Are Statisticians Sufficiently Engaged With Public Policy?

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ABSTRACTThe paper describes six examples of poor statistical practice in public policy. The first example is the lack of a COVID Information Plan for Australia resulting in deficient information being used to understand the progress of the pandemic and the best public policy responses. The second example is inappropriate criteria being used for determining when to ease COVID restrictions as vaccination rates increased because they ignored the impact of uncertainty in the modelling assumptions. The third example is the machine learning algorithms used in Robodebt, which were flawed, used inappropriate data and did not incorporate measures of uncertainty. The fourth example is the opinion polls used in the 2019 Australian election, which got the result wrong because they relied on unrepresentative samples with inadequate weighting adjustments for this deficiency. The fifth example is from the United States where the salaries of teachers (and even their continued employment) were based on the performance of their students using regression models that were inadequate for the purpose. The sixth and more positive example is the use of purchasing power parities to influence two different global debates on poverty reduction and climate change. The paper concludes with suggestions on what the Australian statistical profession should do to address the lack of statistical thinking in many policy areas.

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“Good luck on your first day as an assistant professor, Dr. Tanner! Have a great class!” On the wall above my desk, these words scream out from an otherwise encouraging note that is adorned with many exclamation points. This note has hung on my wall since my very first day as an Assistant Professor of Biology. As I was charging off to teach my first class, a senior faculty member who had been on my hiring committee slipped this note under my office door. In moments of pause years later, I still stare up at that note and breathe a sigh of relief that I had much more than luck to guide me on my first day as a college-level teacher. Although I continue to have much to learn—as all of us do no matter the number of years of teaching experience—I did arrive at the university with both formal and informal training in science education. I had had plenty of exposure to innovative pedagogical approaches, questioning strategies, and techniques for engaging diverse audiences in learning science. As a scientist educator, I had had the privilege of many years of collaboration with outstanding K–12 educators as well as a postdoctoral fellowship in science education. However, my training has been, to say the least, unconventional compared with that of my fellow junior faculty and unique in its preparation in regard to the teaching and learning of my discipline. It will not be news to anyone reading this article that university and college teaching is to a large extent a profession with no formal training. It’s startling but true that the majority of faculty members—and lecturers who often teach large numbers of students—have no formal training in the teaching and learning of their discipline. In fact, the hiring process in university science departments is structured primarily to evaluate a faculty candidate’s ability to be a productive researcher, with success measured in number of publications and magnitude of grant funds raised. Depending on the type of institution, for example, research university, state-level university, or liberal arts college, there may be a component of the faculty interview process that probes a candidate’s teaching ability, for example, requesting a statement of teaching philosophy and requiring the candidate to teach a sample lecture class. However, this sample lecture often screens for gross inadequacies, rather than looking for stellar innovations or pedagogical skills. This lack of formal, accredited training for university and college instructors stands in stark contrast to the requirements for a high school teacher who is charged with the education of students only a year junior to college freshmen. High school teachers in the United States must be credentialed as a secondary science teacher, demonstrate subject matter competency in every subject that they will be teaching, and must continually engage in professional development in the teaching and learning of their discipline throughout their career as a science teacher. With the 2002 federal No Child Left Behind legislation, the onus is upon each precollege science teacher to become “highly qualified” in terms of formal university-level training in science education. However, no such required professional training or measurable standards for teaching are required in institutions of higher education. Many policy documents have suggested standards of teaching practice in postsecondary science education (National Research Council, 1996, 1997; Siebert and McIntosh, 2001), but the extent of implementation of these ideals is unclear and has gone relatively unstudied, although national and regional accreditation boards do look at outcomes, asking colleges and universities to assess what their students have gained from four years of study at their institutions. Nonetheless, there is a striking reversal of accountability that happens when one crosses the precollege teaching to college-level teaching boundary (Table 1). During the K–12 school years, society expects K–12 teachers to be responsible for student learning. Salaries of teachers in many states are tied to student test scores, and poor student performance can potentially invoke penalties. At a college or university, several variables in the educational universe shift. Students are the ones responsible for learning. The evaluation and compensation of college-level teachers is not DOI: 10.1187/cbe.05–12–0132 Address correspondence to: Kimberly Tanner (kdtanner@sfsu.edu). CBE—Life Sciences Education Vol. 5, 1–6, Spring 2006

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Climate change is a global issue that must be considered and addressed immediately. Many articles have been published on climate change mitigation and adaptation. However, new methods are required to explore the complexities of climate change and provide more efficient and effective adaptation and mitigation policies. With the advancement of technology, machine learning (ML) and deep learning (DL) methods have gained considerable popularity in many fields, including climate change. This paper aims to explore the most popular ML and DL methods that have been applied for climate change mitigation and adaptation. Another aim is to determine the most common mitigation and adaptation measures/actions in general, and in urban areas in particular, that have been studied using ML and DL methods. For this purpose, word frequency analysis and topic modeling, specifically the Latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA) as a ML algorithm, are used in this study. The results indicate that the most popular ML technique in both climate change mitigation and adaptation is the Artificial Neural Network. Moreover, among different research areas related to climate change mitigation and adaptation, geoengineering, and land surface temperature are the ones that have used ML and DL algorithms the most.

