Assessing Institutional and Ideological Changes: The Transformations of dēmokratia in the Late Hellenistic and Early Imperial Periods

From the Roman conquest to the end of Constantine's reign, the finds in Macedon allow one to examine mainly two categories of large-scale art: sculpture and mosaic floors. The surviving monuments are numerous, whereas wall-paintings are not, but they differ in their chronological duration and, up to a point, in their function. The types and imagery of the funerary monuments of the late Hellenistic and early imperial period show a continuation of Hellenistic tradition. In the imperial period, sculpture flourished in Macedonia. It is easier to trace elements of Romanisation in monuments coming from the Roman colonies. The types of the portrait statues are not new, with the exception of the togati. Of the numerous private portrait statues, honorary and funerary, and of the busts, few examples retain the torso and the head together. The idealistic statues largely reproduce known types of the classical and Hellenistic period. Keywords: early imperial period; funerary monuments; Hellenistic period; Macedon's art; mosaic floors; private portrait statues; Roman period; wall-paintings

Previous articleNext article FreeA Bronze Hellenistic Dwarf in the Metropolitan MuseumLillian Bartlett StonerLillian Bartlett StonerThe Institute of Fine Arts, New York University Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMoreRepresentations of dwarfs in the Hellenistic world include a blending of realistic and imagined elements, and they are a fascinating subcategory of the "Hellenistic grotesque," representations of the ill, destitute, or handicapped. Small-scale bronze statuettes of dwarfs, of which one in The Metropolitan Museum of Art is an important example (figs. 1a–c), were frequently displayed in Roman domestic settings and seem to have been particularly popular during the Late Republican and Early Imperial periods (ca. 100 b.c.–a.d. 100). In this context, images of dwarfs were emblematic of the mania for all things "Egyptian" that reached a fever pitch in the decades leading up to and following the Battle of Actium in 31 b.c. This article explores the various associations that dwarfs came to embody through a long and complex process of appropriation (Egyptian to Greek to Roman), in an attempt to elucidate how the Metropolitan Museum's statuette was displayed and what it might have meant to the Roman viewer.figs. 1a–c. Statuette of a Dwarf. Late Hellenistic or Early Imperial, ca. 100 b.c.–a.d. 100. Bronze, with silver in the eyes, H. 3⅛ in. (7.9 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of Henry G. Marquand, 1897 (97.22.9)The small bronze dwarf is displayed in the Museum's Hellenistic gallery, in a case populated by other genre statuettes. Henry Gurdon Marquand, a discerning collector and well-known patron of the arts, gave the statuette to the Museum in 1897, the same year he became its second president. The donation of his fine collection of Roman bronzes, as well as a wealth of European paintings, transformed the Museum's collection before the turn of the century.1The statuette, measuring 3⅛ inches in height, is solid cast in bronze and, despite surface damage and aggressive cleaning, is in remarkably good condition.2 The green patina has been worn off in places, leaving blotches of a more golden color. The left side has sustained the most damage: the outer arm, hand, and shin are badly abraded. The face has also suffered, with a break at the left nostril and wear on the chin making those features appear respectively rather hooked and sharp. Areas of pitting are visible on the forehead, right knee and ankle, and the bottom of the tray. Two fingers are missing on the right hand. A shallow hole at the top of the head retains traces of lead solder, encircled by a worn, raised molding—this feature gives the most valuable clues to the statuette's ancient display context.The dwarf stands on his left foot and steps forward in a toddling, bowlegged stride. The legs are chubby, with bulky, softly modeled calf and thigh muscles. The buttocks are prominent and boxy in shape, and the phallus is completely exposed and abnormally large, reaching to the soles of the feet. The feet themselves seem unlikely to have ever supported the figure, as they are somewhat curved. The protruding stomach and broad breast are covered by an apron of thick material, tied at the nape of the neck. A small, square pouch hangs from the belt on the left side, and the left wrist is encircled by what appears to be a blockish bracelet. He holds a large, deep dish laden with small, round edibles—perhaps fruits or cakes—and is sampling one with his right hand. Despite its small size, the statuette is full of a cheeky malevolence; the mouth is open to receive the treat he has pilfered, revealing both upper and lower rows of teeth. The brow is prominent and furrowed with dramatic, stylized eyebrows conveying a sinister effect. The eyes are inlaid in silver with deeply incised pupils, once likely filled with gemstones or glass-paste, now missing.3 The use of a precious metal is a deliberate choice intended to draw focus to the eyes and additionally served to increase the expense and prestige of the statuette. The bald head is encircled by a crude wreath consisting of stylized leaves and clusters of grapes or berries.In terms of physiognomy, it is clear that the artist was portraying disproportionate dwarfism (achondroplasia), the result of a genetic mutation that is characterized by short stature, stunted arms and legs, and "normal" sized trunk and head.4 However, the oversize phallus and exaggerated facial