Better than No Beer at All: Legal Roles for 3.2 Beer in the Post-Prohibition Era United States

Reviewed by: Dry Manhattan: Prohibition in New York City Jordan Patrick Lieser Michael A. Lerner. Dry Manhattan: Prohibition in New York City. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007. Pp. 351, notes, index. Cloth, $28.95; Paper, $17.95.) Dry Manhattan: Prohibition in New York City by Michael A. Lerner has accumulated a number of accolades since its release in 2007, ranging from a glowing review in the New York Times to a Slate Magazine Best Book of the Year distinction. The author holds a Ph.D. from New York University and presently serves as the Associate Dean of Studies at Bard High School Early College in New York City. Lerner’s book is refreshingly straightforward; it is a monograph analyzing the prohibition era in New York City, with a central argument that the nation’s “noble experiment” failed miserably (2). Lerner’s book is well organized and functions in a classic case-study format: analyzing a localized aspect in detail, but applying its historical lessons at a broader level. In Dry Manhattan, the author studies New York City and applies the lessons to American prohibition in general. Lerner begins his book by emphasizing the political roots of prohibition and briefly discussing the unique environment which allowed its inception. Lerner adheres to his formula by focusing on the Anti-Saloon League lobbyist efforts in NYC, specifically the arrival and effectiveness of New York State Superintendant William H. Anderson. However, in Lerner’s opinion New York had a larger importance, stating that “Anderson’s success or failure in New York would prove critical to the national campaign for Prohibition. . . . While New York was only one state, it loomed larger than most in the battle for a dry United States” (8). The Anti-Saloon League believed that New York would serve as a symbol for the larger movement—the idea being that if the League could succeed in the nation’s most notable “ethnic city,” a point which made it [End Page 360] “the state most hostile to its cause,” it could succeed anywhere (13). Lerner’s treatment on the origins of Prohibition exemplifies his style used throughout the book, using an extremely detailed record of New York City’s experience and then, when appropriate, giving his work a wider meaning by proving its pitfalls were universal. While Lerner’s discussion of the origins of prohibition is interesting, the majority of the work focuses on the absolute failure of the near 14-year period. Central to the breakdown was the abundance of issues stemming from logistically administering the 18th Amendment. Lerner argues that New York was the focal point for enforcement agencies such as the Bureau of Prohibition, whom eventually “engendered widespread opposition to the 18th Amendment” (2). Lerner points out that the “Dry’s,” those people in favor of prohibition, seemed doomed from the beginning due to the ambiguous and incomplete nature of the prohibition legislation. The 18th Amendment did not ban the consumption of alcohol, only the “manufacture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating liquors.” The second important prohibition legal measure, the Volstead Act, was also problematic, leaving several loopholes for liquor ownership and also failing to mention possession of alcohol as an offense. While possession was the most notable absence in the new laws, the Volstead Act also left openings for medicinal whiskey, industrial use of alcohol, and religious sacramental wine. These cracks in the legality of alcohol caused a number of problems and side effects. For example, Lerner reveals that after the Volstead Act bars and restaurants closed due to a decrease in profits; however, in their place was a boom of new pharmacies opening up around the city, most of which freely vended liquor under the auspice of medicinal whiskey. Many of the shortcomings of prohibition were actually brought about by ineffective and ambiguous legislation. The fall of the auspice of a prohibition utopia was swift; in fact, what Lerner calls a “full scale riot” against the 18th Amendment followed mere months into the new program (60). As prohibition continued, the anti-prohibition movement grew in size—eventually enjoying a three to one margin over Dry’s according to one nationwide poll. The rebellion in...

