Utopias americanas – terror y amor en la estética modernista de Graça Aranha y José Vasconcelos

Engaging with a growing body of literature regarding post-violence remembrance, this article considers how distinct disciplines approach the study of contemporary “memory cultures” and addresses the issues that arise when violent pasts are considered in a global, comparative perspective. The paper reflects on theoretical and conceptual debates that have emerged in the permanent seminar, Traces and Faces of Violence, an intellectual ILLACCHS- CSIC-based symposium dedicated to the interdisciplinary, comparative analysis of post-violence memory cultures in different social, political and historical contexts. It identifies two specific arenas of interpretation that have been particularly useful for engaging with global memory studies literature: the historical, judicial, political, social and personal discourses regarding the past and reflections on the relationship between memory and materiality. By “traveling” through a series of case studies and by identifying their points of convergence, as well as their points of tension, this “overture” suggests that we approach the temporal and spatial movement of memory, as well as its immobility, as two ends in the process of remembering. In doing so, the article illustrates how local case studies inform, shape and transform globally circulating discourses and how the emergent transnational repertoire of knowledge regarding violent pasts provides a framework for reacting to a wide variety of local struggles.

Disability studies has been put forth by some archaeologists and bioarchaeologists as potentially useful for their disciplines. In this chapter, we examine a number of models of disability in terms of their congruency with the aims of bioarchaeology and how they might be heuristically useful for this discipline. Given the currency of the differentiation between disability studies and critical disability studies , we further appraise several concepts employed by the latter and indicate points of convergence and tension with bioarchaeology. Suffice to say, in this chapter we do not offer definitive analysis of the issues we raise but seek to open a discussion between bioarchaeology and critical disability studies.

1. Introduction: The Future of Women's Rights - Ellen Sprenger and Alison Symington 2. From 'Opposing' to 'Proposing': Finding Proactive Global Strategies for Feminist Futures - Joanna Kerr 3. Creating a New World with New Visions: African Feminism and Trends in the Global Women's Movement - Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi 4. Rights of Passage: Women Shaping the 21st Century - Mahnaz Afkhami 5 Challenging Power: Alternatives to the Current Global Order - An interview with Josefa (Gigi) Francisco 6. An Action Framework for South Asia - Deepa Dhanraj, Geeta Misra, and Srilatha Batliwala 7 Different Worlds Possible: Feminist Yearnings for Shared Futures - Sarah Bracke 8. Diversity as our Strength: Transforming Power, Public Policy and Popular Culture - Ana Criquillion 9. Confronting Globalization: Feminist Political Spirituality as a Strategy of Action - Alda Facio 10. Globalization and Reinventing the Politics of A Women's Movement - Vanessa Griffen 11. Caution! Women Moving: Strategies for Organizing Feminist Visions of the Future - Sisonke Msimang 12 International and Post-Socialist Women's Rights Advocacy: Points of Convergence and Tension - Anastasia Posadskaya-Vanderbeck 13 Gender Equality Advocates Speak: Feminist Issues and Strategies Into the Future - Rhonda Leeson

We know that the deepest disturbances must be reached to foster the deepest changes and growth. But what do we do when some of our patients suffer relentlessly through dissociated, dysregulated states of catastrophic proportons, when these states are repetitive but not generative, when our psychoanalytic forms of holding, provision, and containment are just not good enough? After a number of years in psychoanalytic practice, the author trained in Somatic Experiencing (SE), a non-psychoanalytic, bio-psychological model for treating trauma. He presents a psychotherapy case that began before his SE training and continued during and after. He illustrates how SE perspectives and approaches can inform and enrich our psychoanalytic ways of looking, listening, and responding. He emphasizes how SE can supplement and enfold into psychoanalytic processes of intersubjective regulation, crucial for patients who are exquisitely vulnerable to severe overactivation (overwhelming anxiety, panic, terror, agitation, rage, explosiveness, etc.) and/or underactivation (freeze, numbness, emptiness, deadness, etc.). He discusses the relationship between SE and major psychoanalytic paradigms (Classical, Kleinian, Winnicottian, Relational, and Self Psychology), looking at points of convergence, divergence, synergy and tension. He shares a professional and personal journey of interweaving SE into psychoanalytic treatment.