features are figments of artistic imagination that impart the effect of caricature. Although more than two hundred bronze dwarf statuettes of this approximate scale have survived from antiquity,5 the silver eyes and impish animation of the Metropolitan's example make it especially compelling and deserving of a closer look.Dwarfism was an acknowledged reality in ancient Mediterranean societies, and images of dwarfs were often depicted in the arts of New Kingdom Egypt and Classical Greece.6 The different responses that the condition generated in these periods found partial reconciliation in Hellenistic and eventually Roman culture. Dwarfs featured prominently in Egyptian art and mythology, particularly in relation to scarab beetles and the dwarfish gods Ptah and Bes, their images circulating widely around the ancient Mediterranean, notably as symbols of apotropaic power.7 These associations evidently influenced the treatment of dwarfs positively: they were frequently included in the retinue of elite households as special servants and enjoyed important roles in the religious sphere as ritual dancers and guards of temple precincts.8In Archaic and Classical Greece dwarfs did not enjoy an elevated status such as they had in Egypt. Several popular Greek myths feature dwarfs; the most famous is the Battle of Pygmies versus Cranes, a tale from the Iliad in which a migrating flock of cranes wages war on a tribe of pygmies residing near the source of the Nile.9 In general, no clear distinction between pygmies and dwarfs was made in Greek literature and art, an ambiguity that persisted through the Roman period. The words pygmaios and nanos (and their Latinized equivalents) were used interchangeably to describe both African pygmies10 (in modern terms, a dark-skinned, sub-Saharan ethnic group characterized by their small size) and indigenous dwarfs, whose physical disproportion was caused by genetic mutation.11 In one of the earliest artistic depictions of the Pygmies versus Cranes episode, on the foot of the François Krater (ca. 570–560 b.c.), the pygmies (both cavalrymen and infantry) are small, proportionate humans.12 In a later representation from ca. 480–470 b.c., now in the State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg, and in the majority of cases, they are shown as disproportionate dwarfs, suggesting that dwarfs in the local population were used as visual inspiration.13Another myth involving abnormally small characters is set during the life of Herakles. In this story the Kerkopes, diminutive, mischievous twin brigands, are caught red-handed while trying to steal from the hero.14 Once they are hog-tied and slung over Herakles' shoulder, they earn their freedom by amusing him with their coarse jokes.15 This myth can be read as an early precursor to the comedic, foulmouthed dwarfs described in Roman literature.In Greek representations unrelated to these specific myths, dwarfs are nearly always shown balding or bearded, perhaps in an effort to distinguish them from children.16 A charming red-figure skyphos in Paris shows a male dwarf gamboling on each side and displaying all of the iconographic conventions typical of the period: mostly bald, bearded, with prominent forehead and snub nose (figs. 2a, b). These stylized facial features and those of satyrs are markedly similar, and perhaps because of this contrived resemblance, dwarfs began to be associated with Dionysos—a tendency that intensified through the Roman period.17figs. 2a,b. Gamboling Dwarf on a Red-figure Skyphos. Attributed to the Manner of the Sotades Painter. Greek, from Capua, ca. 460 b.c. H. 3 in. (7.7 cm). Musée du Louvre, Paris (G 617)The burgeoning popularity of dwarfs in the art and literature of the Hellenistic period builds upon their earlier roles in dynastic Egypt and Classical Greece. While older associations (as servants, attendants of Dionysos, and mischievous foreigners) remain, for the first time dwarfs become the subject of heavy-handed humor: their smallness, combined with surprising and distinctly adult characteristics, is the butt of the joke.Dwarfs are often referred to in literature as entertainers and servants in elite households. Athenaeus writes of Ptolemy IV processing publicly in Alexandria, followed by a retinue of dancing dwarfs in an enactment of a Dionysiac procession.18 In this case, the practice of keeping dwarfs for amusement is a continuation of the much older Pharaonic tradition, but with a distinctly Greek twist. In such a grandiose display, Ptolemy IV presented himself as the new Dionysos, and the cavorting dwarfs filled in as real-life satyrs. Dwarfs were assimilated into Ptolemaic court ideology of luxury and hedonistic excess, which in Roman times was recalled (sometimes with admiration) as an example of excessive moral decadence. Not only did dwarfs preserve their function as novelty servants, but their humorous size and cultivated exoticism were transformed into symbols of godlike luxury. They were soon viewed this way throughout the Roman world.In the Roman period, dwarfs were strongly associated with Egyptian culture, more so than they had been in Classical Greece. Special interest in Egypt developed in the second century b.c., as Rome became a major international force and found itself increasingly in contact (and at odds) with the powerful Hellenistic kingdoms of the East. Egyptian cults became fashionable in Rome, and interior spaces were decorated with Egyptian ethnological scenes, one of the most famous and earliest examples coming from Palestrina.19 As Rome confronted Egypt's captivating history, images of dwarfs entered Roman culture as part of the newly adopted "Egyptianizing" repertoire.Mark