ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AS A TOOL OF POWER ININTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

<p>Power in international relations can be defined in several different ways. Power can be understood as a goal of states or leaders involving a measure of influence or control over outcomes, events, actors and issues; achieving victory in conflict and the attainment of security; control over resources and capabilities; or status, which some states or actors possess and other do not. Modern discourse in international relations generally speaks in terms of state power, indicating both economic and military power. The capabilities to handle those above functions are different from state to state and can be measured in different ways as well as with respect to different dimensions, among which “hard” and “soft” power can be taken into consideration. In the policy-making process of any states, hard power and soft power strategies are rarely separated but they are, in fact, closely related. The relationship between hard power and soft power has become an increasingly popular topic both inside and outside the USA in considering how to strengthen its status in the world arena, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. American politicians, businessmen and scholars have constantly stressed the need and the opportunities of using soft power instead of hard power to manage the USA’s international relations, especially in this important region. The policy of the U.S. government towards this region is reflected through its strategic rebalance towards the Asia-Pacific region, which was announced by the Obama Administration in 2010. Since it came into being, this strategy has been described by several names including “return”, “pivot” or “rebalancing to Asia”. Although the strategy may be referred to by different names, it aims at describing the new prioritization in the foreign and national security policy of the United States. In order to examine the importance of both “hard” and “soft” power in international relations, American soft power and the implementation of its soft power in the “rebalancing” strategy, four research questions come to mind. They are: 1. What are the definitions soft power and hard power in international relations? 2. How does the US make use of both hard and soft power in building its capabilities and position in the region of Asia-Pacific? 3. What are the US’s intentions in its announced shift in focus to the Asia-Pacific region? 4. What are the regional responses to the US’ policy including by Vietnam? 5. What ensures the future success of the rebalance in the region? Due to the US’s growing emphasis on the use of soft power, the research will focus specifically on two questions; what are the soft power strategies of the US in this region; and what are Vietnam’s attitudes towards these strategies. If one can distinguish soft power elements in this policy shift, it is still important to consider the role of hard power elements and what larger regional role the US will play if its policy shift is successful. The focus of the research is on US actions and will exclude the effects of the policy on domestic policies in the Asia-Pacific, with the exception of briefly summarizing the changing stance of regional countries, thereby, showing the effects of American soft power on the region and on the US itself. Before examining the research questions, a theoretical framework will be provided in the first section of this paper discussing the content of hard power and soft power as described by several political analysts and theorists. This aims at giving an idea of the numerous definitions attached to hard and soft power as well as to lay out the analytical tools for the third section in which the “pivot” in the US’s Asia-Pacific policy will be examined. In the next section, regional attitudes towards the US’ “rebalancing” strategy, especially Vietnam’s, will be surveyed. The thesis will conclude with a discussion on whether these strategies are in line with the US’s use of soft power with their policies in other parts of the world and why the use of soft power, which can help to ensure the successes of this policy direction, does not yet seem to have received adequate attention. The significance of the study will be to enhance understanding of the role of hard and soft power in building the US’s status in the world arena, especially in realizing its “return to Asia” strategy. Moreover, this study may interest those whose work is closely related to the US and its policies, especially in the Asia-Pacific region, enabling them to have more understanding, which they can use to initiate appropriate strategies in their work. It is obvious from the broad audiences above that a census is not feasible for this study. Accordingly, the research approach includes informal interviews in which a sample from the target population of interested parties is used for the study. In total, a sample of 20 was selected. First, the target population was divided into political leadership, governmental officials and other relevant peoples in the Asia-Pacific region. Then they were grouped into those who are experienced, non-experienced and little experienced in working with the US. This ensured a fair representation of each group since their understanding and experiences are significantly different. The focus of the study is on personal attitudes and perceptions and the importance of primary data cannot be over-emphasized. Before the collection of actual data, the researcher sent introductory letters from the Vietnam Union of Friendship Organizations to the sampled offices and institutions. The initial visit to the selected offices and institutions was therefore to introduce the researcher, obtain familiarity with those offices and institutions as well as seek their consent for the study. The researcher collected data by administering a questionnaire. The questionnaire used open questions, consisting of five questions seeking to answer research questions related to soft power and the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. The results of the study should provide interested parties with a panorama of the US’s “return to Asia” strategy, its contributions to development in relations between the US and the region’s countries and Vietnam’s responses to it with specific respect to its soft power elements. In particular, the insights yielded by the study into the role of soft power should tell much about the likely success of this policy and its implications for those in the region who interact with the US. Although this research was carefully prepared, it still has some limitations. First, the research was conducted in such a short time that it was not possible for the researcher to read all the materials related to the topic. Therefore, the thesis cannot reflect all aspects of the issue. Second, the population of the sample population was small, only 20. In addition, since the researcher conducted the interviews herself, it is unavoidable that a certain degree of subjectivity can be found in this study.</p>

