Abstract

Pantanal is one of the largest wetlands in the world. In its southern portion, it hosts significant beef cattle ranching, having a herd of 4,832,200 head of cattle in 2016 (IBGE, 2018). Yet it presents intra-regional differences and complementarities. This article discusses such current territory definition, focusing on cattle ranching in Pantanal, considering its forms of occupation, agents, and its intra-regional flow of cattle. This recognition is essential for the identification of the arrangements developed in the territory, its temporal dynamics and spatial strategies, assuming different forms of interaction with the environment. In order to identify multiple livestock territories and their logics of action, data grouped into four dimensions were considered: (i) agents, (ii) product, (iii) space used, and (iv) flows and circulation, approached in different scales (farms, municipal and units of landscape floodplain/plateau). The analyzes show different forms of domination and territorial appropriation, continuous and discontinuous, permanent and temporary. Mapping of cattle territories in the South Pantanal identified a scenario of multiterritoriality. While maintaining its “nursery” profile, it presents more intensive arrangements with the rearing and fattening phases. New territorialities represented by external agents and the fragmentation of old properties has genereted a new mapping of the “used spaces” for cattle breeding and posed new challenges for the maintenance of the traditional cattle production systems in the region.

Highlights

  • The global food system, after many years of consistent technological advances in its production and distribution subsystems, has been claimed to be under pressure

  • Timeline of cattle breeding in the South Pantanal

  • Territorial articulation in network will happen through occupation of temporary spaces in reason of foot traveling by cattle drovers grouped together

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Summary

Introduction

The global food system, after many years of consistent technological advances in its production and distribution subsystems, has been claimed to be under pressure. The accelerated and differentiated rates and effects of climatic, environmental, socio-economic, cultural and political changes around the world have made more explicit the overconsumption and undernutrition sides of the nutritional global system. De Castro examined, in great depth back in 1952, the effect of political, economic, and social forces on the food available for consumption considering a variety of population groups over a diversity of geographical regions. He demonstrated at that time, with plenty of data in support of his argument, that it was not the geography or natural. Societies organized on a basis of social and economic inequalities and making unappropriated uses of their natural resources were at the root of the problem

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