Assessing experiential, immigration and pandemic correlates to Asian Americans’ attitudes toward the police

Brief Reports: Psychiatric Illness and Substance Abuse Among Homeless Asian-American Veterans

Au Etats-Unis, les immigres Philippins resistent a differentes formes de discrimination a travers l'affirmation de certaines specificites culturelles. Par exemple, la chastete des femmes avant le mariage est presentee comme une resistance au modele de la societe dominante blanche americaine, mais ceci se fait au prix de l'autonomie des femmes et renforce le pouvoir patriarcal dans ces communautes

Prior studies have shown that Christian nationalism, an ideology combining Christian identity with American identity, is a powerful predictor of public attitudes toward racism. However, less is known about how Christian nationalism might affect Asians and Asian Americans’ racial attitudes, who have increasingly been the targets of anti-Asian hate crimes since the COVID-19 pandemic. This study surveyed 356 Asian and Asian American adults residing in the US. Among them, a stronger belief in Christian nationalism was associated with the perception that anti-Asian racism had stayed about the same or decreased during the COVID-19 pandemic. Surprisingly, this Christian nationalism effect on perceptions of anti-Asian racism during the pandemic was more salient among Asians and Asian Americans, who perceived a greater importance of Asian solidarity. Finally, Asians and Asian Americans who held a stronger belief in Christian nationalism also tended to deny the existence of White privilege.

This paper assesses how ongoing historical racism and nativism as embedded within U.S. culture requires new and important dialogues about the omnipresence of White supremacy and its interconnected mechanisms that divide communities along the lines of race and perceived in-group status. To assess the role of immigration as it is understood through paradigms of White supremacy and systemic racism, the current study examines individual-level predictors of indifference to the BLM movement based on nativity status among Asian Americans—a racialized pan-ethnic group that is comprised of predominantly foreign-born members. Using the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, one of the few nationally representative surveys that include detailed information about the Black Lives Matter movement, our study includes 1371 Asian immigrants (i.e., foreign-born Asian Americans) and 1635 U.S.-born Asian Americans. Results demonstrate that reporting indifference to the BLM movement differ by nativity such that foreign-born Asian Americans were significantly more likely to report indifference to the BLM movement compared to their U.S.-born Asian American counterparts. However, the impact of nativity disappears once we account for sense of belonging and acknowledgement of anti-Black racism. The sense of belonging was significant in predicting indifference to the BLM movement among U.S.-born Asian Americans only. The findings contribute to our understanding of racial sense making for Asian Americans as well as an understanding of how White supremacy translates to anti-Black racism through multiple and interconnected mechanisms for the maintenance of White supremacy.

ABSTRACTThe prevalence of anti-Asian and anti-immigrant rhetoric throughout the 2016 election season provides an opportunity to examine the factors shaping Asian Americans’ emotional responses to a threatening political environment. Comparing interracial trends in emotional expressions and political behavior in the 2016 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-election Survey (CMPS), we find Asian Americans expressing fear on par with other minority groups, while expressing less anger. In a significant departure from scholarly expectations, we uncover a strong positive association between expressed fear and participation among Asian Americans. This mobilizing effect of fear distinguishes Asian Americans from other racial groups, providing better insight into the political behavior of this group in contexts of threat. We discuss how and why fear may shape Asian American participation, while mediating the effects of racial identity on action.

Prediction of students' performances on licensing examinations using age, race, sex, undergraduate GPAs, and MCAT scores.

We investigated differences between foreign- and U.S.-born Asian Americans in self-rating their physical and mental health. In particular, we tested whether the foreign-born respondents underreport the extreme categories of the scale as compared with U.S.-born respondents. We analyzed data from the National Latino and Asian American Study to examine whether immigrants are less likely to use the extreme ends of the 5-category self-rated health scales than their U.S.-born counterparts. We used propensity score matching to derive groups of U.S.- and foreign-born Asian Americans who share similar demographic and health characteristics. We defined propensity scores as predicted probabilities of being U.S. born, given individual background characteristics. The propensity score framework allowed us to make descriptive comparisons of self-rated health responses controlling for background characteristics. We used log-linear symmetry models to examine cross-tabulations of self-rated physical and mental health reports in matched pairs by the 2 (extreme and nonextreme) and 5 ("excellent," "very good," "good," "fair," and "poor") categories. Controlling for background characteristics, we found no evidence that foreign-born Asian Americans are less likely to endorse extreme categories in self-rated physical or mental health than U.S.-born Asian Americans, as well as no evidence of imbalances in endorsement of any particular self-rated health category between the 2 groups. Controlling for demographic and health characteristics, we find no systematic differences between foreign- and U.S.-born Asian Americans in reporting self-rated physical and mental health on the 5-category scales from "excellent" to "poor."

ABSTRACTWhat explains support for Black Lives Matter among Asian Americans? This article draws on nationally representative data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey to examine the contours of Asian American public opinion on Black Lives Matter and the factors that shape them. Examining intragroup and intergroup attitudes across a set of racial, ethnic/national origin, and cross-racial group measures, I show that race-based considerations are significant predictors of Asian American support for Black Lives Matter. Specifically, I find that those who support Black Lives Matter are more likely to perceive linked fate with other Asian Americans and with other non-white groups and to perceive anti-black discrimination in the United States. I argue that, while never a panacea, race-based linked fate beliefs among Asian Americans, both as Asian Americans and with other groups of color, are a viable and imperative part of building cross-racial coalitions and contemporary racial justice movements.

