, 2002; Terenzini et al., 1997) have suggested that Black students who attend HBCUs perform better academically, develop more meaningful relationships with faculty and staff, are more engaged in the campus environment, and have a better sense of encouragement and connection than Black students who attend predominantly White institutions (PWIs). Furthermore, HBCUs have been cited as being able to provide Black students with an educational experience that is unattainable at PWIs (Allen, 1 992) and have been credited for fostering supportive and engaging environments (Hall & Closson, 2005) where Black students have a bolstered self-esteem and sense of ethnic pride (Hirt et al., 2006; Palmer & Gasman, 2008). Moreover, HBCUs have been some of the largest producers of Black postsecondary enrollment and degrees awarded in the nation (Collison, 2000; NCES, 2004). In 2001, Blacks at HBCUs earned the highest proportion of degrees awarded at each level - associate's, bachelor's, master's, doctor's, and first-professional - with 87% being bachelor's degrees (NCES, 2002). The role of HBCUs in graduate education has been equally impressive as they have been a critical force in the production of Black graduate and first professional degree recipients. In 2005, the National Center for Education Statistics showed HBCUs produced 6,900 master's recipients (5,034 for Blacks) accounting for roughly 10% of master's degrees awarded to Black students that year (NCES, 2005). HBCUs have also been a principal producer of Black doctorates; between 1992-93 and 1997-98, HBCUs increased their number of doctoral graduates by 15.2% (St. John, 2000). According to the Council of Graduate Schools (CGS), Howard University has been the largest on-campus producer of Black PhD recipients in the United States, awarding more than 340 doctorate degrees in all fields of study over that time span (CGS, 2007). While critics question the contemporary relevancy and efficacy of HBCUs (Fryer & Greenstone, 2007; Riley, 2010; Sowell, 2006), proponents have contended that by virtue of the outcomes and findings from the aforementioned research, HBCUs have demonstrated that they have and continue to serve Black students with considerable effectiveness, both at the undergraduate and graduate levels (Flowers, 2002; Fountaine & Carter, 2011; Lemelle, 2002; Palmer, Hilton, & Fountaine, 2012; Palmer & Young, 2008-2009 see;). Inasmuch as Blacks have made solid progress in earning doctorates at HBCUs, optimism for the future may be premature at this time. Oftentimes, data collected on graduate student outcomes are at the aggregate levels and fail to single out the accomplishments of doctoral students versus master's students. …

Although there has been an increase in higher education enrollment, at Catholic institutions underrepresented students are graduating at lower rates than White and non-first generation students. The lack of persistence of these underrepresented students leads to an attainment gap wider than that at other private universities. Furthermore, it contributes to the historical, educational attainment gap between marginalized -ethnic and racial minorities, low-income, and first-generation- populations and White students. A plethora of persistence and retention literature exists, but missing from the research are the authentic voices of the students from these populations, especially from Jesuit, Catholic institutions. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore the persistence and navigational experiences of college students from underrepresented backgrounds studying at a private, Jesuit, Catholic university. This qualitative study, using focus groups and individual interviews, was guided by four research questions. The study's 16 participants shared their academic and social integration experiences and challenges as they navigated their college environment. The data collected was transcribed and in vivo quotes used to construct codes. The analysis revealed four overarching themes and additional subthemes which demonstrate the participants' exhibit a strong sense of their identities and a grit that assists them in persisting towards the goal of graduating from college. The participants' process of becoming integrated into the University began with the establishment of connections and by becoming active participants on campus. It is their cultural identities and precollege backgrounds that impact how they adjust and cope, both academically and socially, within the college environment. They utilize cultural capital and links with others who share similar values to overcome challenges. The persistence of underrepresented students is aided by supportive relationships and their perceptions and feelings about themselves and their academic ability. Additionally, underrepresented students know where and how to find on-campus support once they acquire a sense of belonging. These findings lead to understanding that the persistence and navigation of underrepresented students are tied to their feelings of belonging and the support systems they form with peers, faculty, and staff at the institution.