The article focuses on power and its ramifications which has always been the central point in all security studies in international relations. Power is a crucial element of international relations that influences world affairs. As a result, power plays a significant role in foreign policy formulation. Realism is the dominant theory of international relations, and it revolves around the concept of power. Power can come in a variety of forms and implies the capacity to influence others to do what one wants. There are two types of power: hard power and soft power. These two types of power influence international politics, security, economy, and foreign policy. Whereas hard power derives from a country’s military or economic might, soft power derives from the attractiveness of its culture, political ideals, and policies. In international relations, soft power is just as important as hard power. This paper argues that soft power is one dimension of power that refers to one’s ability to persuade others to do something. Different countries place a high value on soft power in today’s international politics. In international relations, the concept of soft power discourse emerged in the early 1990s. This article also argues that foreign policy of a country consists of self-interest strategies. It contains a general objective that guides the activities and relationship of one state in its interaction with other states. This paper intends to explain and analyze India’s foreign policy on the ideas of friendly relations, international cooperation, and peaceful coexistence among all nations, regardless of their political systems. Maintaining national security, advancing democracy, fostering world peace, providing aid, and establishing open trade are the main objectives of India’s foreign policy. The purpose of this paper is to theorize the dynamics of soft power in international relations and to analyze India’s soft power potential. In recent years soft power has become an important tool for governments to achieve their foreign policy goals. India, a country with rich sources of soft power, has made great efforts to use this capacity to achieve its foreign policy goals. Among Indian leaders Narendra Modi has paid considerable attention to the capacity of soft power in India’s foreign policy.

The global-political history shows that countries have always been competing amongst and against one another for power. The article briefly defines the concept of power; tries to analyze the means and their effects in shaping capacity of an actor to exercise power; and tries to access the relevance of power in international relations. Moreover, the article distinguishes soft power from hard power and goes further to analyze the aspects central to the constituting of soft power. The researcher has consulted books and journals in the related subject for the purpose of the research. The researcher’s analysis shows that, in soft power, its necessary to value other’s emotive factors rather than laying emphasis just on tangible resources that one has. The researcher has then built upon the concept of appealing notable presence as the central element in soft power, and concluded by defining soft power on the premises built in the paper itself.

The analysis of the soft power of terrorist organizations contributes to the broader debate on the transformation of power in contemporary international relations. Changes can be observed in the mechanisms controlling processes that occur in the international environment, as well as in the patterns of power distribution among various participants of international relations. Adopting the descriptive and correlational methods of research, based on desk research and literature review in this article the authors adopted a conceptual and analytical approach to examine the essence and specificity of soft power in the context of terrorist organizations. The analysis first explores the multidimensional structure of soft power and the concept of power diffusion, assuming that terrorist organizations benefit from these processes. Subsequently, it identifies the specific resources of soft power used by these actors and the mechanisms through which they are projected. The article elaborated on case studies to showcase that soft power is harnessed by terrorists across ideological hues. The case studies analyzed include: Red Army Faction, Boko Haram, ISIS. The study demonstrates that terrorist organizations systematically employ various soft power instruments and tools, including ideology, symbolism, media strategies, and community outreach, to enhance their legitimacy, attract recruits, and support political narratives. These mechanisms complement hard-power tactics and are increasingly professionalized. In conclusion, the authors state that soft power has become an integral element of terrorist strategy, operating alongside coercive methods. Thus, understanding the sources and applications of this form of influence provides insights into the evolving nature of non-state power in international relations and highlights the need for counterterrorism approaches that address both physical threats and ideological narratives.

