“Bad Interpreters and Scheming Tongues”: Nahuatl and Chiapanec in a Lawsuit over Cacicazgos and Tribute in Chiapan, 1547

Objective / Context: During the second half of the sixteenth century, various documents were created to “inform” the Crown about the American territories. This responded to the policies carried out by the Philippine project, which aimed, through a systematic collection of information, to establish control over the territories and governance of the Indies. Even from the most remote areas, such as the Kingdom of Guatemala, detailed reports were sent regarding the population, geography, flora, fauna, and linguistic diversity of the Indigenous peoples. This article focuses on the region of Verapaz, a frontier area fought over by the Dominicans, secular clergy, royal officials, and Spanish settlers. Methodology: This study examined and compared the reports compiled by the Dominican friars of Santo Domingo de Cobán in 1574 with the report on Zacatula and Verapaz, written a few months earlier by Mateo Arévalo Sedeño, a physician and judge of the Royal Audiencia of Guatemala. It proposes the hypothesis that each of these actors aimed to present themselves to the Crown as the legitimate representative of the king, seeking to domesticate and claim territorial authority in the region described in the reports. Originality: While historiography has viewed this documentation as a result of jurisdictional disputes, it has not explored in depth the struggle for control over natural resources that is evident between various actors of the political communication. Therefore, this text argues that the information was sent to “inform” the Crown about natural resources; in return, those who sent the information took the initiative to negotiate various privileges for their respective interest groups.Conclusions: Despite the narrative on poverty, the Dominican friars provided detailed information about the natural and human resources found in the province of Verapaz; with this information, they aimed to obtain alms and privileges from the Crown, which would come from in-kind and labor tributes that local communities paid directly to the king.

This research analyzes the impact of the local language campaign conducted by Prabowo Gibran through the TikTok account @fillixpratama25, which demonstrates adaptation to digital trends and the preferences of young voters. Unlike previous studies that focused on political image and campaign strategies in other contexts, this research offers a new approach by emphasizing the use of local language on TikTok. The methodology used is a qualitative approach with a constructivist paradigm, utilizing field research methods. Data was collected through direct observation, document analysis, and interviews with relevant stakeholders. Critical discourse analysis by Teun A. van Dijk was used to understand how local language in this campaign builds or undermines social dominance and reflects power structures. The results of the study indicate that the use of local language and a relaxed communication style create emotional closeness with the audience, increase political awareness among young voters, and leverage the viral potential of TikTok to expand the reach of political messages. This campaign combines media ecology theory and social media campaign theory, highlighting how new media transforms the political communication environment and enables more direct interaction between politicians and the public. The conclusion shows that adaptive strategies in using social media with relevant local languages can strengthen the connection between candidates and voters, increase political awareness, and open new opportunities in political communication in the digital era.

Political communication is a crucial matter for political actors and institutions to gauge public sentiment, shape public opinion, and influence the current political landscape; it acts as a bridge between the public and political actors/institutions. Throughout history, politics has continuously evolved based on its target audience and the changing world. Particularly in Turkey, the dynamics of political communication for Generation Z, characterized as a new generation of voters with distinct expectations, goals, and political perspectives, have taken on a different dimension compared to various social groups. Political actors and institutions strive to reach the new generation of voters, engage with their interests, and develop effective communication strategies to gain the support of this voter group that is considered the future of the country. This paper explores a different perspective on political communication, emphasizing transparency and equal opportunities, integrating digital and interactive communication into every issue, and examines how such communication strategies were employed by the İYİ Party in digital platforms. The research was conducted between January and June 2023, incorporating recent elections and campaign data. This study is significant in understanding political communication strategies, observing how these dynamics take shape through technological innovations and the targeted audience, and assessing the impact of this communication style on active political participation. The focus on the İYİ Party, which received 9.96% of the votes in its initial elections, demonstrates its distinct political communication strategy compared to other parties, further highlighting the study's importance. The objective of this research is to showcase the transformation of political communication with new-generation voters in the era of social media and digitalization, using the İYİ Party as a case study. The research employs a qualitative approach in two phases. In the first phase, a literature review collected data on the impact of political communication on voters. In the second phase, the social media accounts of the İYİ Party were analyzed to determine their focal topics and strategies through their posts. Additionally, voter reactions were observed based on the identical posts. This process examined how political communication evolved through trends and posts to connect with new-generation voters on social media. In conclusion, İYİ Party’s political communication strategy focuses more on topics relevant to new-generation voters, such as equal opportunities, diversity, education and technology accessibility, welfare policies, democracy, social justice, and rights. These topics are approached with a digital interaction-centric perspective, making political interaction more interactive. * This study is based on the master's thesis titled "Political Parties and Voter Behavior Dynamics in Turkey: The Case of the İYİ Party," conducted at the Department of Sociology at Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University.