Those who seek to understand the experiences of Black students on White campuses in the United States have far more information available to them at the close of the twentieth century than could have ever been imagined at the beginning. Because of the tremendous social, political, economic, and educational changes in our society over the past thirty years there has been an expansion in the study of Blacks in all aspects of the American culture. Not surprisingly, education has played a central role in increasing our knowledge about the lives and experiences of Blacks. Research that has focused on Black students on predominately White campuses overwhelmingly reveals a story of academic difficulty (Fleming, 1984; Nettles, 1988; Mow & Nettles, 1990; Allen, 1992). Consequently much of the research on Black students has focused on those who have pronounced academic needs and who are perceived as academically less prepared than their White counterparts. The disproportionate focus on Black underachievement in the literature not only distorts the image of the community of Black collegians, it creates, perhaps unintentionally, a lower set of expectations for Black student achievement. The purpose of this study was to examine, through extensive interviews, the academic, social, and racial experiences of high-achieving Black students enrolled in the Meyerhoff Program, a merit-based scholarship program for students in math, science, and engineering. Interview questions (explained below) were focused around three broad areas: academic experiences in and outside of the classroom, social interactions and relationships with peers/faculty, and experiences in, and perceptions of, a race specific program. Established in 1989, the Meyerhoff program initially was developed to address the underrepresentation of Black males in the hard sciences. In 1990 the first class of Black females was admitted, and in 1996 the program was expanded to include other minority and White students. At the time of this writing, there were eight classes of Meyerhoffs enrolled in the program. High ability in this study was defined by conventional measures such as Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) scores and Grade Point Average (GPA). The cohort of Meyerhoffs interviewed had an average high-school GPA of 3.5 on a 4.0 scale, average SAT math score of 621, and the average SAT total score was 1198. The fall semester average GPA in the senior year was 3.0. This study is based on interviews with the class of 1990, the second class of Meyerhoffs and the first to admit female students. The 1990 class enrolled 15 students, of whom 14 persisted to the senior year, and 12 students (6 males and 6 females) participated in the 60-90 minute interviews. The Meyerhoff program provides an enormous level of support for the students. There are thirteen different components of the program, including full, or in some cases (for affiliate scholars) partial, scholarship support, study groups, tutoring, personal and academic advising, and connections with mentors in the field who can help with career issues and internship placement. For a description of the program and the services it provides, see Fries-Britt (1997) and Hrabowski, Maton, and Greif (1998). Factors Affecting the Academic Success of Gifted Blacks Much of what we know about gifted Black students in general comes from the work of scholars who study Black students in elementary, junior high, and high-school environments. The scant research on gifted collegians combined with the limited research on Black adolescents and high-school students provides some insight into the issues encountered by this population. Like other students, gifted Black students face social-emotional adjustment issues, such as self-concept and acceptance by peers (Rubenzer, 1976; Baldwin, 1991; Roeper, 1991). For gifted Blacks the issues of self-concept are different from those of other Blacks and gifted White students (Exum, 1979). …