Antony is the first notable Roman known to have adopted the tradition of keeping dwarfs in his home.20 Given Antony's reported enjoyment of luxuries typically associated with the decadent "East," his ownership of dwarfs likely deliberately echoed the Ptolemaic practice.21 Retaining dwarfs quickly became popular, even in the highest levels of Roman society, as a status symbol. Augustus's renegade daughter, Julia, kept two, although Suetonius writes of the emperor's personal dislike of the fashion.22 The fact that Mark Antony and Julia were characterized as owning dwarfs is highly significant, given how well known they were in literature as intemperate consumers of wine, sex, and other excesses associated in the Roman mind with the "East." Dwarfs had come to represent the extravagances of Hellenistic despots that the most conservative fringe of Roman society—with the emperor Augustus at its forefront—disdained as utterly un-Roman. His endorsement of traditional Roman mores could not stop the spread of a culture of "Eastern" luxury, and the popularity of dwarf-attendants in Rome persisted.Roman authors refer to dwarfs as entertainers, performing in public and private spheres. Statius describes with admiration a display of pugilist dwarfs in the Roman arena: "They give wounds fighting hand to hand and threaten each other with death—what fists!"23 Their aggressive demeanor and unexpected power are emphasized as a counterpoint to their smallness, eliciting amusement and amazement in a cosmopolitan audience constantly seeking novel forms of diversion. Other descriptions indicate that dwarfs reenacted the Battle of Pygmies versus Cranes, in an appealing mix of drama, comedy, and brute violence.24 An even more outlandish combination, in the Colosseum during Saturnalia, featured dwarf gladiators fighting against armed, full-size women, perhaps impersonating Amazons.25 The uncertain outcome of this bizarre match must have increased the highly valued suspense factor.26Many representations of fighting dwarfs in bronze survive, including a particularly fine boxer now in Boston (fig. 3).27 The figure's compact, muscular body is poised for action as he grasps the ancient equivalent of brass knuckles in his fists—reminiscent of the class of fighter that so impressed Statius. Dwarfs are also shown wearing gladiatorial costume, as in a British Museum figure equipped with a crested helmet cuirass and small circular shield (fig. 4). Presumably the spectacle here was intended to be more comic than menacing.fig. 3. Dwarf Boxer. Greek, 150 b.c.–a.d. 10. Bronze, 4⅜ in. (11.1 cm). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (RES.08.32k)fig. 4. Dwarf Gladiator. Bronze, 2⅜ in. (6 cm). British Museum, London (1922,0712.4)Ancient authors also write of dwarf entertainers in the private sphere. Propertius tells of a dwarf dancing in flickering lamplight to the accompaniment of a flute, and characterizes the troupe as specializing in "Egyptian-style" entertainment.28 Lucian describes a dinner-party guest who is the target of a rude-mouthed dwarf belonging to the host family, referring to the dwarf as a "tiny Alexandrian man." In another passage, a dwarf recites salacious verses in an Egyptian accent to the delight of his audience.29 Whether or not these dwarfs were Egyptian by birth or ethnicity, it seems clear that their distinct modes of entertainment—dancing and rehearsing ribald poems—linked them in the Roman mind with Alexandria by the first century b.c.30A large corpus of dancing dwarf statuettes provides clues of what these performances might have looked like. Dancers, alone or in troupes, specialized in performance genres and employed an assortment of costumes and musical instruments. The famous late second-century b.c. dancing dwarfs from the Mahdia shipwreck, clearly a pair, twirl around and play castanets (figs. 5, 6).31 The female figure caricatures the veiled dancer type, which had strong associations with Alexandria.32 The so-called Baker Dancer33 is a particularly beautiful example in the Metropolitan Museum, and the parallels between the two figures in their whirling motion and costume are apparent.fig. 5. Dancing Female Dwarf. Late 2nd century b.c. Bronze, 12⅜ in. (31.5 cm). From the Mahdia shipwreck, ca. 80s b.c. The National Bardo Museum, Tunis (F213)fig. 6. Dancing Male Dwarf. Late 2nd century b.c. Bronze, 12⅝ in. (32 cm). From the Mahdia shipwreck, ca. 80s b.c. The National Bardo Museum, Tunis (F215)The bronze dwarf in the Museum belongs to a smaller category of surviving dwarf figures that neither fight nor dance, and it should be considered one of the finest existing representations of dwarfs as household attendants. His Dionysian wreath locates him in a symposium or festival context, and the heavily laden tray suggests that he is serving refreshments at such an event. The closest parallel, and perhaps the only other dwarf of this type, is a statuette now in Florence with a similar costume and disposition (fig. 7).34 Instead of a tray, he clutches a wickerwork basket of fruits or breads and appears to be singing or calling out. Both works may be interpreted as servants misbehaving to the delight of both host and guests, of the sort described by Suetonius, Propertius, and Lucian.fig. 7. Dwarf Carrying a Basket. 1st century b.c.–1st century a.d. Bronze, 3¼ in. (8.2 cm). Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Florence (2300)The conspicuously large phallus of the Museum's figure, and so many other surviving dwarf statuettes from the Roman period, can be interpreted in a number of ways. In Greco-Roman art, the male body was frequently represented nude, and across a variety of media, the genitalia of beautiful youths and mature warriors alike were typically rather small. Because of this association, modestly sized penises have regularly been considered a hallmark of the ideal male form.35 In contrast, the grotesquely large phallus was reserved for unheroic characters, including comic actors (who wore large strap-ons) and the congenitally misshapen bodies that so captured the artistic imagination in the Hellenistic period.36 In these contexts, the preposterously outsized phallus was likely used to reinforce an already unattractive aspect, while at the same time providing a humorous gloss. Ancient religion provides another index for understanding the phallus, which is sometimes interpreted as a symbol to repel the evil eye in the Roman period.37 The phallus reinforces readings of dwarf statuettes as ugly, humorous, and even apotropaic, but also provides a visual manifestation of the paradox between small stature and loud voice, prodigious strength, or sharp wit that is underscored in ancient descriptions.Neither the provenance nor original display context of the Museum's dwarf statuette is known, but works with secure provenance provide clues as to how it might have been used in antiquity. Bronze dwarfs of similar size and craftsmanship were found by the dozens in ruined houses of Herculaneum, Pompeii, and the surrounding areas.38 Because the socioeconomic situation of these households is now fairly well understood, it seems reasonable to suggest that objects of this type were used to adorn the homes of prosperous, middle-class owners.39 They were displayed as decorative objects, independently, in groups, or incorporated in furniture and utensils. Six bronze dwarfs cunningly shaped as oil lamps have been recovered from Herculaneum and Pompeii, the phalluses serving as from which the and (fig. in the of a Dwarf. 1st century a.d. From Bronze, in. cm). Museo Archeologico feature on the head of the Museum's statuette may indicate that it was part of type of or Because the feet are to the that the figure on its it seems that it was by of a to the The bronze boxer from Boston has of a at the top of the given its lower it most likely supported a or other Not all examples were a female dwarf from the Mahdia has a on its and the (fig. intended for were often with small that have in the or at the of a Female Dwarf with Late 2nd century b.c. Bronze, in. cm). From the Mahdia shipwreck, ca. 80s b.c. The National Bardo Museum, Tunis many associations in the ancient They were or or valued as servants or but always into the by way of myth and Hellenistic representations of dwarfs into the category but it by older associations as attendants of and by Ptolemaic luxury and In the of a the Museum's dwarf have served as a charming as a household might itself with dwarf entertainers, so might a middle-class Roman his with statuettes of the displayed in a the statuette into the perhaps an guest a closer the the figure as a misbehaving might of or he be caught off and enjoy the and surprising The statuette the as its might have in a of this article was at the on the of Art by the and the Institute of Fine of New York University and at the Bronze in and H. for their of the of Greek and Roman Art and of the for at the Metropolitan Museum to the dwarf statuette and their of the Museo Archeologico in Florence was and condition were by is on and the of This is to be the case for another small bronze with silver eyes and deeply incised at the Metropolitan Museum an of a nearly and of surviving bronze dwarf statuettes it not include The of is the most for the Egyptian and Classical Greek and on the of dwarfs in the Classical period, and Iliad the of as the known world the of myth were and became associated with and the modern of may have them as or the Greek that of pygmies may have to for the of short in Greek this the of descriptions of ethnic characteristics, such as color. Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Florence The State Hermitage Museum, Saint The surviving of the myth of and the twin is by century and was of a a of the and iconographic as well as its in the The between and dwarfs to their size and persisted in both and that are dwarfs are often shown with and for a to the at the in In representations of the a the were by the between these of and and also Suetonius, Augustus Augustus presented himself as a Roman in to Antony (who had been by the luxury and of the is another way to his dislike of the practice of keeping dwarfs in the for this and Propertius, and of the "Hellenistic as a type, and for for These are known from many the bronze oil shown in is with small from which small were examples for and Museo Archeologico Museo Archeologico Nazionale, in in 2nd 3 in and Dwarf in in in Ancient The and the at the of the New University in African in and Greek, and Roman in the Museum of Fine Arts, Museum of Fine in in Egypt and Classical and in in of in Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece. in in in Greek University in and Pygmies in the Roman Classical in in in the of Dwarfs in Hellenistic and Roman in in in Alexandria in in The and of in and in the Archaic Greek The of and New University in in the of Art in and the of in G. The of Early of Egyptian in in G. and of Dwarfs in In into Egypt in the Roman of the of of by and G. in In by in and the of in Greek, and Roman New in H. on Greek of in Art, and the in Ancient Greece. University in Bronze from of in and The of The Metropolitan Museum of New Henry in Previous articleNext article by Metropolitan Museum by the Metropolitan Museum of Art by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New no articles this

