Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Oasis of al‐Ḥāʾiṭ, Ancient Fadak/Padakku (Saudi Arabia)

Since 2016, Saudi Arabia’s crown prince Mohammed bin Salman has sought to improve his country’s economic and strategic position through sports diplomacy. These efforts include investments in a diverse portfolio of sports properties, including hosting marquee professional sporting events at home and financing leagues and teams abroad. It is all part of Saudi Arabia’s ‘Vision 2030’ strategic plan to diversify the Kingdom’s economy. This paper discusses the foreign and domestic policy purposes underlying Saudi Arabia’s sports diplomacy and their wider implications for the global economy. I argue that the sports diplomacy initiated by MBS is an investment both in the long-term strategic interests of Saudi Arabia and in the longevity of the ruling regime. Soft power accumulation, as would be predicted by the sports mega-events literature, is a secondary consideration. This paper unfolds in three parts, First, I discuss the relationship between sportswashing, sports diplomacy, and soft power. Second, I provide an overview of Saudi Arabia’s sports engagements since 2014. Third, I explain Saudi Arabia’s behaviour relative to the literature on sports diplomacy. Fourth, I explain Saudi Arabia’s sports diplomacy with reference to the goals laid out in its Vision 2030 policy. I conclude with a discussion of the wider implications of Saudi Arabia’s sports diplomacy.

BackgroundDrug shortages are a major public health concern and remain a persistent problem worldwide. At present, there are no unified existing strategies for managing medicine stocks in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). Here, the aim is to describe our experience with creating a non-profit voluntary national Medication Exchange and Sharing Network Program (MESNP) throughout the KSA.MethodsA quality improvement process map method was used in this project. The baseline evaluation included a review of possible reasons and strategies for managing medication shortages and recognizing potential associated safety issues. To that end, at the national level, we developed MESNP as a novel project to cope with medication shortages using Telegram social media as the preferred program for connecting with the member institution.ResultsA total of 500 requests were received over one year. Three hundred and fifteen (315) constituted requests for drug supplies due to shortages while the number of reports indicating the availability of overstock drug for re-distribution is (185). Almost 98% of overstocking drug reports was re-distributed in which it covers 75% of drug shortage requests.ConclusionThis novel project aims to use our current resources by facilitating the medication exchange and sharing between the organizations at national level. The optimistic goal is to proactively mitigate drug wastages and prevent drug shortages toward better patient care.

As a way to diversify its non-oil economy, Saudi Arabia launched a prospective initiative called Vision 2030 to boost its ability as the most prominent middle eastern logistics hub. Given its strategic geographic position at the crossroads of important international trade routes, among three continents - Asia, Europe and Africa, Saudi Arabia has predominant logistical access to the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa, as well as the Asia-Europe trade route. Thanks to the existing infrastructure and all mechanisms already in place in Saudi Arabia, we firmly believe that the Physical Internet presents the true empowerment to these mechanisms by offering improvements in delivery time, costs and environmental impacts.

Russia's Middle East policy faces a dilemma. On the one hand, Moscow maintains close, although frequently terse, ties with Iran, playing an important role in Iran's nuclear program and even using its position in the United Nations to shield Iran from harsh sanctions. In return, Moscow profits from the sales of arms and nuclear expertise, participates in Iran's energy sector, and may establish valuable cooperation on gas exports, both being obvious suppliers to the lucrative Western European market. On the other hand, Russia is also seeking to strengthen ties with Iran's neighbors, such as Saudi Arabia and Israel, many of whom see Tehran as the major threat to any nonproliferation regime in the region and recognize that Russian cooperation has increased the likelihood that Iran will acquire nuclear weapons. The impact on Russia's relationship with Saudi Arabia may be especially important to planners in Moscow. Saudi Arabia appears to be an increasingly willing client for Russian arms (and possibly also nuclear expertise), and Russia may value close relations with the next biggest oil exporter in the world. In the present study, we examine Russia's recent relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia and assess Russia's strategic position regarding the two countries. At the current time, Russia, as a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council and the primary source of technical cooperation with Tehran on the nuclear issue, is at the center of developments in the Middle East. How Moscow assesses its position in the Middle East, and whether it ultimately wishes to prioritize Riyadh or Tehran, could be central to the future stability of the region.