It is hypothesized that Black families and other kinship networks serve an integral role in supporting Black college students on predominately White campuses. The subjects for this study were a random sample of 50 Black undergraduate college students at a large, coeducational, academically selective, urban university. This study investigated whether family involvement among Black college students promotes social and intellectual competence, adaptation to and involvement within the University, and decreased stress among these students. It was found that Black family support was significantly important in decreasing stress and providing and emotional outlet for the participants. THE VALUE OF EDUCATION IN BLACK FAMILIES It is widely known that for Black families, education is viewed as the path to liberation and success in the American society. Over the past 20 years, we have seen a marked increase in both the high school graduation rate of Black children, as well as an increase in the college participation rates. The American Council on Education (ACE, 2002) reports that in the year 2000, 77% of Black children graduated from high school. In 1999, the college participation rate of Blacks 18-24 years old was 39.4% (ACE, 2002). Wilds (2000) reports that 40% of Black college students graduate within six years of entering the institution. Past studies on Black students at predominately White universities have concentrated on attrition and its causes. Citing academic underpreparedness (Loo & Rolison, 1986), socioeconomic status (Ottinger, 1991), and negative campus climate (Mabry, 1991) as factors that contribute to attrition, these authors have sought to provide an explanation for reasons why African American students are retained at a rate less than their White counterparts. More recently, researchers have focused less on attrition and more on the those factors that facilitate persistence through to graduation (Choy, 2002; Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002). It is this latter body of literature to which this article seeks to contribute. Faegin and Sikes (1995) report increased struggles and recurring crises among Black students attending predominately White colleges and universities. Jung and Khalsa (1989) surveyed the correlation between stress, social support, coping strategies, and depression among African American and White students. In their study, African American students reported a higher number and severity of daily hassles than White students. This greater number of hassles was positively correlated with the level of depression for these students. Also, perceived family support among these students was related to lower depression (although actual support received was not statistically significant). Finally, those students who perceived greater support were more likely to use help-seeking behavior as a means of coping with problems. Students who perceived less support were more likely to use avoidance coping mechanisms. In seeking to understand the coping abilities of successful Black students (those who persist to graduation), researchers have focused on the impact of family support on the successful adjustment of these students to the college environment. Family support and interaction has been found to significantly correlate with social adjustment and institutional attachment (Kenny & Stryker 1996); self-confidence and independence (Sedlacek, 1987); grade point average (Cutrona, Cole, Colangelo, Assouline, & Russell, 1994); and persistence (Gloria, Robinson-Kurplus, Hamilton, & Russell, 1999) of college students. Studies also show that students are more likely to contact peers or parents in times of stress or crisis (Henton, Lamke, Murphy, & Haynes, 1980; Martin & Burkes, 1985) and that students who maintain warm relationships with their parents during at least the first year of college form better relationships, seek out help, and are generally more integrated socially in university life (Bell, Avery, Jenkins, Feld, & Schoenrock, 1985; Kenny, 1987, 1990). …

Self-affirmation interventions have been shown to mitigate the negative psychological effects of stereotype threat on Black students in secondary and undergraduate education. However, there is currently limited research testing whether Black students in medical schools may also experience the negative influences of stereotype threat. Until now, it has been unclear whether Black (vs. White) students experience a lower sense of belonging in medical school and whether they can benefit from self-affirmation interventions during medical training. With a longitudinal field experiment, we tested (a) whether Black (vs. White) medical students in the US experience decrements in psychological well-being (i.e., fatigue, depression, anxiety), sense of belonging, perceived residency competitiveness, and residency goal stability; and (b) the extent to which a self-affirmation intervention would ameliorate any observed disparities in these outcomes for Black students. With a sample of 234 Black and 182 White medical students across 50 schools in the US, we found that Black students tended to report more fatigue and less belonging than White students; however, the self-affirmation intervention did not significantly influence students' fatigue, depression, anxiety, or belonging. Unexpectedly, Black students in the self-affirmation (vs. control) condition reported lower perceived competitiveness for residency. White students' perceived competitiveness for residency was unaffected by the intervention. Exploratory analyses revealed that Black (vs. White) students were less likely to indicate stable residency goals over time, which may be an indication of threat; however, this racial gap was eliminated with the intervention. We discuss the plausible reasons for these findings and provide recommendations for future work in this area.

This study discusses the implications of anti-Black racism on the retention of Black students accessing Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) programmes in Brazilian universities via the support provided through affirmative action. It also highlights the potential for mathematics education to play a critical role in affirmative action, which is essential for retaining Black students in these programmes. The current study adopted a qualitative research approach, focusing on two public federal Brazilian universities with tradition of offering STEM programmes. It was conducted semi-structured interviews with 11 Black affirmative-action students to obtain data which was analysed using categorical content analysis. This study underscores the need for a comprehensive research agenda that explores race and racism in mathematics education, particularly with respect to structures that have historically marginalised Black students in STEM programmes. The findings reveal that microexclusion practices affect the trajectory of Black affirmative-action students in Brazilian STEM programmes, despite the presence of an important macroinclusion political programme that manifests through affirmative-action policies. Moreover, this study highlights the potential of engaging mathematics education in affirmative action policies to promote the retention of Black students in STEM programmes.