This chapter discusses the personnel who maintained security in Greek cities under Roman rule, focusing on the early Imperial period. The council and magistrates exercised their jurisdictions with enough autonomy to address routine criminality. Many Greek cities had specialized police officials; of special note are the eirenarchs and paraphylakes who patrolled the rural territory around their city. The impact of the emperor and of Roman governors is each considered in turn, with attention to pre-Imperial periods (Classical, Hellenistic, Republican) and the problem of corruption throughout. The reign of Augustus emerges as a significant turning point in Greek history, because of the imperial system he developed and its effect on Rome’s efforts to maintain public order among its Greek subjects. Finally, Roman soldiers acting as police in the Greek provinces were a significant factor in many areas. Surprisingly, Roman rule and the growth of military policing did not impede civic policing.

Seven Hellenistic stelae with Greek inscriptions found in the ancient city of Naples were examined minero-petrographically (by optical microscopy on thin sections and XRD on powder) and geochemically (by stable isotope ratio analysis) in order to determine the provenance of the constituent marbles. Based primarily on epigraphic evidence, all stelae appear to date from the first century bc and the Early Imperial period, so they are later than those of Ancona, which are the only possible comparison in Italy. Archaeologists have compared the stelae of Naples and Ancona to the products of Greek Delian workshops. The results of the laboratory analyses demonstrate the use of Parian marbles (from Lakkoi and Stephani) only for three stelae, whereas the Lunense marble from Carrara was employed for the remaining four reliefs. The research outcomes suggest that local workshops used small imported blocks of Aegean and Apuan marble. The use of reliefs of a Hellenistic type can be put in the context of a more general response of the community of Naples to the city's new status as a Roman municipium and as part of its cultural strategy to be regarded as an ‘authentic’ Greek city. By emphasizing its Hellenic origin, at both the private/funerary and institutional/public level, the city of Naples was able to differentiate itself from other Campanian centres and to promote itself in relation to Rome.