Men of Color provides those working in the social services with an assessment framework for identifying and understanding the developmental needs of gay and bisexual men of color. By adding an ethnic dimension to the literature on homosexual conduct and identity, this book helps service providers improve services for men from all communities. It provides insightful implications for practice and programs, presenting valuable, practical information for planning services for African-, Asian-, Latino-, and Native Americans.Chapters in Men of Color gives you a context for working with homosexually active men of color, regardless of their specific service needs. This broad base is constructed by showing that the meaning of homosexual conduct and identity changes across cultures and generations; that the gay rights movement is having a profound impact on all ethnic/racial communities; that although the pull toward the gay community is strong, the pull to retain ethnic identities is equally strong; and that homosexuality varies culturally and historically. Contributors give: a cross-cultural comparison of identity, networks, and social support patterns among European-, African-, and Latino American men seeking services from an HIV prevention program. an ecological assessment model that can be used by social service professionals working with African American men. an historically-based description of Native American men that ends with their own special vision for clinical services. a review of the literature on Latin American and Filipino men. an historical examination of Korean norms and attitudes on homosexuality. a discussion of an applied research agenda for gay men of color that derives from the need to improve delivery of social services.Men of Color asserts that homosexually active men of color are often caught in a dilemma: they must choose between their ethnic and sexual identities, either putting their ethnicity before their gayness, or their gayness before their ethnicity. The book predicts that the lure of sexual freedom, coupled with the comfort of old traditions, will lead to a new synthesis of gay and ethnic identities and helps service providers facilitate this synthesis. Whether you’re a social service provider, social work or health educator, or gay/lesbian studies educator, you will find Men of Color a superior guide for improving your services.

Therapeutic recommendations in this report are based heavily on evidence from controlled clinical trials. Nonetheless, randomized clinical trials have not been carried out to address all therapeutic questions pertaining to all age groups, both sexes, and different racial/ethnic groups. Consequently, ATP III recommendations for various groups often must be made by combining what has been learned from clinical trials with other lines of evidence such as epidemiological findings. Fortunately, a large number of clinical trials have produced a very large set of consistent results that allow for considerable confidence in projections of benefits and drawbacks of cholesterol-lowering therapy in groups that have not been subject to clinical trials. In the discussion to follow, the ATP III panel has crafted its recommendations for different population groups from general evidence statements and general recommendations developed in previous sections. No attempt will be made to grade the category and strength of evidence for all recommendations made in this section. Men of middle-age (35-65 years) are at increasing risk for CHD as they progressively age. Up to one-third of all new CHD events and about one-fourth of all CHD deaths occur in middle-aged men.1017 Most of the excess risk for CHD morbidity and mortality in middle-aged men can be explained by the major risk factors—cholesterol disorders, hypertension, and cigarette smoking.10,11 Men are predisposed to abdominal obesity, which makes them particularly susceptible to the metabolic syndrome. Consequently, metabolic risk factors (elevated cholesterol and triglycerides, low HDL cholesterol, and elevated blood pressure) appear earlier in men than women. Table VIII.1-1 summarizes factors to consider when applying ATP III guidelines to middle-aged men. View this table: Table VIII.1-1. Special Considerations for Cholesterol Management in Middle-Aged Men CHD is a major cause of death in women as well as men and it ultimately kills as many women as men.1017 However, …

This chapter argues that we are witnessing new processes of social participation and activism in Latin America, characterised by the absence of defined centres of deliberation and coordination, and by transitory leadership. This activism is part of a wider global wave of social protests that began with the Arab Spring in 2011, with which it shares common features such as the generational factor, the role of social media and networks and the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs), the gap between institutional politics and the citizenry, and the weakening of the convening and mobilisation power of classic social movements. The period 2011‒15 was characterised by the emergence of this new kind of social activism in Latin America. This form of activism is growing in a specific regional context of increasing contradictions arising from exclusionary socio-economic development and incomplete human development characterised by radical social inequalities in democracies that still do not attend to the needs of large parts of society. Although these social movements may seem new, they are in fact the expression of underlying tensions present in most societies of the region; points of tension that have long represented the core of social conflict in Latin America: inequality, poverty and the exclusion they both imply. This exclusion is social (a lack of access to basic services, education, health and transport, etc.) and political (a lack of participation in decision-making processes, self-referential political classes and opaque institutional processes, and a lack of political–institutional accountability).