IntroductionIn 1954, the landmark decision of Brown v. Board of Education ended de jure racial segregation in the United States. After years of tumultuous integration efforts during the 1960s through 1980s, Black enrollment in postsecondary education has steadily increased. For example in 1976, there were 1.033.000 Black students enrolled in postsecondary institutions. The data indicates that there are now 2.962.000 Black students enrolled, a 187% increase (Digest of Education Statistics, 2013). However, access is not always synonymous with success. Unfavorable outcomes have been evident for Black students in the post-Brown era (Dancy & Brown, 2008). Contemporarily, student success outcomes for Black men have been concerning, as indicated by dismal persistence and graduation rates in comparison to their majority male and same-race female counterparts (Newman, Mmeje, & Allen, 2012). Some critics of the Brown ruling have argued that integration led to the demise of many predominantly Black institutions that were successful in serving Black students. In particular, scholars have highlighted that while Black students attended segregated schools prior to Brown and historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) post-Brown, faculty-student interactions at these institutions were more affirming, thereby bolstering student success (e.g., Allen, 1985, 1992; Davis, 1994; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Palmer & Wood, 2012). In contrast, Black students entering predominantly White campuses post-Brown experienced psychosocial challenges from negative campus climates (i.e., racism and isolation) instigated by their White peers and faculty members (e.g., D'Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Feagin, Vera, & Imani, 1996). Clearly, Black students interactions with faculty members have played and will continue to play an important role in academic outcomes.Sixty years after the Brown ruling, community colleges serve in roles similar to some HBCUs as an open access venue for those who may have received poor academic preparation in their secondary schooling. Therefore, community colleges serve as apt sites for analysis, given these institutions serve as the primary pathway for Black students with 46.6% attending two-year institutions as compared to 42.9% attending four-year institutions (Staklis, 2010). Specifically, for Black men attending public postsecondary institutions, 54.9% of these collegians will begin their academic experience in community colleges (U. S. Department of Education, 2004/2009). Therefore, it is necessary to better understand how Black men who enter these institutions experience and perceive community college environments. In particular, attention should be given to their interactions with faculty members who, according to prior research, play a critical role in the persistence of Black men in community colleges (Wood & Williams, 2013). Bearing the aforementioned in mind, the purpose of this study was to examine factors contributing to Black male students' sense of belonging with faculty members. This study used hierarchical linear regression to examine the following research questions:1. When controlling for relevant extraneous variables, is there a significant relationship between students' perceptions of and interactions with faculty (e.g., perceptions of racial-gender stereotypes, faculty validation, faculty-student engagement) and Black male community college students' perceptions of belonging with faculty members?2. Is the relationship between students' perceptions of and interactions with faculty and Black male community college students' perceptions of belonging with faculty members mediated by their masculine and racial/ethnic identities?This study is an important contribution to the existing literature. Cole and Griffin (2013) reviewed a comprehensive body of scholarship on faculty-student interactions and a vast majority of the published research is conducted at four-year colleges and universities. …

Dans cet article, l'auteur se propose d'analyser les similitudes dans l'education des Afro-americains et sud-africains noirs durant les periodes de segregation et d'Apartheid. La nature de l'oppression en milieu scolaire permet de lier les approches des Etats-Unis et de l'Afrique du Sud en matiere d'education pour les populations visees ainsi que l'usage par les communautes noires, dans ces deux contextes, de l'education comme ascenseur social, permettant de depasser les limites imposees par la segregation. Il est a noter egalement les strategies identiques, dans ces deux environnements, mises en place par les parents, les chefs d'etablissements et les enseignants pour encourager les eleves a depasser le contexte de l'oppression...

The Segregated Schooling of Blacks in the Southern United States and South Africa

The mathematics learning experiences of Black students in undergraduate programs present particularities that are not common to all undergraduate students. The challenges Black students encounter in their post-secondary programs reflect issues in the university environment that can significantly impact their experiences. These issues involve different domains and deserve full attention. This review manuscript addresses the emergent themes in the literature on the racialized mathematics learning experiences of Black undergraduate students. Research databases, ranging from 2015 to 2022, were examined using keywords that addressed mathematics, racism, undergraduate students, and Black students’ learning experiences. Canadian, United States, and international research was analyzed, and five emergent themes were identified in the literature: Mathematics Achievement, Social Political Perspectives, Stereotype Threat, Identity, and Microaggressions.