This paper analyses, through a series of case studies, the role played by pagan sanctuaries as spaces of social interaction and of power construction in the societies of Roman Hispania. It examines the conditions that explain the proliferation of monumental temples and how these spaces served as epicentres of urban life throughout the Early Imperial period. To this end, this paper explores how the temples became places of power and of both individual and collective memory, shaped by the accumulated religious practices of devotees. Furthermore, it examines how these temples functioned as genuine economic centers, hosting market activities and serving as custodians of public and private goods. Additionally, some cases are presented that demonstrate how the temples served as political and administrative centres, temporarily or permanently hosting decurional assemblies, and as places where extraordinary sensory experiences occurred, where the body and consciousness became fundamental tools of learning, allowing community members to understand their situation in the world. Finally, this paper addresses the circumstances leading to the premature abandonment of the temples in Hispania and the possible causes of their disappearance, emphasising the precarious economic bases that supported them throughout the Early Imperial period, and the ideological changes that altered the activities of the Iberian elites from the third century onwards.

The aim of the current investigation is to analyze the writings On Kingship in the context of sole rulership in Antiquity. Writings On Kingship first appeared in the time of Alexander the Great and flourished during the Hellenistic period, but there are although some treatises written under Roman rule during the Imperial period and in Late Antiquity. Starting point of the analysis is to understand the treatises On Kingship as a literary genre. By taking into account the authors, the addressees, the implicit readers, and the content as well as the literary form it can be shown that the writings On Kingship played an important role in the always difficult communication between kings and Greek cities during the Hellenistic period. As the communicative contexts changed during the Roman Imperial period and in Late Antiquity, the treatises On Kingship lost their original social function. Therefore, the sporadic writings originating from post-Hellenistic times can be understood as a case of failed literary reception.

The romance of Joseph and Asenatk (JA), a work almost entirely neglected by classicists, was extremely popular for many centuries and translated into many languages—Slavonic, Syriac, Armenian, Roumanian, Latin (twice), Middle English, Coptic, and Ethiopian. Yet the first complete edition of the Greek text was not published until 1890, and Batiffol's editio pritnceps (‘Le Livre de la Priére d' Aséneth’, Studia Patristica i-ii (1889–90) does not inspire confidence.Batiffol treated JA as a product of the late fourth or fifth century A.D., though he soon conceded an earlier date, convinced by the arguments of various reviewers that it reflected the missionary outlook characteristic of Judaism of the late Hellenistic and early Imperial period.

In the Sculpture Gallery of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, is exhibited an inscribed tombstone, bearing the following description: “Tombstone of Demetrios from Smyrna. Late Hellenistic or early Imperial period. Smoke-discoloured marble. Presented by J. W. Burgon, 1858.” As this has remained, to the best of my knowledge, unpublished, I sought the permission of the Keeper of the Museum, Mr. E. Thurlow Leeds, to publish it: I am grateful to him for his ready acquiescence. While I was engaged in studying the inscription and a squeeze of it actually lay on my table, I received from Freiherr F. Hiller von Gaertringen a letter asking whether I could trace the inscription referred to in a slip, now in the possession of the Prussian Academy, bearing, in the handwriting of August Boeckh, a copy of the text together with the following note: “Auf einem Grabstein von Athen, im Besitz des Herrn Burgon. Über die Inschrift ein Basrelief. Eine sitzende männliche Figur, deren Oberteil abgebrochen ist, in dem Sessel eine kleine, wunderlich gestaltete männliche Figur. Vor den Sitzenden zwei weibliche Figuren. Die Inschrift: [here follows a copy of the text]. Forchhammer versichert diese letzte Inschrift genau gelesen zu haben. Von Forchhammer durch [K.O.] Müller in England copirt.” Upon learning that the stone is now in the Ashmolean Collection, Freiherr von Hiller, with characteristic generosity, waived in my favour his claim to publish the inscription. He has also kindly read this article in manuscript.

У раду се истражује херојско грчко име Антилох и његова дистрибуција као личног имена у хеленском свету. На богатом антропонимијском материјалу из различитих делова грчког света анализирају се могући разлози за давање овог херојског имена смртним људима. Бројни примери који су наведени у истраживању извесно показују да је лично име Антилох давано у историјским епохама потомству са јасном свешћу да је херојско и нелеидско. Аутор идентификује три основна разлога који су допринели популарности овог имена као личног имена у старој Грчкој уопште, а нарочито у појединим областима хеленског света, као што су Атика, Јонија, Тесалија, острво Родос: 1) пошто је реч о хероју истакнутом у традицији о Тројанском рату, име Антилох је могло бити прихватљиво свим Грцима и могло би се зато најпре посматрати као панхеленско и од значаја за све Хелене; 2) име Антилох је, с друге стране, као нелеидско име било прихватљиво нарочито Јоњанима, одакле се може тумачити и његова популарност у Атици, али и у другим јонским крајевима, наиме на острвима у Егејском мору, као и у малоазијској Јонији; 3) име Антилох је, осим тога, као лично име присутно и у Тесалији где је према истој нелеидској генеалогији херој Антилох могао бити подједнако сматран и локалним тесалским херојем; уједно као пријатељ Ахилеја, највећег ахајског јунака под Тројом, али и националног хероја Тесалаца, херој Антилох је био необично цењен код Тесалаца, па је и његово име могло у традицији добити посебну „тесалску“ боју. Овим разлозима би се најпре могле објаснити потврде овог имена као личног имена у градовима Тесалије, посебно у класичном и хеленистичком периоду.