Puerto Ricans are racially characterized by a mix of three races (Spaniard, Taíno, and African). In fact, this statement dominates any other version of the Puerto Rican racial identity, which has limited the discussions about racial issues such as blanqueamiento and racism. In an effort to better understand racial dynamics and the Puerto Rican’s perception of race, four descendants of the African Diaspora engaged in a self-reflective process using a roundtable approach to analyze their experiences in Puerto Rico. The roundtable approach is based in an ethnographic method of the qualitative approach. Each individual journaled each moment from their own perspective, then as a group they came together to discuss the themes, experiences, and impressions of the journey. They did this by attending the Latin American Studies Association Conference that was held in San Juan in 2015. While visiting the conference, the attending researchers made efforts to learn as much as they could through experiences such as visiting historical sites and engaging with residents. The investigators discussed the themes they observed in Puerto Rico that related to the overarching question, “What does Blackness mean in Puerto Rico?” and the impact of this meaning on the well-being of Black Puerto-Ricans. These roundtable discussions took place over a year with multiple 2-3 hour meetings. In discussing the themes, the researchers created a space where each author had an equal voice and expertise. This roundtable process not only expanded the authors’ understanding of how Blackness is understood in the diaspora, but also their very own personal understanding of Blackness. The findings from each author were compared to develop a broader and deeper understanding of how each viewed the research questions. If the themes from the different authors arrived at the same resolution, then their confidence in the themes was strengthened. This process resulted in the team identifying four major themes; the romanticization of belonging to the three races, psychological sense of belonging and resiliencies, tension points in Loíza: resiliency, resistance and social exclusion and the rehabilitation of each individual’s cultural identity as descendants of the Transatlantic African Diaspora. Each individual reproduced their own experiences in this process into these four themes. In regards to the romanticization of belonging to the three races, one member wrote On my way home I couldn’t believe the day we had. I saw discrimination and racism with my own eyes. I saw it here in a place I always believed was filled with no racism. In a place, I consider was innocent to color differences and that respected and valued the power of differences. I discover that as Puerto-Ricans we are so used to the fantasy of diversity that we do not see that, for some, diversity is unrealistic; especially when you can’t even acknowledge the basic rights of others. Using their individual reflections as data, the four researchers were able to identify the resiliency factors that have helped to strengthen their and others’ racial identity. In this process, the researchers were able to have a deeper understanding of their African ancestry and develop a more inclusive Puerto Rican identity. This process included the researchers examining ways that anti-blackness and colorism are displayed in the Puerto Rican culture, and also detecting areas of racial justice and resiliency throughout their community. The ultimate goal is to determine how transgenerational transmission of resiliency could better inform interventions and strategies targeting racial adversities for all descendants of the Transatlantic African Diaspora while considering its impact on cultural identity development and formation. Collectively, as a result of this project, there is a higher sense of connectedness to African roots. In team discussions, it was found that a limitation of this paper is not having a person who identifies as Black Puerto-Rican as an author and how this would have added greatly to the roundtable discussions and findings. The authors recognize that there may be tension points that exist for Puerto-Ricans to fully accept their African heritage. The objective of this paper is to start a dialogue to open up spaces and opportunities to engage in this difficult conversation. It is the authors’ hope that this paper can spark conversations and strategies to address the historical and contemporary impact of how Blackness is socially constructed in Puerto Rican Society. Finally, it is with hopes that this can connect the experiences of Black Puerto Ricans’ historical/contemporary resiliencies to the larger knowledge base of strategies that can help address racial adversities of all people from the Transatlantic African Diaspora.