Various discussions have been presented regarding the diffusion and displacement of power in international relations, and some predict that this phenomenon will occur in the near future. Among these discussions, emerging technologies, which expanded globally in the 21st century, have accelerated institutional transformations, increased international interactions, and altered core concepts of international relations, including the concept of power. These technologies, by transforming the previous hierarchical order, have had a profound impact on the displacement and diffusion of power in the field of international politics. The purpose of the present study is to examine the impact of 21st-century emerging technologies on the displacement of power in the international arena. Accordingly, the main research question is: What impacts can emerging technologies of the 21st century have on the displacement of power in the international system? The central hypothesis posits that emerging technologies in the 21st century, through information and communication tools, artificial intelligence, robotics knowledge, and fifth-generation internet (5G), by altering the sources and instruments of power, not only contribute to the diffusion of power but also to its displacement, particularly from the United States and the West toward China and Asia. The research method employed in this study is descriptive-analytical, and data collection has been conducted through library resources. The findings of the research indicate that due to the development of emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence and the Internet of Things (IoT), the field of international politics has undergone changes, leading to a transformation and increased complexity in the perception of power and the mechanisms of its exercise. This transformation has resulted in the diffusion and displacement of power at the level of international relations. Among these technologies, "artificial intelligence" constitutes one of the new areas of 21st-century emerging technologies, playing a significant role in the displacement and diffusion of power in international relations.

Comment on “Role of Sport in International Relations: National Rebirth and Renewal”

O autor discute a faceta internacional da política brasileira sobre HIV/AIDS e sua relação com outras áreas da política externa, como propriedade intelectual e direitos humanos. Para isso, utiliza-se dos conceitos de Joseph Nye Jr. de soft power e hard power. Este reflete a capacidade de um ator fazer com que outros sigam sua posição, mesmo contra a vontade. Aquele consiste na capacidade de um ator atrair outros livremente para sua posição. O ensaio analisa a importância, nas relações internacionais, dos meios de comunicação, das ONGs, da opinião pública e das instituições interestatais, que não somente possuem soft power próprio, mas também desempenham papel relevante no fortalecimento do soft power dos países. O autor avalia a influência desse tipo de poder nas relações entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos, bem como em foros multilaterais como as Nações Unidas e a Organização Mundial do Comércio. O artigo analisa, igualmente, o papel do hard power nas relações internacionais e avalia por que os países não podem dispensá-lo. Embora o soft power venha de fato tornando-se cada vez mais importante nos últimos anos, a combinação dos dois tipos de poder continua sendo a política mais correta a ser seguida. A política externa brasileira de HIV/AIDS constitui exemplo ilustrativo.