Massage therapy is a multi-billion dollar industry in the United States with 8.7% of adults receiving at least one massage within the last year; yet, little is known about the physiologic effects of a single session of massage in healthy individuals. The purpose of this study was to determine effects of a single session of Swedish massage on neuroendocrine and immune function. It was hypothesized that Swedish Massage Therapy would increase oxytocin (OT) levels, which would lead to a decrease in hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) activity and enhanced immune function. The study design was a head-to-head, single-session comparison of Swedish Massage Therapy with a light touch control condition. Serial measurements were performed to determine OT, arginine-vasopressin (AVP), adrenal corticotropin hormone (ACTH), cortisol (CORT), circulating phenotypic lymphocytes markers, and mitogen-stimulated cytokine production. This research was conducted in an outpatient research unit in an academic medical center. Medically and psychiatrically healthy adults, 18-45 years old, participated in this study. The intervention tested was 45 minutes of Swedish Massage Therapy versus a light touch control condition, using highly specified and identical protocols. The standardized mean difference was calculated between Swedish Massage Therapy versus light touch on pre- to postintervention change in levels of OT, AVP, ACTH, CORT, lymphocyte markers, and cytokine levels. Compared to light touch, Swedish Massage Therapy caused a large effect size decrease in AVP, and a small effect size decrease in CORT, but these findings were not mediated by OT. Massage increased the number of circulating lymphocytes, CD 25+ lymphocytes, CD 56+ lymphocytes, CD4 + lymphocytes, and CD8+ lymphocytes (effect sizes from 0.14 to 0.43). Mitogen-stimulated levels of interleukin (IL)-1ß, IL-2, IL-4, IL-5, IL-6, IL-10, IL-13, and IFN-γ decreased for subjects receiving Swedish Massage Therapy versus light touch (effect sizes from -0.22 to -0.63). Swedish Massage Therapy decreased IL-4, IL-5, IL-10, and IL-13 levels relative to baseline measures. Preliminary data suggest that a single session of Swedish Massage Therapy produces measurable biologic effects. If replicated, these findings may have implications for managing inflammatory and autoimmune conditions.

Increasing attention (particularly in Europe and the United States) has been paid to the use by states of ‘soft’ or ‘light touch’ approaches to regulating labour standards. Such regulatory approaches are yet to receive extensive consideration as forms of state labour regulation in Australian labour law scholarship. This paper presents preliminary findings from a study of light touch labour regulation by State Governments in New South Wales, Queensland and Victoria. It seeks to contribute to an understanding of how the state seeks to effect normative changes in employment practices and industrial relations in Australia other than through legislation.

Beer remains the greatest source of per capita alcohol consumption in the United States, and increasing market availability and consumer demand for higher alcohol has meaningful public health consequences. Objectives: To determine whether apparent alcohol intake from beer changed among households over time, we used nationally-representative US Nielsen Consumer Panel purchasing data from 2004 to 2014, and incorporated information on percent alcohol by volume (ABV) to compute the number of standard drinks of alcohol consumed from beer as a result. Methods: We queried external data sources (e.g. official manufacture, consumer beer-related websites) to obtain beer-specific ABVs, merged this information with Nielsen consumer-level data, and calculated the average rate of beer and standard drink consumption per household per year. We used joinpoint regression to estimate annual percentage changes and annual absolute changes in intake over time, with separate piecewise linear segments fit between years if a significant deviation in trend was detected. Results: Higher alcohol content beer consumption increased steadily across the decade, accounting for 9.6% of total intake in 2004 compared to 21.6% of total intake by 2014. Standard drink intake from beer declined sharply post-2011 by 3.04% annually (95% CI: −5.93, −0.06) or by 4.52 standard drinks (95% CI: −8.69, −0.35) yearly – coinciding with several beer industry transitions, market share fluctuations, and consumer preference changes for beer occurring around that time. Conclusions: Despite consistent increases in higher alcohol content beer intake across the decade, households do not appear to be consuming more standard drinks of alcohol from beer as a result. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/10826084.2021.1928208 .