New Mutations of the Protestant Ethic among Latin American Pentecostals

This paper seeks to initiate a conversation between degrowth (DG) and postdevelopment (PD) frameworks by placing them within the larger field of discourses for ecological and civilizational transitions and by bridging proposals emerging from the North with those from the Global South. Not only can this dialogue, it is argued, be mutually enriching for both movements but perhaps essential for an effective politics of transformation. Part I of the paper presents a brief panorama of transition discourses (TDs), particularly in the North. Part II discusses succinctly the main postdevelopment trends in Latin America, including Buen Vivir (BV), the rights of Nature, civilizational crisis, and the concept of ‘alternatives to development’. With these elements in hand, Part III attempts a preliminary dialogue between degrowth and postdevelopment, identifying points of convergence and tension; whereas they originate in somewhat different intellectual traditions and operate through different epistemic and political practices, they share closely connected imaginaries, goals, and predicaments, chiefly, a radical questioning of the core assumption of growth and economism, a vision of alternative worlds based on ecological integrity and social justice, and the ever present risk of cooptation. Important tensions remain, for instance, around the critique of modernity and the scope for dematerialization. This part ends by outlining areas of research on PD that could be of particular interest to degrowth scholars. The conclusion, finally, envisions the dissolution of the very binary of ‘Global North’ and ‘Global South’ by adopting a pluriversal perspective.

In many American and Latin American cities alike, urban governance and planning are either in urgent need of reform or are currently undergoing haphazard reform. In many cases, innovative attempts to implement reforms have failed because the inability of cities to develop their ‘civic capacity’—the capacity to build and maintain broad social and political multisectoral coalitions in pursuit of common goals. As the experiences of cultural and political dilemmas, traditions, and contests vary from place to place and from time to time, it is only logical that analysts of urban governance processes in Latin America and the United States have come up with different models that attempt to both interpret and provide normative guidance for such complex processes within their particular geopolitical and socio-cultural specificities. This article discusses two main urban governance models developed in Latin America and the United States—associationism and regime theory—and considers the implications of those models in planning theory. Rather than portraying a compilation of different ideas, the attempt is to highlight the notion that, despite the fact that these theoretical and analytical urban governance models from Latin America and the United States have been inspired on the empirical study of different urban, regional, and national contexts, it is possible to identify some equivalences between them. This article argues that these significant points of convergence are productive building blocks for the construction of more generalizable models of urban governance and planning in democratic cities in the Americas and beyond. It situates coalition and network politics at the center of urban planning and governance reform, suggesting that associationism and regime theory can be instrumental at analyzing the status of civic capacity of urban communities. Furthermore, the article claims that the points of convergence between these models of governance may achieve a more powerful synergy and productive status as tools for both analysis and action through their synthesis in, and reinforcement of, the notion of communicative action in urban planning theory and practice. Communicative action can be synergistically strengthened by the contributions of regime theory and associationism to further develop theories, tools, and processes to design, guide, and evaluate more democratic, equitable, and efficient urban governance and planning experiences.