Cosmopolitan Power in International Relations: A Synthesis of Realism, Neoliberalism and Constructivism. By Guilio M. Gallarotti . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. 315 pp., $29.99 paperback (ISBN-13: 978-0521138123). In this book, Giulio Gallarotti ambitiously advances a “project on power” (p. ix) that he began in The Power Curse: Influence and Illusion in World Politics (2010). In that first work Gallarotti sought to specify a well-known phenomenon. In Cosmopolitan Power he builds on that project. He seeks to develop an account of how states can avoid the power curse; that is, how they can increase their power without undermining it through the very process of its augmentation. The key, Gallarotti argues, is for states to pursue the right kind of power: cosmopolitan power, a combination of hard and soft power that does not rely too heavily on either one. Whereas hard power compels through threat, soft power persuades weak states to “emulate” strong ones as the strong “endear” themselves to the weak (pp. 21–22). Since, as Gallarotti argues, hard power is a feature of Realist thought and soft power of Neoliberal and Constructivist thought, making sense of cosmopolitan power requires a theoretical blending of the major traditions in International Relations (IR). In this way, Cosmopolitan Power takes up an intellectual position alongside other synthetic theories of IR like Alexander Wendt's Social Theory of International Politics (1999) or G. John Ikenberry's After Victory (2000). It also takes up intellectual company with more policy-oriented works, like Joseph Nye's The Powers to Lead (2008). The bulk of the book is absorbed with developing and historically illustrating the specific processes and strategies entailed in cosmopolitan power toward the end of generating …

This work presents the methodology of the Russian impact on Latvia after 1991. It defines and specifies the scope of methods concerning both the hard and soft power in international relations in the 21st century, particularly the ones used to implement the Russian Federation’s foreign policy. The implemented strategies and impact models are described. The work is also focused on certain indicators used in global rankings by experts worldwide. In the 21st century, it is no longer enough to employ the hard power methods as it is advisable to use the soft power ones, which may bring about much better results than the hard ones.

Smart power is defined as the effective combination of both hard and soft power. The concept is increasingly used in policy and academic debates, yet a clear understanding of what it actually means is still lacking. As a result, there is little serious consideration of how smart power can contribute to long-standing debates about power in international relations. This article seeks to clarify the meaning of smart power through first analyzing its main components – hard and soft power – separately; and second bringing these components together to re-conceptualize smart power. The aim is to make smart power more analytically useful, and to outline the various ways in which hard and soft power can be combined effectively. The author considers the case of Europe to argue that it is mainly a soft power and sometimes a smart power.

This study aims to address a recent phenomenon in power studies in international relations, which is the term and concept of sharp power, which appeared in late 2017 in the studies of American think tanks. The study explains sharp power by presenting the theoretical directions it dealt with, which focused on aspects of the similarities and differences between sharp power and other forms of power, which are hard power, soft power, and smart power. As well as comparing it to the terms and concepts that are used to denote modern, unconventional warfare. The study tries to discuss the tools and mechanisms of sharp power that countries with authoritarian regimes use to impose influence and hegemony on target countries, especially the soft power tools that these countries exploit to penetrate and interfere in the internal affairs of countries, and to convert the minds and hearts of their people to accept their hegemony and sovereignty, instead of attracting them, and winning their minds and hearts. The study dealt with the deficiencies of sharp power, within the ambiguity of the concept, is it the soft power of authoritarian countries, or it is the malicious use of soft power, as well as whether it is formulating terms or is it a new phenomenon of power in international relations, and the Chinese perspective on sharp power.

As the term ‘soft power’ in international relations (IR) has been coined by Joseph Nye a quarter of a century ago it has gained a great response and initiated numerous debates. A high quality education sector is one of the important factors that contributes to a country’s soft power. Despite that, as shown in the article, education has not been adequately covered in the existing IR literature. The article addresses this lacuna by offering an attempt to conceptualise and operationalise the educational aspect of soft power. First, with cases from the People’s Republic of China and Finland, it provides various examples of growing internationalisation of education, and analyses possible soft power gains from education. Second, the article provides a theoretical conceptualization of educational soft power, and presents three mechanisms that it can work through: as a carrier of genuine values, as a resource that countries possess, and as a tool in achieving certain goals. All three mechanisms also show how increasing internationalisation brings more direct connections between education, international relations, and foreign policy.

In this chapter, the author first addresses the centrality and complexity of the phenomenon of power in international relations. Starting from definitional approximations to the five-letter word, he discusses various conceptions of power and identifies its different varieties. In doing so, he subscribes to the established dichotomy of hard and soft power in international affairs today. Furthermore, the relational and contextual nature of power are established and different approaches to its measurement explored.