political topic. These chapters also describe attempts to implement standardization programs and their impact on the country's sociolinguistic realities. The author, however, saves his harshest criticism for those experts who debate these issues in academic forums but do not address the grassroots problems of plurilingual societies and oral cultures in an anthropological sense. Throughout the book, the author contrasts various approaches to the Indian language experience. He discusses the early and continued conflicts between proponents of a national, common medium and those who argued for the use of local languages in daily life and education, for the linking of nonstandard languages to the mainstream language as a transitional measure, and for the use of a diversity of dialects or languages in speaking with standard language skills used for writing. The author's conclusion is that ESL teachers need to view language diversity both as an asset to society and as an issue to be dealt with pragmatically. The book is difficult for readers in the sense that it assumes a certain

The purpose of this study was to determine the political communication strategy and the inhibiting factors and opportunities for political communication of the Al Haris and Abdullah Sani winning team. In an effort to obtain victory in the contestation of the Governor's Election in Jambi Province in 2020, which is pursued through careful political communication planning, the dissemination of issues regarding the candidate pair competing for the number one seat in the government is important to achieve victory. This research uses a qualitative descriptive method. Researchers use Political Marketing theory with three approaches, namely: push marketing, pull marketing, pass marketing. In this study the author took four informants as samples. Data collection in this study was collected from observations, interviews, and documentation. From the results of the study, there were several roles performed by the Al Haris and Abdullah Sani winning team during the campaign period, the campaign strategy was carried out in three ways: face-to-face campaigns, campaigns using social media, and open campaigns. The obstacles experienced by the winning team of Al Haris and Abdullah Sani in the field are semantic factors, namely the lack of solid coordination and communication between the winning team and perceptual distortion, namely errors caused by the narrow thinking of novice voters so that it is quite difficult to convey the programs and vision and mission of the candidate pair.

This article looks at Neil Kinnocks appearances in Labours 1987 election broadcast and the promotional video for Tracey Ullmans My Guy in 1984, in order to evaluate the relationship between political communication and popular culture. After the first British television broadcasts, television moved from a means of observing politics and politicians to an active agent and participant in politics. In the 1980s this relationship became more complex: it was politicians and politics that became participants in television. New media technology helped the televising of Parliament and new current affairs broadcasting formats to extend the opportunities for political communication through television. Engagement with television, and popular culture more generally, had a specific pull for Labour under Kinnock as the party strove to engage with first time voters without alienating their traditional voters. Discussion of politics and popular culture in the 1980s generally takes place around issues of party policy on the media industry or censorship, of promotional culture configured as PR or spin, or of the artificiality of politicians engagement with youth culture at events like Red Wedge. Instead this article argues for the importance of understanding politicians engagement with television through the lens of changing broadcast cultures and technologies, rather than as illustrative of traditional political communication.

The article examines in detail the changing role of the media in the context of digital transformation and highlights the growing influence of social media as a central element of political communication. The rapid development of digital technologies has significantly changed the media landscape, blurring the boundaries between traditional media and new forms of mass communication. This shift has created new opportunities for democratizing communication and increasing citizen participation in political and public life. Due to the fact that today social networks have become the main tool for the rapid dissemination of information, this has significantly accelerated the exchange of opinions and accelerated reactions to political events, as well as increased dependence on digital platforms that manage the flow of information through various algorithms and recommendations. In addition to general scientific methods and comparative analysis, the research used the method of content analysis, namely the analysis of messages and content distributed through traditional media and social networks, to identify changes in political communication and information manipulation. Digitalization of communications has led to significant changes in the ways of obtaining and distributing information, which requires a revision of existing norms and standards that have been developed for traditional media. The study highlights the dual nature of this transformation. Even though it promotes greater transparency, public engagement, and democratization, it also generates problems such as disinformation, polarization, online propaganda, and the use of artificial intelligence (AI). This duality highlights the complexity of managing modern information flows and highlights the importance of finding a balance between the benefits of digitalization and potential threats. On the one hand, digital technologies provide powerful tools for citizens to participate in political life, facilitating access to information and enabling rapid response to events. On the other hand, they create a favorable environment for manipulation, spreading false data and increasing polarizing trends.