Canada is a border nation. With over 75 percent of its population living within a hundred miles of boundary, border is a reality of virtually every Canadian's daily life. (1) Not only does it define citizenship, it contributes to how Canadians think, what they believe, and how they work. It should come as no surprise then that border is tied very closely to Canada's national identity, defining of which Seymour Martin Lipset calls the quintessential Canadian issue. (2) Even Canadian nationalists, quick to out that being Canadian means much more than simply being (and it does), concur that border plays an important role in shaping their identity. One of English-Canadian writers with greatest national and international reputation in 1920s was humorist Stephen Leacock who, not coincidentally, found much of his material in border and Canada's relationship with United States. He once observed, an odd chance forty-ninth parallel, an astronomical line, turned out to mean something. (3) But what? This question is not unimportant, even beyond ways in which it informs Canadian national identity, for it also helps to explain relationship between Canadians and Americans more generally. To that relationship border is central. Never was this more true than during America's noble experiment. Between 1920 and 1933, no issue in Canadian-American relations proved more contentious or more intractable than liquor problem. When Eighteenth Amendment took effect in January 1920, no longer could Americans make, sell, transport, or import any intoxicating beverage that contained more than 0.5 percent alcohol. They could, however, legally drink it, and thus it was left to Amendment's enforcement mechanism, Volstead Act, to insure that they didn't have access to it. Predictably, from Pacific to Atlantic, American dollars promptly headed north, and (usually) pure, unadulterated Canadian whisky, south. Canadian distillers, brewers, export houses, rumrunners, and bootleggers were more than happy to assuage parched throats of their American brethren. However, what was a boon to Canadian economy was bane to American diplomats and enforcement officials who sought help from their Canadian counterparts in stemming this illegal torrent of booze. Part of focus of this essay is to explore this problem and reasons for its intractability. Few decades were as important in shaping character of Canadian-American relationship than 1920s, for at least two reasons closely related toprohibition. First, beginning in 1920s, Canadian external affairs underwent a significant transformation. During William Lyon Mackenzie King administration, newly created Department of External Affairs made a concerted effort to define a Canadian foreign policy independent of British Foreign and Colonial offices. To do so meant Dominion had to face United States alone, without compromising its sovereignty. As a consequence diplomatic relationship between Canada and United States entered a new, formative stage. The second reason is increasing degree to which Canadians and Americans began to interact with each other in this period. The undefended border had always been a porous one. Yet during 1920s there was an extraordinary increase in pace and scope of what Marcus Lee Hansen referred to as mingling of Canadian and American peoples. (4) Its chief cause was automobile and ease with which travelers were able to cross border. By end of decade, four million American cars and twenty million Americans crossed border each year. The effect, according to one historian, was a turning point in cultural history of Canada, as Americans--in pursuit of liquor, scenery, and other things Canadian--brought with them other (sometimes less desirable) aspects of American culture. …

Judges in the Superior Courts are supposed to be appointed without any controversy since these appointments are directly related to the independence of the judiciary. These appointments need utmost care and transparency. The 18th Amendment to the Pakistani Constitution was the turning point that completely altered Pakistan's system for appointing judges to the superior courts. The 18th Amendment introduced a new appointment mechanism. Through this amendment, the Judicial Commission of Pakistan and the Parliamentary Committee for Judicial Appointments were introduced which are responsible for the appointment of judges in the Higher Courts of Pakistan. The newly implemented procedure is still not satisfactory, and there are multiple issues that make the appointment of judges to Pakistan's superior courts controversial. The existing appointment system will be examined critically in this research paper, and its flaws will be highlighted. The appointment processes in Pakistan and the United States will be compared. The U.S. appointment system for the federal courts is more than 230 years old and still, in place. It will enable us to make suggestions for improving Pakistan's case. We will offer some recommendations at the conclusion of this research article.

The work was an attempt to comparatively analyzed a national and international approaches and acuities of child labour within UK, USA, India and Pakistan because legislative authority or legislation helps to a significant range and fundamental raison prevent is convicted for the child labour problem. It was a qualitative study and through thematic analysis and purposive sampling technique, child labour was elaborated in this study. It was found in this study that the member states of the International Labour Organization signed International Child Labour Treaty on 16th June 1999 in Geneva and the United States Senate also ratified Child Labour Treaty and it came into force on 19th November 2000. In India, The New Deal programs focus on regulation that consists of child labour standards, maximum working hours, fair wages, etc. And in United Kingdom for the protection of children, ensuring them the basic rights in large number of laws and in dangerous labour prohibits the use and exploitation of children, while in Pakistan, after the 18th Amendment it has become the responsibility of Provincial Government that is empowered to make the legislation and executive jurisdiction over the matter of labour.

The NIOSH review of hand-arm vibration syndrome: vigilance is crucial. National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health.