Achievement, engagement, and students’ quality of experience were compared by racial and ethnic group in a sample of students (N = 586) drawn from 13 high schools with diverse ethnic and socioeconomic student populations. Using the Experience Sampling Method (ESM), 3,529 samples of classroom experiences were analyzed along with self-reported grades. Similarities and differences in achievement, engagement, and quality of experience among white, black, Latino, and Asian students were examined. The most marked differences found were between black and white students. Consistent with several previous studies, an engagement–achievement paradox was found in which black students reported higher engagement, intrinsic motivation, and affect in classrooms, but lower GPA relative to white students. A similar engagement–achievement paradox was found for students from low SES communities compared to those from high SES communities. Analyses also revealed racial and ethnic differences in the relationship of engagement with on-task behavior and contextual factors. Being on-task when in classrooms had a more positive effect on the engagement of black students relative to white students. The contextual effect of being in school versus home or in public on engagement was also more positive for black students than white students. Contextual factors and measurement issues are emphasized in the interpretation of findings and suggestions for future research.

In many developmental level composition courses where the population consists of both black and white students, the question arises as to whether black and white students need to be taught composition skills in separate classes or whether these groups of students can be taught together. New evidence that there are close similarities in the dialect features produced by black and white students in formal compositions suggests that there may not be reasons based on language (dialect) differences to justify separate classroom teaching situations. With the exception of one linguistic feature, invariant be, there was no qualitative difference in the nonstandard features produced by black and white students, but there was a quantitative difference. For all features for which means were available in this study, the mean usage for the black students was higher than for the white students except for one feature, nonstandard use of to do. The major pedagogical implication of this study is that separate language materials for white and black students are not needed in remedial college level writing classes.

BackgroundRacism has been shown to impact the health of Black persons through its influence on health care, including its expression through implicit biases in provider training, attitudes, and behaviours. Less is known about the experiences of racism in contexts outside of the USA, and how race and racism interact with other social locations and systems of discrimination to shape Black patients’ experiences of racism in health care encounters. To help address this gap, this study examined diverse Black individuals’ perceived experiences of, and attitudes towards, anti-Black racism and racial discrimination in Canadian health care, specifically in Montreal, Quebec.MethodsThis descriptive qualitative study adopted a social constructionist approach. Employing purposive maximal variation and snowball sampling strategies, eligible study participants were: self-identified Black persons aged 18 years and older who lived in Montreal during the COVID-19 pandemic, who could speak English or French, and who were registered with the Quebec medical insurance program. In-depth interviews were conducted, and a Framework Analysis approach guided the systematic exploration and interpretation of data using an intersectionality lens.ResultsWe interviewed 32 participants, the majority of whom were women (59%), university educated (69%), and modestly comfortable financially (41%), but diverse in terms of age (22 to 79 years), country of origin, and self-defined ethnicity. We identified five major themes demonstrating substantial variations in perceived racism in health care that are influenced by unique social locations such as gender identity, age, and immigration history: (1) no perceptions of racism in health care, (2) ambiguous perceptions of racism in health care, (3) perceptions of overt interpersonal racism in health care, (4) perceptions of covert interpersonal racism in health care (including the downplaying of health concerns, stereotyping, and racial microaggressions), and (5) perceptions of systemic racism in health care.ConclusionsPerceptions of anti-Black racism and racial discrimination in Canadian health care are complex and may include intra-racial group differences. This study begins to address the dearth of empirical research documenting experiences of anti-Black racism in health care in Quebec, highlighting a continued need for serious consideration of the ways in which racism may manifest in the province, as well as a need for anti-racist advocacy. Advancing racial health equity requires greater sensitivity from providers and decision makers to variations in Black patients’ health care experiences, towards ensuring that they have access to high quality and equitable health care services.