In this article we discuss the extent to which sport might effectively encourage processes of integration and civic participation in Prato, one of the most multicultural cities in Italy. A discourse analysis of recent policies that aim to foster social inclusion of migrants and their children through sport in the city and in the broader region of Tuscany is conducted in the first half of the article; this is followed by the analysis of qualitative interviews and focus groups with city councillors, sport operators and educators. Framed by theories of transculturation, we argue that sport may provide great opportunities for intercultural communication and transcultural socialization – mostly in its informal manifestations and in some of the more progressive and innovative public initiatives carried out in the city. Yet we also suggest that processes of social inclusion through sport promoted at a policy level are often hindered ‘on the ground’ by assimilationist attitudes and practices.

Günümüzde geleneksel siyasal iletişim yerini çevrimiçi siyasal iletişime bırakmaktadır. Başarılı bir çevrimiçi siyasal iletişim için sosyal ağların etkin ve doğru bir biçimde kullanılması büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu bağlamda siyasi aktörler sosyal ağlardaki kişisel hesaplarını kendi aday imajlarını oluşturmada ve seçmenlerle etkileşim kurmakta kullanmaktadırlar. Instagram’da Türkiye her gün artan kullanıcı sayısı ve kullanım sıklığı açısından çevrimiçi siyasal iletişimdeki sosyal ağların en önemlilerinden biridir. Bu çalışmada, siyasal liderlerin Instagram hesaplarını nasıl ve ne derece etkin kullandıklarının ortaya çıkarılması amaçlanmıştır. Bu doğrultuda iktidar ve ana muhalefet liderleri olan Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ve Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’nun Instagram’da yaptıkları tüm paylaşımlar içerik analizine tabi tutulmuştur. Elde edilen verilerin analizinde frekans dağılımları, ortalama, standart sapma, korelasyon, Mann Withney U ve Kruskal Wallis H testleri kullanılmıştır. Türkiye’deki siyasal aktörlerin çevrimiçi siyasal iletişimin sunduğu fırsatlardan yararlanamadığı görülmektedir. Sonuç olarak Türkiye’deki siyasal aktörlerin çevrimiçi siyasal iletişimin özelliklerini ve etkileşim imkanlarının sağlayabileceği etkileri henüz kavrayamadıkları, geleneksel kitle iletişim araçlarını nasıl kullanıyorlarsa aynı şekilde tek yönlü olarak kullanmaya çalıştıkları ortaya konulmuştur.

Résumé En nous appuyant sur la théorie des systèmes sociaux de Niklas Luhmann, nous nous efforçons de proposer une explication, en termes de théorie de la communication, du succès contemporain du concept d’égalité des chances. Selon notre thèse, ce concept aide le système à résoudre un problème spécifique en rapport avec la protection sociale. La société contemporaine, au vu de sa différenciation fonctionnelle, a fait de l’égalité l’une de ses valeurs sociales principales : cela donne une forte légitimité a priori aux revendications de prestations sociales émanant d’individus ou de groupes sociaux qui ont réussi à se définir comme défavorisés. Suivant la théorie des systèmes, nous envisageons de telles revendications comme une forme spécifique de communication, ce qui implique que le système politique doit les gérer sur le plan communicationnel, c’est-à-dire en les acceptant ou en les rejetant dans des communications ultérieures. Selon nous, le concept d’égalité des chances répond à cette fonction en permettant au système politique de limiter fortement ces revendications et de les contrôler. Plus particulièrement, la notion d’égalité des chances délégitime les revendications qui se fondent sur l’hypothèse d’une protection sociale qui serait une forme de compensation plutôt qu’un moyen de réaliser des objectifs socialement validés (emploi, statut, éducation…).