Our study focuses on the system of division of time in the calendars of the Milesian colonies from Propontida and Pontus Euxinus, as well as on the chronological system used in the Miletus foundations. Our research is based exclusively on epigraphic documentation, which is very scarce, which led us to make numerous analogies and comparisons with other Ionian cities, especially Athens and Miletus, in order to reconstruct the calendars of the Milesian colonies in particular. The approach to the structure of the calendars of the Milesian colonies is based on the division of annual time or the calendar year in ancient Greece (especially in Athens) into three time intervals: the month, the decade and the day. Likewise, the study of the chronological system used by the Milesian colonies is premised on the double dimension of time, cyclical and linear, which characterizes the annual schedule of the cults in Greek cities (the cyclical dimension of time) and respectively, the lived time or historical time (the linear dimension of time). Greek chronology operates with linear time. The dating of public events was done through the system of the succession of eponymous magistrates or city priests. The name of the annual archon or priest in epigraphic documents designated the year corresponding to his magistracy.Ever since their foundation, the Milesian colonies adopted the twelve-month calendar of the metropolis of Miletus, which they used unchanged until Roman times. A fragment of a sacred law discovered at Olbia clearly mentions the month Ταυρεών - the first month of the Olbian and Milesian year - as the intercalary month of the Olbian calendar. The evidence for the division of the month into three decades and for the calculation of the days is so sparse and scattered in the Milesian colonies that it is difficult to establish any similarities and differences in this respect between the Milesian citadels and their metropolis. Inscriptions found in the Milesian colonies on Pontus Euxinus confirm the use of the chronological system based on the succession of the calendar months for dating public feasts and rituals performed on that occasion. The chronological system based on the succession of prytans is not directly attested in the Milesian colonies. Its possible use could be assumed only at Cyzic. The chronological system based on the succession of local eponymous magistrates was widespread in the Greek world. Many epigraphic documents confirm that the Milesian colonies inherited both the eponymic office and the chronological system based on the succession of local eponyms from their metropolis Milet. At Cyzic, the function of eponym of the city is attested earliest at the beginning of the 4th century BC, when an archon served as an eponymous magistrate. From the middle of the 4th century BC until at least the middle of the 2nd century AD, epigraphic documents consistently attest Hipparchus (ἱπππάρχης) as an eponymous magistrate of Cyzicus. At Amastris, the eponymy was held by the president of the college of archons. In the city of Sinope, the eponymous magistrate was the aisymnet, as in its metropolis Milet. Roman emperors or members of the imperial family were eponyms in the Milesian colonies (Caligula at Cyzicus, Hadrian at Odessos). In the Milesian colonies on the Euxine Pontus, the priests of the main deities (Apollo, Dionysos) were eponyms. In the late Hellenistic and imperial periods, epigraphic and numismatic sources attest a number of gods and goddesses as eponyms in Pontic cities, such as Poseidon at Cyzicus and Theos Megas Derzelas at Odessos. Dionysos at Dionysopolis, Dioscuri at Istros.

Our study focuses on the system of division of time in the calendars of the Milesian colonies from Propontida and Pontus Euxinus, as well as on the chronological system used in the Miletus foundations. Our research is based exclusively on epigraphic documentation, which is very scarce, which led us to make numerous analogies and comparisons with other Ionian cities, especially Athens and Miletus, in order to reconstruct the calendars of the Milesian colonies in particular. The approach to the structure of the calendars of the Milesian colonies is based on the division of annual time or the calendar year in ancient Greece (especially in Athens) into three time intervals: the month, the decade and the day. Likewise, the study of the chronological system used by the Milesian colonies is premised on the double dimension of time, cyclical and linear, which characterizes the annual schedule of the cults in Greek cities (the cyclical dimension of time) and respectively, the lived time or historical time (the linear dimension of time). Greek chronology operates with linear time. The dating of public events was done through the system of the succession of eponymous magistrates or city priests. The name of the annual archon or priest in epigraphic documents designated the year corresponding to his magistracy.Ever since their foundation, the Milesian colonies adopted the twelve-month calendar of the metropolis of Miletus, which they used unchanged until Roman times. A fragment of a sacred law discovered at Olbia clearly mentions the month Ταυρεών - the first month of the Olbian and Milesian year - as the intercalary month of the Olbian calendar. The evidence for the division of the month into three decades and for the calculation of the days is so sparse and scattered in the Milesian colonies that it is difficult to establish any similarities and differences in this respect between the Milesian citadels and their metropolis. Inscriptions found in the Milesian colonies on Pontus Euxinus confirm the use of the chronological system based on the succession of the calendar months for dating public feasts and rituals performed on that occasion. The chronological system based on the succession of prytans is not directly attested in the Milesian colonies. Its possible use could be assumed only at Cyzic. The chronological system based on the succession of local eponymous magistrates was widespread in the Greek world. Many epigraphic documents confirm that the Milesian colonies inherited both the eponymic office and the chronological system based on the succession of local eponyms from their metropolis Milet. At Cyzic, the function of eponym of the city is attested earliest at the beginning of the 4th century BC, when an archon served as an eponymous magistrate. From the middle of the 4th century BC until at least the middle of the 2nd century AD, epigraphic documents consistently attest Hipparchus (ἱπππάρχης) as an eponymous magistrate of Cyzicus. At Amastris, the eponymy was held by the president of the college of archons. In the city of Sinope, the eponymous magistrate was the aisymnet, as in its metropolis Milet. Roman emperors or members of the imperial family were eponyms in the Milesian colonies (Caligula at Cyzicus, Hadrian at Odessos). In the Milesian colonies on the Euxine Pontus, the priests of the main deities (Apollo, Dionysos) were eponyms. In the late Hellenistic and imperial periods, epigraphic and numismatic sources attest a number of gods and goddesses as eponyms in Pontic cities, such as Poseidon at Cyzicus and Theos Megas Derzelas at Odessos. Dionysos at Dionysopolis, Dioscuri at Istros.