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11109-022-09844-9.

This study compares native-immigrant gaps in economic conditions among older Asian Americans to those in other racial groups. This study uses the American Community Survey data collected from 2006 to 2010. The sample consists of Asians, whites, blacks, and Hispanics, who are 65 years old or older (N = 2,205,148). The dependent variables are per capita income, poverty, asset income, homeownership, and vehicle ownership. This study employs linear and logit regressions. Analysis results show that older native Asian Americans’ economic statuses are comparable to or better than older native whites. Older immigrant Asian Americans’ economic situations are worse off than older immigrant whites but better off than their black and Hispanic counterparts. Regression analyses indicate that native-immigrant gaps among older Asian Americans are significantly larger than those among other racial groups. These findings suggest that the public perception of economically successful immigrant Asians is not consistent with the economic reality of older immigrant Asian Americans. Analysis results call for further research on native-immigrant gaps among older Asian Americans and policy interventions to enhance economic security among older minority groups, including older immigrant Asian Americans.

Where do Asian Americans stand when it comes to public policy? In what ways are they most likely to participate in politics in order to exert their influence in public policy making? More often than not, the answer to these questions is mired in assumptions, anecdotes, and selective evidence because until only very recently, little systematic, nationally representative data on this emerging group has been available to the public. In this brief, we introduce the 2008 National Asian American Survey (NAAS), the first multilingual, multiethnic national survey of Asian American political attitudes and behavior, and suggest that these data shed light on: (1) critical questions about Asian Americans’ public policy attitudes and (2) the types of political action Asian Americans are most likely to take to pursue their policy interests.

Where do Asian Americans stand when it comes to public policy? In what ways are they most likely to participate in politics in order to exert their influence in public policy making? More often than not, the answer to these questions is mired in assumptions, anecdotes, and selective evidence because until only very recently, little systematic, nationally representative data on this emerging group has been available to the public. In this brief, we introduce the 2008 National Asian American Survey (NAAS), the first multilingual, multiethnic national survey of Asian American political attitudes and behavior, and suggest that these data shed light on: (1) critical questions about Asian Americans’ public policy attitudes and (2) the types of political action Asian Americans are most likely to take to pursue their policy interests.

The 2012 National Asian American Survey (NAAS) is nationally representative survey of the policy priorities and issue preferences of Asian Americans conducted in ten Asian languages (Cantonese, Hindi, Hmong, Khmer, Korean, Japanese, Mandarin, Tagalog, Thai and Vietnamese).Results from NAAS can be disaggregated to the top six largest ethnic Asian American groups -Chinese, Asian Indian, Filipino, Korean, Japanese and Vietnamese.In 2012, we were able to survey an oversample of Native Hawaiians and Samoans but for the purposes of this report, we will be focusing on the Asian American communities.This report presents the results of 4269 telephone interviews of Asian American adults conducted between July 31, 2012 and October 20, 2012 (which we often refer to as the "pre-election survey") and 6139 Asian American registered voters interviewed between November 7, 2012 and December 26, 2012 (which we often refer to as the AAPI Post-Election Survey, or AAPI PES).

Given the paucity of research on differences between older adults representing the many Asian-American subcategories, the present study explored physical and mental health status in five subcategories of Asian Americans aged 60 and older: Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Filipino. Data were drawn from the 2007 California Health Interview Survey (CHIS). Background characteristics and physical and mental health conditions were compared, with results showing differences cross the five subcategories of older Asian Americans. Specific patterns were identified in chronic diseases, disease comorbidity, and disability rates. Vietnamese and Filipinos tended to have poorer physical health than Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans. The poorest self-rated health and the highest disability rate were found in the older Vietnamese. Filipinos also exhibited the greatest number of chronic diseases, including the highest rates of asthma, high blood pressure, and heart disease. Although Koreans had the fewest self-reported chronic diseases and the least evidence of disease comorbidity, they also had the highest psychological distress. The lowest psychological distress was found in older Japanese. Findings suggest that generalizing findings from one particular Asian category or from an aggregate Asian category may be problematic and may not reflect an accurate picture of the burden of health in specific Asian categories. Being aware of these differences in background and health characteristics may help providers to better serve older Asian clients.

Though social support has been thought to be an effective coping mechanism for handling distress, this generalization comes with limitations in that social support is highly intertwined with specific characteristics that could alter both help-seeking behavior and its outcomes. The present study examined the effects of cultural differences on the effectiveness of differing social support sources (i.e., parents versus peers) between European American and Asian/Asian American samples, as well as the influence of gender role orientation on social support outcomes. Ninety-Five European American and Asian/Asian American participants were assigned to either a parent or peer social support letter task prior to a psychosocial stressor. Asian American Values Scale-Multidimensional (AAVS-M) measured cultural values, and the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) assessed gender orientation. The dependent variable was the change in salivary cortisol levels. Though no significant differences were found for cortisol reactivity between and within cultural groups as a function of social support source, results indicated a potential preference in European Americans, relative to Asians and Asian Americans, for parent support, as seen by lower cortisol reactivity. Additionally, relative to peer support, parent support was marginally more beneficial for European Americans. Lastly, there was no significant interaction between gender roles and social support, including analyses on social support type (i.e., emotional and informational support).