Discrimination, like traffic through an intersection, may flow in one direction, and it may flow in another…. But it is not always easy to reconstruct an accident.—Kimberlé Crenshaw, "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex" Stop, for a moment, at an intersection, a busy one, and you might get smashed in no time; if lucky, you could get spotted in time, which would also be a way to delay some other oncoming death. Intersections are where we get caught and where we find our bearings. Structurally tricky, fatally slippery, they can save us or sever us. An intersection can stop you short or spur you on. Such are the elusive vicissitudes of crossings—but cross we must, that ironic vitality of beings at crossroads.Cross how? Block by block, one at a time. A trick, I suppose, is to keep moving: Move in there while looking around, up and down, left and right, or move right through without looking back. Confusing? I know. It's a mixed signal. That's partly why there is that yellow sign, as I understand, a cushion for transitional chaos. It is there as a buffer zone of active inaction that strollers and drivers alike must learn to inhabit to live together, to move along. Of course, such a regulative codification of temporal boundaries solves neither the chronic traffic problems nor the Aristotelian riddle of time, once or for all; in fact, that is where we tend to expect more clashes, shifts, and accidents, literally or metaphorically. In any case, however, this material allegory of time at work does keep us reminded of and returning to this question that just won't disappear: What happens—or rather, flows, comes, or intervenes—between green and yellow, and yellow and red? Who can account for, and bear witness to, events taking place in, and surging from, that luminal space of perpetual decision and indecision? No one and everyone.So what happens there, in each case, stays there, like a blood stain at a crime scene; each, thus itemized, produces and carries effects of confluences of issues irreducible to any explanatory or justificatory epistemic apparatuses, however complex or comprehensive. Now, the situation is even trickier for what happened, including what will have happened: an accident that just happened or waiting to happen, neither can stay "there there," as Gertrude Stein would say. Once registered, recorded, witnessed, experienced, remembered, interpreted, narrated, predicted, assumed—even distorted or forgotten or totalized—or predicted or speculated as such, what (will have) happened cannot be spatiotemporally isolated in any clear and distinct form or fashion, except in ripple effects and auto-archived traces and trajectories. Quite simply, "it is not always easy to reconstruct an accident" at an intersection, at this site that therefore functions more simply as a placeholder: "Sometimes the skid marks and the injuries simply indicate that they occurred simultaneously, frustrating efforts to determine which driver caused the harm. In these cases the tendency seems to be that no driver is held responsible, no treatment is administered, and the involved parties simply get back in their cars and zoom away."1 The courtroom, for example, another locale, is where what happened in the past and outside is "reconstructed," that is, debated, deconstructed, and restitutively decided on, almost to the structural exclusion of what happens there there in the courtroom, that black boxy space that itself, in turn, becomes an object of inquiry as it passes through the narrative sieve of time. Something else then, almost time itself, unfurls and keeps piling on, serially, massively, obscurely. What becomes of this radical void and avoidance at the heart of trillion-plus "events," "incidents," "cases," and so on?Back at that intersection: theoretical reflections start in and through a silhouette of life, after the fact, with all the countless, priceless, motionless layers of time folded, compressed "there there," and the various corners of the world suddenly brought to light, to the center stage. This seems how a life, instantly, becomes an afterlife, serial constellations of Nachträglichkeit (belatedness or deferred effects), as one seeks to "find an order in the drama of time," like the proverbial police officer who always arrives late, almost has to arrive late, but also has to ask immediately, "What's going on here?"2 Perhaps that's why theory, a life of logos, tends to focus on "lived" experience rather than living, even when talking about "living" beings, of bios. Whatever (will have) happened to life, a time of life?But reconstruct we must. As I see it, such is the take-home message of this allegory of life/death crosscut. Such is the political and ethical imperative lodged in the ontology of intersectional obscurity and obscure multiplicity, to which we will turn in the next section; let's try not to slip back into our own trains of thought and "zoom away" again. Occupy intersection, can we? How?Intersectionality has much to say about politics, but what are the contemporary politics of intersectionality itself?