UNDERSTANDING UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD LATIN AMERICA: LESSONS FROM A COMPARISON OF NAFTA AND THE COLOMBIAN TRADE PROMOTION AGREEMENT Margaret M. Commins Queens University of Charlotte Ongoing issues with violence and drug trafficking in both Mexico and Colombia invite frequent comparisons between the two countries (Bonnor, 2010; Fukuyama and Colby, 2011). Indeed the parallels are significant . Both Mexico and Colombia are marked by some of the highest per capita murder rates in the world, weak and ineffective judicial institutions , and large swaths of each country considered ungovernable. And, perhaps predictably, United States policy toward both countries is similar as well. Plan Colombia, the United States’ response to narco-trafficking and violence in Colombia, and the Merida Initiative, the United States’ response to Mexico’s drug wars, both emphasize military solutions to drug trafficking, combined with varying degrees of emphasis on state-building and socioeconomic development. In terms of United States policy toward Latin America, however, these countries share another commonality, one that is not as well-explored: the United States signed and implemented preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with each. President Carlos Salinas de Gortari of Mexico and President George H.W. Bush of the United States endorsed the notion of a bilateral free trade agreement between their countries in June of 1990. In September, 1990, Canada asked to be included in the negotiations, and the resulting “North American Free Trade Agreement” (NAFTA) was passed by the United States Congress in 1993, and implemented on January 1, 1994. The Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement (CTPA) was signed by President Alvaro Uribe of Colombia and President George W. Bush in November, 2006, passed by the United States Congress in October, 2011, and entered into force on May 15, 2012. Though passed by the United States Congress almost twenty years apart, these agreements are quite similar. Both are preferential trade agreements signed between a developed country, the United States, and a developing Latin American country (and, in the case of NAFTA, another developed country, Canada). Both were initiated and negotiated primarily by Republican administrations, but shepherded through the United States Congress by Democratic presidents. At least rhetorically, both were touted by these presidents as demonstrations of major shifts in United States policy toward Latin America. Both agreements were passed in times of C 2013 Southeastern Council on Latin American Studies and Wiley Periodicals, Inc. 73 The Latin Americanist, December 2013 economic and fiscal difficulty for the United States. Both agreements were passed during periods of strain in the multilateral trading system. And, each agreement faced its most significant opposition not from business interests fearing import competition, but from citizen and labor groups worried about a variety of human rights issues, including the treatment of labor and potential environmental degradation. It is common to explain policymakers’ decisions to pursue trade agreements with reference to the demands of powerful economic interests that will benefit from an agreement’s provisions, particularly the opening of foreign markets and increased protection for foreign direct investment (see, for example, Milner, 1988; Rogowski, 1989; Hiscox, 2002). Though economic interests (capital and labor) that will be hurt by increased importcompetition will lobby against free trade agreements, if an agreement includes liberalization that will benefit a sufficiently broad and powerful coalition of economic interests, we can expect policymakers to pursue it. But, explaining U.S. support for NAFTA and CTPA in these terms is problematic. For one, explanations based on the preferences of interest groups are not always as compelling in the case of PTAs, particularly North-South trade agreements like NAFTA and CTPA. The potential economic benefits are usually much smaller. And, because opposition to these agreements is quite strong in the United States, particularly from non-economic interests like environmental and human rights groups, the interest group politics are more complex than those captured by analyses focusing on economic interests. Indeed, negotiating North-South PTAs is relatively costly for U.S. policymakers. These agreements cover a range of issues – from trade and investment to labor standards and environmental protection – and require significant time and attention to negotiate. And, unlike many foreign policy decisions taken by the United States government , trade agreements must be passed by both houses of the United...

There are no existing data on alcoholic beverage prices and ethanol (EtOH) content at the level of alcohol brand. A comprehensive understanding of alcohol prices and EtOH content at the brand level is essential for the development of effective public policy to reduce alcohol use among underage youth. The purpose of this study was to comprehensively assess alcoholic beverage prices and EtOH content at the brand level. Using online alcohol price data from 15 control states and 164 online alcohol stores, we estimated the average alcohol price and percent alcohol by volume for 900 brands of alcohol, across 17 different alcoholic beverage types, in the United States in 2011. There is considerable variation in both brand-specific alcohol prices and EtOH content within most alcoholic beverage types. For many types of alcohol, the within-category variation between brands exceeds the variation in average price and EtOH content among the several alcoholic beverage types. Despite differences in average prices between alcoholic beverage types, in 12 of the 16 alcoholic beverage types, customers can purchase at least 1 brand of alcohol that is under $1 per ounce of EtOH. Relying on data or assumptions about alcohol prices and EtOH content at the level of alcoholic beverage type is insufficient for understanding and influencing youth drinking behavior. Surveillance of alcohol prices and EtOH content at the brand level should become a standard part of alcohol research.