India is a land of immense linguistic diversity, with 22 officially recognized languages and hundreds of regional dialects. This multilingual landscape presents both a challenge and an opportunity for development communication—a field concerned with using communication to promote social development. In such a context, vernacular languages (also referred to as regional or local languages) play a pivotal role in ensuring inclusivity, effectiveness, and sustainability in communication aimed at development. Development communication involves the strategic use of communication processes, techniques, and media to inform and empower individuals and communities. Its goals range from improving public health and education to encouraging civic participation and environmental sustainability. In India, where a large segment of the population resides in rural and semi-urban areas, vernacular languages are often the primary medium of thought and expression. Therefore, any attempt at meaningful development communication must engage with people in their native tongues. This article explores the multifaceted role of vernacular languages in development communication in India. It examines historical contexts, institutional frameworks, practical implementations, case studies, challenges, and future prospects.

A democracia na Nigéria, sem dúvidas, ganha impulso recentemente. Este desenvolvimento coincide com uma era de maior acesso à informação pelas massas, cortesia da nova mídia e suas inúmeras plataformas e oportunidades de comunicação. Hoje, cada membro do público que está conectado a nova mídia pode não apenas acessar informação, como também criar e compartilhar as mesmas nas várias plataformas de consumo em massa. Democracia, que implica na participação popular no processo de governança, se beneficia imensamente desta tendência. Este estudo explora o papel que a nova mídia desempenha na consolidação da democracia no país, com grande atenção nos canais de comunicação das eleições gerais de 2015, quando a nova mídia defendeu a divulgação de informações sobre as eleições, e as consequências do período eleitoral que preparou o caminho para a administração atual. Ancorado na Teoria da Responsabilidade Social, o estudo questiona até que ponto as novas plataformas de mídia liberalizam o processo de comunicação política no país, além das oportunidades e ameaças que elas abrigam à consolidação democrática. O argumento central da pesquisa é que a nova mídia se apresenta como uma ferramenta útil nas mãos de ativistas e cidadãos interessados em participar do governo e de efetivamente desempenharem o papel de vigilantes, um privilégio que, até agora, estava longe da realidade. Existem, entretanto, vários abusos que, infelizmente, ameaçam desperdiçar as oportunidades da plataforma, tais como prevalência de ódio e discursos perigosos, aumento na intensidade de mentiras, erros, falsidade e propaganda negativa, além do uso de seções de comentários para atacar, intimidar e demonizar os outros debatedores de questões políticas levantadas nas notícias, através de inúmeras plataformas online. Por fim, o artigo recomenda uma ‘cautelosa’ incorporação das novas mídias no processo democrático para abrir caminho a uma maior participação.

New skills and avenues for participation and self-expression in a connected society are made possible by ICT. Digital empowerment refers to the multi-step process of gaining access to better networking, communication, and collaboration opportunities and boosting the competency of individuals and communities so that they can play an influential role in society as a result of these developments. in the modern age of information. The goal of this essay is to investigate the relationship between inequality of participation and the degree to which individuals are empowered or disempowered in network society governance systems. A qualitative critical secondary data analysis was performed, in which published data and communication theory were used. This analysis contends that questions of the relationship between democracy and democratization and the role of computer-mediated communication in political communication are at the heart of the Digital Divide. The current Digital Gap is anticipated to add to structural disparities in political involvement as the role of ICT systems in political communication expands. As much as this inequality works against democracy and the political empowerment of some, it also creates chances for greater political participation by others. That raises questions about the social strata best positioned to profit from the coming networked society's electronic administration.

The Internet provides new opportunities for political communication. How strategic are constituency candidates in exploiting these new opportunities and what are the contexts driving their choices? This paper envisions the Internet as a means for personal vote-seeking on the campaign trail adopted by those candidates electorally motivated in this regard. It aims to explore this argument in theoretical and empirical ways and in light of survey data resulting from the 2009 German Candidate Study (GCS 2009). These data cover 38 per cent (N = 790) of all constituency candidates running in the 2009 campaign and enclose numerous questions on their campaign activities online.

To mimic the online practices of citizens has been declared an imperative to improve communication and extend participation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of how European discourses praising online video as a communication tool have been translated into actual practices by politicians, governments and organisations. By contrasting official documents with YouTube activity, it is argued that new opportunities for European political communication are far from being fully embraced, much akin to the early years of websites. The main choice has been to use YouTube channels fundamentally for distribution and archiving, thus neglecting its social media features. The disabling of comments by many heads of state and prime ministers - and, in 2010, the European Commission - indicates such an attitude. The few attempts made to foster citizen engagement, in particular during elections, have had limited success, given low participation numbers and lack of argument exchange.