As a way to diversify its non-oil economy, Saudi Arabia launched a prospective initiative called Vision 2030 to boost its ability to be the biggest Middle Eastern logistic hub. Given its strategic geographic position at the crossroads of important international trade routes, between three continents: Asia, Europe and Africa, Saudi Arabia has a predominant logistical access to the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa, as well as the Asia-Europe trade route. Thanks to the existing infrastructure and all mechanisms already in place to improve logistics in Saudi Arabia, we strongly believe that the Physical Internet presents the right empowerment to these mechanisms by offering improvements in delivery times, costs and environmental impacts.

The worldwide transition toward sustainable development causes increased attention to green financing mechanisms particularly in infrastructure projects. Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) function as a strategic approach for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) to reach economic diversification targets and environmental sustainability goals of Vision 2030. PPPs benefit from green financing integration because it allows public investment to partner with private sector innovations thus strengthening sustainable infrastructure development. This paper demonstrates how green financing enables the construction of climate-equip Infrastructure while incentivizing environmentally-focused investments for the Kingdom to achieve its environmental targets. A partnership between KSA's public and private sector institutions can construct an environmentally-friendly infrastructure system serving the increased population needs while tackling present environmental problems. The paper introduces an entire seven-step framework specifically made to serve KSA's institutional environment and financial tools and sectoral requirements. The approach declares that green finance strategies need to be embedded across PPP project development phases from planning through execution and monitoring. The framework specifies necessary components that involve stakeholder collaboration together with risk analysis and new financial tools which enable sustainable infrastructure development. Through this framework Saudi Arabia can connect PPP projects to national sustainability targets which involve decreasing carbon footprints and advancing renewable power generation. This framework creates distinct guidelines with best practices for green financing in the PPP model to enhance green project investment appeal to domestic and foreign investors. The paper provides concrete suggestions to develop relevant policies with risk management strategies and workforce advancement initiatives to build a strong flow of green PPP undertakings in Saudi Arabia. Public officials need to build systemic conditions which make sustainable infrastructure initiatives more attractive to private investors. The development of green financing frameworks requires intervention from the government to establish mechanisms that support sustainable initiatives and to offer rewards to developers who create projects with environmental benefits with additional funds for capacity strengthening among PPP stakeholders. KSA can reach Vision 2030 targets via sustainable development by establishing partnerships between public entities and both private investors and financial institutions to effectively use green financing. Green financing in PPP projects through a strategic framework positions Saudi Arabia as the leading nation for sustainable regional and global infrastructure development.

Health informatics in Saudi Arabia has experienced significant growth and development over the past few decades, driven by the country’s commitment to modernizing its healthcare system and improving the quality of healthcare services. Saudi Arabia’s commitment to digital transformation in healthcare positions it for continued progress in the field of health informatics. This literature review explored the key aspects of health informatics in Saudi Arabia, including the adoption of electronic health records (EHRs), the expansion of telemedicine, the establishment of health information exchange (HIE) networks, healthcare analytics, infrastructure development, regulations, education and training, research and innovation, challenges, public health initiatives, and patient engagement. With a tech-sawy population, government commitment, and rapid adoption of digital health technologies, Saudi Arabia is well-positioned for significant growth in health informatics. This promises a bright future for healthcare in the country, marked by improved patient care, enhanced healthcare quality, and better public health outcomes.