Problem setting. The modern world continues to consider military power as one of the most important tools for solving foreign policy problems. However, it is not an extraordinary option or a last resort in the range of possible shares. Military power has become a widely used tool along with political and diplomatic actions. The decision to use military power is made by world actors based on their own understanding of their national interests and the appropriateness of its use, even without a UN resolution. Thus, the issue of the study of military power as a tool in international relations becomes relevant.Recent research and publications analysis. Consideration of certain issues of military strength aspects is reflected in the works of R. Aron, O. Bodruk, A. Gramsci, R. Keohein, Н. Morgenthau, J. Nye, V. Smolyanyuk, Р. Taylor, A. Toffler, M. Trebin, K. Waltz, I. Wallerstein, S. Huntington and others. However, in modern conditions, the issue of the use of military power in international relations requires a new rethinking, especially in the context of systemic changes in world society.Paper objective. The purpose of this article is to analyze some aspects of the use of military power in international relations.Paper main body. The article reveals some aspects of the use of military power in international relations. The essence of the military power of the state, the forms and tasks of its use are revealed. The article examines some aspects of the use of military power in international relations. The essence of the military power of the state, forms and tasks of its application are revealed. It is highlighted that the simplest scenario of the state's transition to military actions and in the international arena is the threat of the use of force demonstrated by it (explicit - hidden, real - conditional); A more complex type of use of military power remains armed violence - direct physical influence on the opposite side by means of armed struggle for the purpose of its destruction or profitable transformation and, accordingly - to achieve their own political goals. Among the tasks of military power in international relations are: the task of demonstrating daily state military capabilities in order to deter a potential adversary from direct aggression or hostile actions of a lower level (passive deterrence); the task of demonstrating excessive military power and determination to use it in the event of partial involvement of the country's mobilization capabilities to ensure counteraction to a potential adversary (active deterrence); the task of demonstrating excessive military superiority and readiness to use force in order to force a potential adversary to retreat from controversial issues or to act contrary to its interests (offensive deterrence).The features of the formation of the power factor in the world are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the views of the US leadership on the use of military force in international relations.Conclusions of the research. Military power in international relations is seen as a means of resolving mutual conflicts in their own favor. This phenomenon is objectified in the form of the threat of war, invasion, provocation, attack, aggression, strikes, and so on. The practical tasks of the implementation of military force include the following: seizing the initiative and achieving military-political superiority over the opposing side, encroachment on sovereignty, territorial integrity; destabilization of the internal situation, coercion to change the political course or economic policy, etc. At the same time, military power becomes essential in the effective counteraction or in the practical implementation of these problems.

The phenomenon of power in International Relations is among the concepts often discussed. The concept of ‘power’ with rising realism in 20th century was understood as military and economic power; power extends beyond this meaning today and incorporates different elements. In this context, ‘soft power’ has become one of the most important and referred concepts in International Relations. The concept of soft power, which can be defined as the ability of an actor to make another actor to do something it would not likely do itself, is shaped through elements such as culture, politics, economics, diplomacy. In particular, the complex structure of international relations today makes the international actors’ use of their ‘soft power’ potentials convenient. Today, the rapid leap in science and technology, especially the internet, has made it easier for states to produce, execute and disseminate soft power policies, making the use of soft power a kind of indispensable for a peaceful environment. In this study, the concept of power was first discussed within the framework of different approaches. Then the concept of hard power, which is one of the power types, is defined as the opposite of the concept of soft power. The main axis of the study, Joseph Nye's concept of soft power, was evaluated within the framework of International Relations and South Korea was examined as an example of soft power. Elements of soft power have been laid out in the context of the diplomatic, economic, cultural and political implications possessed by rising power South Korea. South Korea is particularly successful in presenting popular culture as the most basic source of its soft power.