This chapter focuses on the gymnasion and argues that the practice of traditional Greek athletics, and the other practices associated with the gymnasion , played an important part in the creation of a social imaginary. The gymnasion was not simply a place for the 'Sozialisierung' of young citizens, but it was a place of permanent education in how to perform at civic festivals. The chapter looks at the theatre and the festivals, and argues that the political culture in the Hellenistic period adopts a distinct theatrical or spectacular character, which involves, on the one hand, a politicization of the festivals and other public ceremonies, and, on the other, a theatricalization of political life. The rising number of festivals contributed to the expression and circulation of the cultural and political ideas that underlay the social imaginaries in the Greek cities. Keywords: Greek athletics; gymnasion ; Hellenistic period; public ceremonies; social imaginary

City Government in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor examines the social and administrative transformation of Greek society within the early Roman empire, assessing the extent to which the numerous changes in Greek cities during the imperial period ought to be attributed to Roman influence. The topic is crucial to our understanding of the foundations of Roman imperial power because Greek speakers comprised the empire’s second largest population group and played a vital role in its administration, culture, and social life. This book elucidates the transformation of Greek society in this period from a local point of view, mostly through the study of local sources such as inscriptions and coins. By providing information on public activities, education, family connections, and individual careers, it shows the extent of and geographical variation in Greek provincial reaction to the changes accompanying the establishment of Roman rule. In general, new local administrative and social developments during the period were most heavily influenced by traditional pre-Roman practices, while innovations were few and of limited importance. Concentrating on the province of Asia, one of the most urbanized Greek-speaking provinces of Rome, this work demonstrates that Greek local administration remained diverse under the Romans, while at the same time local Greek nobility gradually merged with the Roman ruling class into one imperial elite. This conclusion interprets the interference of Roman authorities in local administration as a form of interaction between different segments of the imperial elite, rejecting the old explanation of such interference as a display of Roman control over subjects.

Gaius Asinius Pollio (ca. 76 BCE –4 CE ) was a Roman literary and political figure of the Late Republican and early imperial periods. His brother was the Asinius Marrucinus accused by catullus of stealing napkins (Catullus 12). Pollio entered public life in the mid‐50s and supported julius caesar (c. iulius caesar ) in the civil war. He subsequently backed Mark Antony ( see antonius marcus (mark antony )), serving as his legate in Transpadane Gaul. As consul, in 40 BCE , Pollio brokered the Treaty of Brundisium between Antony and Octavian ( see augustus ). He celebrated a triumph in 39 for victories in Illyricum. He became a supporter of Octavian but declined to participate at Actium. Thereafter he retired from public life and devoted himself to his literary pursuits.

This chapter discusses a particular type of imagery often associated with royal women in the Hellenistic period, that of their “jugate” depiction in profile and in close-up, side by side with their kings (or, less often, next to their sons or brothers). The type was specifically devised by the early Ptolemies in order to signify dynastic continuity and political stability. It was soon adopted for the depiction of deities (chiefly Sarapis and Isis), and eventually exported to other dynasties, such as the Seleukids, as well as the rulers of Pontos, Bactria, and India. It was later adopted by Roman gem-cutters and jewelers, both of the late republican and the early imperial periods. A number of monumental cameos depicting royal couples in this scheme, traditionally associated with the Ptolemies and the early Hellenistic era, may in fact be early imperial.