—Patricia Hill Collins, "Social Inequality, Power, and Politics: Intersectionality and American Pragmatism in Dialogue" Let's restart by zooming in on this succinct description of "intersectionality" Patricia Hill Collins offered in 2000: "Intersectionality refers to particular forms of intersecting oppressions, for example, intersections of race and gender, or of sexuality and nation. Intersectional paradigms remind us that oppression cannot be reduced to one fundamental type, and that oppressions work together in producing injustice."3 As noted earlier, intersection enables and disables, allows and hinders, does and undoes: it is a hinge, a point of convergence. "Seemingly" formal and neutral in its silent workings, intersection also "presses" on, forward and inward.4 "Intersectionality," as a materially anchored and layered concept in critical social theory highlighting the interconnected mechanism of oppressions in the United States, draws for its theoretical development on the collective experiences and embodied histories of American injustices such as slavery and segregation, among others. And its key concerns as both a knowledge project and a progressive pragmatist agenda—as its "spirit unfolded in the last three decades of the twentieth century," hot on the heels of the civil rights movement5—remain fueled and diversified by this, overridingly simple, question: how and why life becomes more definitely unlivable, unequally unbearable for some folks in some quarters, formed and pushed around various multiple pressure points within and around the U.S. borders and, now increasingly, across the globe.When Kimberlé Crenshaw advanced in 1989 her "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory, and Antiracist Politics," with that incisive tool, "intersectionality," her academic act, in some discursively inaugural ways, legitimized the long and rich tradition of intersectional thoughts in the U.S. black feminist intellectual genealogy populated with the early political trailblazers and activist intellectuals such as Sojourner Truth (1797–1883).6 And what she had in mind was specifically that: the cartography of the margin, not some general or universal or generic map. In the language of law coextensive with, and more technical than, the ones mobilized by some of her intellectual predecessors, Crenshaw set out to expose the tyranny of the linear and the equalizing ruse of legal-doctrinal grouping that creates, as the Combahee River Collective described in its 1974 statement, the "interlocking" systems of multiple marginalization of legal subjects.7 Her analysis sheds light on how intercutting "evasion" as both a cause and an effect of political actions becomes powerful, when first rendered possible by preemptive reductionism or doctrinal assumptions about cases under consideration;8 recall the radical void at the heart of an intersection, discussed earlier, from which people typically zoom away.Consider this ongoing question about "black women" centrality or supremacy in discourses of intersectionality. As Patricia puts it with that trenchant Pat-humor, "Given the historical derogation of women of African descent, it is tempting to grant African American women a colonial 'discovery' of a yet unnamed intersectionality."9 Again, who discovered what, and where? And who is covering that story? I am partly in the business of rereading, and so that's what I will contribute here, in addition to what I had to say so far. So, let's go back and rediscover what Crenshaw, for example, has purportedly discovered, the one to whom the typical academic story attributes the pioneering insights into "intersectionality." Crenshaw said from the start: "I will center Black women in the analysis in order to contrast the multidimensionality of Black women's experience with the single-axis analysis that distorts these experiences";10 did she say, "I will contrast the multidimensionality of Black women's experiences … in order to center Black women in the analysis"? "Black women" per se are being neither (re)discovered nor (re)centralized here. Instructive to read further back, in that vein, is the interlocutory frame of reference of the aforementioned 1974 manifesto by the Combahee River Collective, "A Black Feminist Statement." Let's see what idea is being addressed to whom, for whom, and by whom. "As black feminists and lesbians who know that they [we] have a very definite revolutionary task to perform," they said this from the start:11 The "major systems of oppression are interlocking. The synthesis of these oppressions creates the conditions of our lives. As black women we see black feminism as the logical political movement to combat the manifold and simultaneous oppressions that all women of color face."12 Again, clearly, here, "black women" per se are being neither (re)discovered nor (re)centralized but, rather, "performed" into presence as the embodied voice of a critique that addresses all—not just "all women of color" but all who listen.Then, you see, the key is elsewhere or dual. The linchpin of the idea here, vividly emerging from and self-critically returning to those particular standpoints, is the "multidimensionality" of "the manifold and simultaneous oppressions," the discursive, driving force of which is often eclipsed or exploited in academic identity politics, full of those facial "cards" supposed to be played by those "all 'but for'" in and from their corner offices, where they live and die. On that thorny issue, again, of (dis)identitarian political economy and hegemony, Kathryn Gines seems right back on track, when responding to Jennifer Nash's concern that in the world of "intersectionality," academically framed and produced as such, black women are "prototyped" as if owned, self-owned or otherwise:13 Indeed, the originary "ambiguity" and structural ambivalence of intersectionality