Eminent public intellectual who served science and society

Reviewed by: The Silk Road Trap: How China's Trade Ambitions Challenge Europe by Jonathan Holslag Min Ye (bio) Jonathan Holslag. The Silk Road Trap: How China's Trade Ambitions Challenge Europe. Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2019. vii, 190 pp. Paperback $19.95, isbn 978-1-5095-3469-2. Jonathan Holslag's The Silk Road Trap: How China's Trade Ambitions Challenge Europe makes an argument on behalf of Europe (or the European Union) that is quite popular nowadays in the United States. That is, the West's economic engagement with China in the past two decades has failed. It failed to transform the Middle Kingdom toward a more liberal political-economic system. In addition, it caused severe economic risks to the West's own economies and social wellbeing. As a response, Holslag argues in the book that European societies should adopt economic realism and maximize their economic power, because, in his view, "the possession and distribution of [End Page 45] power is what fundamentally shapes their [Europeans'] ability to defend themselves, to influence external relations, to preserve internal cohesion, and to shape their own future" (p. 13). The book, however, has a light touch on Europe's economic exchange with China. It has very limited analysis of China's economic system. Despite the book's title, it does not offer much on China's Belt and Road initiative, launched in late 2013. Rather, the book most strongly demonstrates that member countries of the European Union (EU) have experienced severe political divisions internally and across the countries. Those divisions have lately been intensified by the continent's interactions with China. With profound divisions inside and across individual members, a "cohesive" statecraft at the European level is rather unlikely, if not impossible. In short, while the book is titled "The Silk Road Trap," its most salient message to this reviewer is the intractable "EU trap." The European integration project, in particular its expansion to the East, has encountered severe headwind during the deep globalization era, and China is an accelerator of these challenges. The European societies are deeply divided. Holslag starts the book with critiques of European states and corporate interests in China and praised European integrationist thinkers for their realistic views of economic engagement with China. He makes it clear that the book speaks for "a general interest" of European societies and their citizenships at large. In critiquing economic risks posed by China, he concedes that European companies have benefited from their investments in and trade with China. From this description, it is clear that globalization, with China as an important part, has brought uneven distributions to political groups in Europe, like it did in the United States. Such uneven distribution contributed to intensifying cleavages in Europe's democratic politics. As a result, the political leadership at the European level has had difficulty emerging. Instead, to the dismay of the Europeanist, Europe's political landscape has been dominated by various "nationalist" leaders in separate member states. Not only have class cleavages intensified in Western and Northern Europe, division between richer Europe (EU's North) and less developed new members (EU's South) are even more severe. Holslag sheds light on the internal tension between more advanced European economies that seek to rebalance economic relations with China and governments in Eastern Europe and the Balkans that are more willing to embrace exchange with and investment from China. The book's emphasis on China's protectionist policies and Europe's failed objectives in past engagements cautions these new EU members' growing embrace of China, particularly after the launch of the Belt and Road. The chapters provide cautionary reminders, but the deep problem remains. That is, advanced European economies are motivated to uphold its technology and economic [End Page 46] standards in competing with China. The less advanced economies on the continent still have unmet demand for investment in infrastructure and industries. So long as such structural needs persist, Chinese Belt and Road is not going elsewhere. Cohesive statecraft, or economic realism as the book proposes, is infeasible also because of vulnerabilities to financial crisis during the globalization era, and the EU is particularly susceptible because member economies are quite diverse, as pointed out...

Freedom is not free: Examining health equity for racial and ethnic minoritized veterans.

Young Women and Disgust in Contemporary Norwegian Comics: A Close Reading of Ane Barstad Solvang's <i>Frykt</i> &amp; <i>medlidenhet</i>

Introduction to the special volume on the Izu-Bonin - Mariana arc system