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  • Cite Count Icon 3
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  • Cite Count Icon 3
  • 10.7551/mitpress/11130.003.0012
Climate Change, Development, Poverty, and Economics
  • Jan 7, 2020
  • Sam Fankhauser + 1 more

The past three decades have seen an unprecedented increase in world living standards and a fall in poverty across many fundamental dimensions. Increased confidence in what was possible together with greater acceptance of moral responsibilities led to the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) at the turn of the century. They provided a real basis for international cooperation and development. In the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), agreed in September 2015, there is now a common platform for the next phase of the fight against poverty. The SDGs make it clear that environmental protection will be a key feature of this next phase and increasingly intertwined with poverty reduction. Thirteen of the 17 SDGs are directly concerned with the natural environment, climate or sustainability. Environment, climate and sustainability were not prominent in the MDGs. With hindsight we can now see that this was a mistake. A key factor in all this is climate change. Climate change is not the only environmental problem we face, nor is it the only threat to global prosperity. But climate change is unique in its magnitude and the vast risks it poses. It is a potent threat-multiplier for other urgent concerns, such as habitat loss, disease and global security (IPCC 2014) and puts at risk the development achievements of the past decades (World Bank 2016). If unchecked, climate change could fundamentally redraw the map of the planet, and where and how humans and other species can live. Climate change is also unique in the scale of the response that is needed. Reducing climate risks requires cooperation from all countries, developed and developing, to reorient their economic systems away from fossil fuels and harmful land-use practices. This reorientation is urgent. Our activities in the next two decades will determine whether our successes in development will be sustained or advanced, or whether they will be undermined or reversed in a hostile environment. The nature of the climate problem has implications for economic analysis. Economics has much to offer, and indeed continues to provide important insights, but there has been a dangerous tendency to force climate change into narrow existing ways of thinking. This must change. We need to construct theories and models that reflect the structure and scale of the problem and the contexts in which it occurs. Climate change also has implications for development policy. In the Paris Agreement, negotiated at the end of 2015,there is now an international platform through which global climate action can be advanced and coordinated. The Paris Agreement sets out a process through which the rise in global mean temperatures may be curtailed to 'well below' 2oC above pre-industrial levels and perhaps as low as 1.5oC. These are the central long-term objectives of the agreement. Meeting the Paris objectives requires sustained action over many decades. It also requires the reorientation of investment. At least US$ 100 trillion will be invested over the next two or three decades into buildings and urban infrastructure, roads, railways, ports and into new energy systems. It is imperative that these investment decisions are taken with climate change in mind. If they are there will be substantial benefits for development and poverty reduction – living spaces where we can move, breathe and be productive, better protection for fragile ecosystems, as well as the fundamental reduction of the risks of climate change. Putting the SDGs and Paris together, the agreements of 2015 have given us, for the first time, a global agenda for sustainable development applying to all countries. This paper sets out the implications of this agenda, and climate change in particular, for development economics and development policy. It emphasizes the nature of the required changes and their implications. We start with an examination of what economics has had to say about the link between economic prosperity and the environment. We then explain why climate change is a different kind of problem and why it requires a new approach to both analysis and policy. The final two sections explore how this new approach might look.

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Environmental Management and Urbanization: Dar es Salaam as an Illustrative Case
  • Dec 31, 2015
  • Liana Ricci

This chapter concentrates on approaches to environmental management and urban planning that have become skewed over time in order to resolve the African ‘environmental crisis’ in the name of sustainable development and/or poverty reduction. Such approaches have been brought to the fore by the global debate on Climate Change. The extent of the environmental transformations currently underway in Dar es Salaam and sub-Saharan Africa more generally are discussed, as well as the manner in which the two global strategies of mitigation and adaptation to Climate Change orient urban development policy and planning at the local and global level. The adaptation strategy emerges as crucial to planning processes in African cities, prompting a reconsideration of the impact of strategies that emphasize ‘securitization’ of the city as opposed to acceleration of the rural–urban transition in order to reduce social vulnerability. Such strategies raise questions that are not new to the planning debate, and draw attention to the role that people must play therein.

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