37 Medication exchange and sharing network program (MESNP) initiative to cope with drug shortages in the kingdom of saudi arabia (KSA)

The kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah actually existed since 1446. However, as a strong dynasty and established the Saudi Arabia state is since the era of Abd. Aziz ibn Abd. Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud) with the spirit of Wahhabism and British aid. Officially in 1932 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an Islamic state with a monarchic system under King Ibn Saud. This paper will discuss the history of Islamic development in Saudi Arabia which is now as an Islamic State. Saudi Arabia is now dominated by the kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah which is influenced by Wahabiyah religious beliefs. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wahabiyah movement received support from Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud. They began expansion which culminated in the conquest of most of the Arabian peninsula and made social, religious and political set agendas in Saudi Arabia. Wahabiyah continues to expand and exist in Saudi Arabia, especially in the mid-19th to the 20th century, and its development pattern is based on top down. Thus, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can not be separated from Wahabiyah influence. In the midst of social change, Saudi authorities continue to maintain Wahabiyah as a royal religious ideology. In fact, Wahabiyah ulama also play a role in giving religious approval to the policies of the royal government. However, other factors that also make Islam flourish in Saudi Arabia are the historic impact as the main influence of Muslims since the Prophet era and Saudi Arabia's strategic position for various information reforms in the Islamic world as it controls Mecca and Medina as the sacred city (Haramain). On the other hand, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can also be seen in terms of Islamic politics played by the royal government and its foreign political economy which is deemed to be close to the Brtish, US or the West in the Middle East, preferably in the Israel and Palestinian conflict.

The kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah actually existed since 1446. However, as a strong dynasty and established the Saudi Arabia state is since the era of Abd. Aziz ibn Abd. Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud) with the spirit of Wahhabism and British aid. Officially in 1932 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an Islamic state with a monarchic system under King Ibn Saud. This paper will discuss the history of Islamic development in Saudi Arabia which is now as an Islamic State. Saudi Arabia is now dominated by the kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah which is influenced by Wahabiyah religious beliefs. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wahabiyah movement received support from Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud. They began expansion which culminated in the conquest of most of the Arabian peninsula and made social, religious and political set agendas in Saudi Arabia. Wahabiyah continues to expand and exist in Saudi Arabia, especially in the mid-19th to the 20th century, and its development pattern is based on top down. Thus, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can not be separated from Wahabiyah influence. In the midst of social change, Saudi authorities continue to maintain Wahabiyah as a royal religious ideology. In fact, Wahabiyah ulama also play a role in giving religious approval to the policies of the royal government. However, other factors that also make Islam flourish in Saudi Arabia are the historic impact as the main influence of Muslims since the Prophet era and Saudi Arabia's strategic position for various information reforms in the Islamic world as it controls Mecca and Medina as the sacred city (Haramain). On the other hand, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can also be seen in terms of Islamic politics played by the royal government and its foreign political economy which is deemed to be close to the Brtish, US or the West in the Middle East, preferably in the Israel and Palestinian conflict

This article argues that economic and political integration in the Arab region is significant for the economic development and political stability of the states in the region. This research focuses on Jordan’s attempts at economic and political integration in the Arab region, particularly examining its relationships with Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Syria. These relationships have experienced uncertainties and geopolitical tensions, affecting the overall trade and economic integration process in the Arab region. This article argues that Jordan’s strategic position as a key ally of the United States and the West, particularly in its relations with Israel, underscores its vital role in the Middle East. However, this role comes with a notable burden due to the challenges presented by the fluctuating nature of its relationships with Arab countries in the region. Despite challenges, Jordan plays a vital role in promoting regional cooperation. The country’s economic ties with Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Syria have facilitated trade and assisted integration efforts. However, careful navigation of geopolitical tensions is necessary for sustainable economic and political integration in the Arab region. This article supposes that Jordan’s regional policy is realistic. Jordan has striven to expand its geostrategic alliances based on achieving regional economic interests.