are such that the "Black Women" Central itself has already been transformed over time,14 and we will have kept returning to the shared issue as serious, simple, and structural as that of life and death, to which the black women population in the United States, among others, certainly remains most vulnerable if not the most. The guiding question, then, even at its most practical, should not be how to divide the pie or produce a bigger pie but, rather, how to share or, better still, create more and better ones out of the existing one. The key concern should not exactly be where, on the map, to put multiple black women and more gay folks and many more minorities or when to decenter African American women's exemplary political and intellectual legacy to promote, instead, non–African American "women of color" (as oddly logically juxtaposed with "African American women").15 The straight pale male calculator can and should be used only to a certain extent, if at all. The larger and enduring question for all, regardless of who we are, should then perhaps be how to keep, while sharpening and diversifying, the momentum of the guiding spirit of this American pragmatist tradition, the soul of this sobering critique, which we might as well dub TIWD (thinking intersectional while driving).Such is how the philosophical spirit of intersectionality remains, today, a conceptual lifeline for the oppressed. A core insight of this "feminist heuristic" is in its attention to and ability to read the vicissitudes of political traffic and the accompanying logic of triage;16 the denser the traffic, the tougher the triage. As anyone ever caught or even invested in the crosshairs of identity politics would readily see, social identity is inextricably linked to its politico-economical viability, to a point where the paradigmatic distinction becomes practically impossible while analytically enabling and to that extent necessary like a ladder to climb on. In the course of navigating the often pernicious and treacherous waters of identity and belonging, we construct and mobilize a vast range of intricate apparatuses of identification as well as self-identification. So when an identity almost instantly becomes a coded value while functioning as such within any given system(s), as increasingly is the case in this age of planetary datafication and liquidization, something like "inalienable," basic human rights, for instance, becomes a practical paradox. As Hannah Arendt famously noted: "If a human being loses his political status, … [it] seems that a man who is nothing but a man has lost the very qualities which make it impossible for other people to treat him as a fellow man."17Now, see how this point of observation chimes right with what Collins has to say in 2004, in the introduction to Black Sexual Politics: What makes a progressive Black sexual politics "critical" is its commitment to social justice, not exclusively for African American men and women, but for all human beings. In this sense, a more progressive Black sexual politics is one specific site of a broader, global struggle for human rights. It is important to stress that although this particular book is about African Americans, this specific project of developing a more progressive Black sexual politics resembles other social justice projects that grapple with similar issues…. Because Black Sexual Politics examines one local manifestation of a more general, global phenomenon, I invite non–African American readers to consider how the questions raised here might inform their own social justice projects.18 The task of intersectionality would then include that of learning to read "between the lines," learning how to read the politics of silences.19 As Collins made it clear already in her 1990 monograph, Black Feminist Thought, and later again in the co-edited volume of 1998, Race, Class, and Gender, all, everything, every person, every event, every context, every intersection, matters greatly, singularly, "unique(ly)."20 The "unique" task of the intersectional thinker, as exemplified by the open-ended work of Collins, who keeps adding layers to her circle of thinking, would be not simply to add or reproduce what is or once was a unique property of being, such as "sexuality," which Collins has been analyzing more vigorously since 2000, but to make herself or himself the time to mark it afresh, to spotlight such often "unprotected" or overprotected, interstitial borderlands each time anew, making room for paradigm-shifting inventions as well as discursive interventions there.Patricia Hill Collins, "an intellectual Ninja," is getting right at such zones of interstitial contestations and constructions by constantly speaking toward and with them.21 She is a ninja of organic intellect, as she continues to allow herself to include more of herself as well as others in such interlocutory landscapes and journeys of co-thinking. Such is itself a testimony to the community-building sociality of intersectional thinking. Collins is the energy bar that a small lady philosopher such as myself would need to stock up on for interstitial camping and cross-disciplinary skiing. Pat is an inter-esting interlocutor, par excellence, of our times, someone who would occupy the center of interstitial social analyses by allowing others just to occupy her space. The battery must be kept at 99 percent, always at least 1 percent short, so that the gap, too, can keep growing, living on, otherwise.