Abstract: With the revenue from Russia's oil exports, Russia has moved from its near-bankrupt status after the August 1998 financial collapse to a situation where it is now a financial powerhouse. Although revenue from natural gas exports is not as large, Russia's natural gas pipelines into Europe bring Russia immense political clout. Putin has used Russia's oil and gas skillfully so that the country is once again a superpower--emphasis on power. Keywords: Gazprom, ITERA, natural gas, petroleum, Putin, Russia ********** When asked at his January 31, 2006, press conference how he responded to calls by U.S. Senator John McCain and Congressman Tom Lantos to kick Russia out of the G-8, Russian President Vladimir Putin quoted an old Arabic proverb: The dog barks but the caravan moves on. This was Putin's way of saying, Who cares if some American senator thinks Russia is not up to the standards of the world's richest democracies. Russia will do as it pleases and there is not much anyone can do about it. They need Russia more than we need them. This was very different from what Boris Yeltsin used to say when he was president and, for that matter, how Putin would probably have responded to the same question during his first term. More than anything, this new assertiveness is a result of oil at $70 a barrel and the fact that Russia is the world's largest exporter of natural gas and the world's second largest exporter of petroleum. Considering the context, this new hubris might seem overly presumptive. Russia's GDP is growing at 6-7 percent per year--primarily because of growth in the energy and metals sector rather than manufacturing, which is lagging. Russia's per capita income is still less than Portugal's, and its army is bogged down in misadventures in Chechnya and by public revulsion at a scandal highlighting army hazing and brutalizing of draftees. But today, with oil and natural gas prices at record highs, abundant energy reserves count for more than per capita income and, like Venezuela, Russia is learning how to leverage those resources. I Russia's transformation from impoverished supplicant in the 1990s to haughty creditor today has been breathtaking. Less than a decade ago, in August 1998, because of its weakened economy and ever-increasing deficit, Russia was forced to default on its state loans, which in turn precipitated the collapse of most of its private banks. Russia's foreign reserves all but disappeared and its RTS index of stock (the Russian equivalent of the Dow Jones index) fell to 39 from a high the year before of 571. In July 2007, fewer than ten years later, the RTS index hit a new high of 2,091, a fifty-one-fold increase. Export volume rose from $71 billion in 1998 to $275 billion in 2006, most of which was generated by oil and gas earnings. Moreover, with export earnings in 2006 almost double the spending on imports, Russia had a $130 billion trade surplus. When added to reserves accumulated from previous years, Russian gold and foreign currency reserves hit $420 billion in August 2007. This is in addition to another $120 billion or so set aside from oil export tax revenue as a stabilization fund intended to reduce inflationary pressure. (1) Russia's gold and currency reserves are now the third largest in the world, although still far below China's $1 trillion. But the geographic location of Russia's oil and gas, particularly its gas, is even more important than the actual amount of its dollar, euro, and gold hoard. Although Russia's petroleum reserves are not as large and are often in locations with extreme temperatures, Russia's land access adjacent to Western Europe and its natural gas pipelines in particular put it in a much more strategic position than Saudi Arabia, whose influence arises almost exclusively from its oil. Still, in January 2006 Russia actually produced more crude oil than Saudi Arabia. Moreover, Russia was the source of up to 40 percent of the increase in world oil output between 2000 and 2005. …

The number of species of crop plants in Central Europe increased constantly during the Bronze Age. The structure of the composition of cultivated plants was probably connected to the cultural contacts of human populations. During the Bronze Age (2300/2000–800 BC), the region of South Bohemia (Czech Republic) increasingly became the focus of long-distance trade and exchange networks with regions to the east and many other regions (the Eastern Alps, the Alpine Foreland, the central lowlands of the Czech Republic, Hungary and Western Slovakia). The aim of the paper is to examine archaeobotanical assemblages of charred plant remains to see if these changes within Bronze Age societies, and their spheres of interaction, are also recorded within their agricultural practices. In particular, the importance of specific individual crop species can be reflected in the study region in comparison with other individual regions of Central Europe. Humans in the region of South Bohemia had more connections with the Eastern Alps and the Alpine Foreland region during the Early and Middle Bronze Ages. Regarding the structure of crop species, the composition of sub/dominant crops in South Bohemia and the Eastern Alps and the Alpine Foreland had many similarities. The cultural trajectory of the human populations of the South Bohemian region changed substantially in the Late and Final Bronze Ages: intensive contacts are documented, primarily with the region of Central Bohemia. This is reflected in the composition of the sub/dominant crops in South Bohemia, which shows many similarities to the other regions of the Czech Republic. Changes in migration and exchange networks—in particular those that involved more formalised trade—are associated with a large number of innovations and specific goods and led to much wider levels of cultural and social integration within Bronze Age Europe than had been previously seen.

The use of social network theories dates back to 1930s with the pioneering works of psycho-sociologist Moreno. With the advent of advanced technologies, there has been an explosion of its applications to various disciplines. The study applies social network theory to analyze agricultural knowledge exchange and decision-making network of farm women. The analysis identifies farm women who occupy central and strategic positions and acts as opinion leaders in the network. The study was carried out in the Himalayan regions of Uttarakhand, India. Descriptive research design and multi-stage sampling were adopted. A total of 298 respondents were selected purposively from the two villages of Uttarakhand. Data were collected through survey sociometric method. UCINET and SPSS were used for data analysis and interpretations. The findings showed that high in degree and Out degree centrality was recorded by 24 (12, 12) and 48 (26, 22) farm women in the two study villages. Total 24 opinion leaders were identified within the agricultural knowledge exchange and decision-making network. Their extent of opinion leadership was influenced by age, marital status, farming experience, socio-economic status, innovativeness, achievement motivation, decision making ability, risk preference, economic motivation, information seeking behaviour, cosmopoliteness and social participation.

SummaryBackgroundThe Middle East respiratory syndrome coronavirus (MERS-CoV) is a lethal zoonotic pathogen endemic to the Arabian Peninsula. Dromedary camels are a likely source of infection and the virus probably originated in Africa. We studied the genetic diversity, geographical structure, infection prevalence, and age-associated prevalence among camels at the largest entry port of camels from Africa into the Arabian Peninsula.MethodsIn this prospective genomic study, we took nasal samples from camels imported from Sudan and Djibouti into the Port of Jeddah in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, over an almost 2-year period and local Arabian camels over 2 months in the year after surveillance of the port. We determined the prevalence of MERS-CoV infection, age-associated patterns of infection, and undertook phylogeographical and migration analyses to determine intercountry virus transmission after local lineage establishment. We compared all virological characteristics between the local and imported cohorts. We compared major gene deletions between African and Arabian strains of the virus. Reproductive numbers were inferred with Bayesian birth death skyline analyses.FindingsBetween Aug 10, 2016, and May 3, 2018, we collected samples from 1196 imported camels, of which 868 originated from Sudan and 328 from Djibouti, and between May 1, and June 25, 2018, we collected samples from 472 local camels, of which 189 were from Riyadh and 283 were from Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. Virus prevalence was higher in local camels than in imported camels (224 [47·5%] of 472 vs 157 [13·1%] of 1196; p<0·0001). Infection prevalence peaked among camels older than 1 year and aged up to 2 years in both groups, with 255 (66·9%) of 381 positive cases in this age group. Although the overall geographical distribution of the virus corresponded with the phylogenetic tree topology, some virus exchange was observed between countries corresponding with trade routes in the region. East and west African strains of the virus appear to be geographically separated, with an origin of west African strains in east Africa. African strains of the virus were not re-sampled in Saudi Arabia despite sampling approximately 1 year after importation from Africa. All local Arabian samples contained strains of the virus that belong to a novel recombinant clade (NRC) first detected in 2014 in Saudi Arabia. Reproduction number estimates informed by the sequences suggest sustained endemicity of NRC, with a mean Re of 1·16.InterpretationDespite frequent imports of MERS-CoV with camels from Africa, African lineages of MERS-CoV do not establish themselves in Saudi Arabia. Arabian strains of the virus should be tested for changes in virulence and transmissibility.FundingGerman Ministry of Research and Education, EU Horizon 2020, and Emerging Diseases Clinical Trials Partnership.