Objective/Context: In the following pages, I describe three political feminist projects from Latin America, which we can characterize as critical, given that these projects endorse positions historically attributed to the political left. Methodology: Since I am addressing specific feminist experiences that are not eminently theoretical, I use the few theorizations produced by the movements mentioned above and interviews and descriptions of the activism of these feminist political projects. I apply aspects of a cultural studies perspective with a non-hegemonic methodology, deploying the creativity that characterizes the article’s subjects, and some elements of Participatory Action Research (PAR) methodology. Conclusions: I show that all three of these political proposals—although there are differences among them—have common ground and points of convergence that are important for thinking differently about critical Latin American feminisms. Specifically, I demonstrate that some of them share three characteristics: first, they are not born out of or made in academia; second, they are/live in the community; and third, they seek to unravel gender. Originality: This article presents an overview of these feminisms that have been of interest to feminists while providing academic readers with insight into social movements and their language. It could serve as a tool to discuss the relevance of these feminisms and expand the ongoing discussion in Latin America.

Reviewed by: Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire Gerhard Grytz Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire. By Amy S. Greenberg. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pg. 342. Acknowledgments, illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. ISBN 0521840961. $75.00 , cloth. ISBN 0521600804. $25.99, paper.) Amy Greenberg's study Manifest Manhood provides an intriguing new interpretation of the meaning of Manifest Destiny and the discourse of American expansionism during the middle part of the nineteenth century. Reversing commonly held historical interpretations, Greenberg convincingly shows that Manifest Destiny continued to hold its appeal to Americans after the Mexican-American War. Proponents of aggressive expansionism viewed the Caribbean, the Pacific, and Central America as the "new frontiers" in need of conquering. Between the conclusion of the Mexican-American War and the outbreak of the Civil War, the practice of filibustering, the invasion of foreign territory by private American mercenaries without official government approval, rose to epidemic proportions. Based on the investigation of an array of written documents, letters, journals, political cartoons, and newspapers, Greenberg analyzes the meaning of Manifest Destiny for American men and women during the 1840s and 1850s in the context of gender. She contends that radical changes in American society, economy, and culture during the 1830s and 1840s challenged ideals and practices of manhood and womanhood, and that the discussions over territorial expansion in the following decade provided the discourse in and through which these gender roles could be reformulated. During these times of domestic change, according to Greenberg, competing models of manhood appealed to American men and the discussion over expansionism "provided one important stage on which [the] battle [between the competing ideals] was waged" (p. 14). By the time the Mexican-American War concluded, two major ideals of masculinity had evolved: "restrained manhood and martial manhood" (p. 11). The restrained men, guided by morality, reliability, and bravery, staunchly supported female domesticity and opposed aggressive expansionism. Men subscribing to this mode of manhood wanted to fulfill America's Manifest Destiny through peaceful means by spreading allegedly superior American social, cultural, and religious institutions. In contrast, martial men, the precursors of the "manly man" of the turn-of-the-century "primitive masculinity," rejected the moral standards of restrained men and supported forceful expansionism. They were in particular drawn to the expansionist agenda and discourse of the Democratic Party. These martial men were on the forefront of supporting the further forceful expansion of the United States in the Caribbean, Latin America, and the Pacific, and they dominated the defense of filibustering expeditions into these regions. Manifest Manhood eloquently makes the case that aggressive expansionism in the decades prior to the Civil War, exemplified by numerous filibustering expeditions, was partly driven by domestic discourses of the appropriate roles of American men and women in a changing national environment. Manifest Destiny was gendered and a martial vision of manhood began to dominate its implementation. Greenberg's study greatly enhances our understanding of the dynamics behind American expansionism during the nineteenth century and should become a standard feature on the reading lists of university courses dealing with the topics [End Page 554] of American imperialism and Manifest Destiny. Furthermore, Greenberg's current work opens the door to a more detailed analysis of how gender and the discourses of American manhood and womanhood prevented a peaceful compromise in the sectional conflict leading up to the Civil War. Gerhard Grytz University of Texas at Brownsville Copyright © 2007 The Texas State Historical Association

This article combines an introduction to the work of Haroldo de Campos and a recent interview in which the Brazilian poet talks about his work. The English introduction is aimed primarily at hispanists in the UK and USA who are not lusophone specialists. In the interview, the Brazilian poet, critic, and translator Haroldo de Campos, talks at length about topics related to modern and contemporary Latin-American poetry, especially concerning its relationship with Japanese, Chinese, and Indian cultures. Discussing his often radical, and therefore controversial, views on Brazilian literature and criticism, he deals with a large range of important themes such as modernism, the baroque and the avant-garde, at the same time as considers his own literary and intellectual experience.