ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXPLORATIONS ABOVE AND BELOW GROUND AT HORVAT MIDRAS, JUDEAN FOOTHILLS, ISRAEL

This study presents results from archaeological surveys and excavations at Hurbat Husham, a strategic hill site in the Judean Foothills. Investigations reveal a Jewish settlement that existed from the Hellenistic period through the Bar Kokhba revolt (3rd century BCE - 136 CE). Key findings include a fortress-like structure at the summit, three ritual baths (miqva’ot), an underground hiding complex, rock-cut tombs, and a large elongated cistern. Material culture—including distinctive pottery and chalk stone vessels—confirms the site’s Jewish character during the Second Temple period. The underground complex with connecting tunnels likely served as an escape system during the Bar Kokhba revolt, similar to those at nearby sites. Based on strategic location, architectural features (particularly the elongated cistern typical of Hasmonean-Herodian desert fortresses), and second-century BCE ceramic evidence, we identify Hurbat Husham with Thamnata—one of Bacchides’ fortresses constructed in 160 BCE as recorded in 1 Maccabees and Josephus’ Antiquities. This identification is supported by the preserved name at nearby Kh. Tibnah and the site’s position controlling major routes into Judea via Nahal Sorek and Nahal Elah. During the Hasmonean and Herodian periods, it served as a fortress associated with the Betholetepha-Pella Toparchy. We suggest Hurbat Husham was likely Rabbi Simeon the Timnite’s hometown during the interbellum period. Late Roman or Byzantine occupation featured a Christian community, evidenced by graffiti on a ritual bath doorpost. One graffito depicts birds alongside a Christogram combining a cross with the Greek letters chi and rho, while another may represent a fish—an early Christian symbol functioning as an acrostic for “Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior.” These symbols were later plastered over when the structure was converted to a water cistern, suggesting they date to the late third or early fourth century CE. The findings contribute significantly to our understanding of settlement patterns, defensive strategies, and religious transitions in the Judean Foothills, while addressing historical-geographical questions regarding Bacchides’ fortresses and Rabbi Simeon the Timnite’s origin.

The ancient site is located in the Judaean Shephelah, on an elongated ridge. It was founded at the end of the Persian period. The village was at its largest in the first century CE, covering an area of c. 12 dunams. Based on finds of at least four ritual baths ( miqwa̓ot ), stone vessels, pottery types, oil lamps and the coins assemblage, its inhabitants were most likely Jewish. The village was abandoned following the Jewish War against the Romans (66-70 CE) and re-inhabited in the interval between the two Jewish revolts. It participated in the Bar Kokhba Revolt (132-135 CE) and was violently destroyed. The place was resettled partially during the Late Roman period by gentiles, and existed until the fifth century CE. The most outstanding feature uncovered is a public building containing a courtyard, a large miqveh and a vestibule opening into a rectangular hall with three pillars in its centre. The structure, perhaps a synagogue, was erected between the revolts against the Romans and used until the Bar Kokhba Revolt.

The Dead Sea Scrolls are ancient Jewish manuscripts that have been discovered around the shore of the Dead Sea. They range in size from large scrolls and nearly complete documents to fragmentary scraps of just a few letters. They have been located in eleven caves at Qumran, at Masada, and in caves from the Bar Kokhba era. Chronologically they span the last several centuries bce to the second century ce and so have profound value for the study of ancient Judaism and the background of early Christianity. (This bibliography does not include the material from Wadi el-Daliyeh and Khirbet Mird.) The most extensive collection of documents was found at Qumran on the western shore of the Dead Sea, south of Jerusalem. Most of the more than nine hundred separate manuscripts from this site are actually only fragmentary remains of ancient books that can be divided into three, roughly equal categories: (1) Bible manuscripts of all books of the Hebrew Bible, except for the book of Esther, have been identified at Qumran, (2) apocrypha and pseudepigrapha, books known to have circulated in the Second Temple period among all Jewish groups, and (3) sectarian materials peculiar to the Jewish inhabitants of Qumran, who separated themselves from the mainstream Jewish groups and from the Jerusalem Temple. Their texts outline their beliefs, rules on how to enter their closed sect, and their regimens and rituals. Adjacent to the caves are remains of a Jewish site inhabited for several centuries, until its destruction by the Romans in 68 ce. The scrolls in the caves have been regarded by most scholars as the library of those who occupied that site. Masada was a fortress south of En Gedi on the Dead Sea and was used as a rebel stronghold during the Great Revolt against the Romans (66–73 ce), until destroyed by the Roman legions. The scrolls recovered from this site include parts of fifteen biblical and apocryphal books widely known during Second Temple times. The Judaean Desert climate also has preserved documents from the Bar Kokhba Revolt (132–135 ce) in refuge caves for victims of the war, located primarily north of Masada and south of Qumran, at Wadi Murabba’at, Naḥal Ḥever, and other sites. The documents include letters from Bar Kokhba to his military commanders, and archives of people who fled to the caves with their personal effects.

Finds from two caves that were excavated in Ein Gedi in 2002 are described. Eleven bronze coins of the Bar-Kokhba Revolt, twelve arrowheads and fragments of two papyrus documents were recovered in the Har Yishay Cave, located along the northern slopes of Nahal David. A hoard of nine silver coins, including a Bar-Kokhba tetradrachm, were found in the Sabar Cave. This is the second Bar-Kokhba tetradrachm to have been found in the context of a scientifically controlled archaeological project. Along with it were six Roman dinars and two dinars overstruck by Bar Kokhba. From the evidence of one of the Bar Kokhba documents dated to the third year of the revolt, it is possible to estimate that when this hoard was deposited in the cave, the total value of the coins exceeded that of a house!

A number of research projects in Petra and the surrounding region have resulted in exciting new avenues of study with regard to Nabataean religion, architecture, and economy. Reports concerning eight such projects were presented at the 46th Seminar for Arabian Studies held at the British Museum on 28–30 July 2011. The resulting published volume contains preliminary reports of a major archaeological survey north of Petra and excavations in the earliest levels of the Petra city center, in tomb complexes, and a royal residence of the first century BCE on the Umm al-Biyara. The work also includes a number of diverse thematic studies concerning Nabataean shrines located in the hinterland, the funerary landscape of Petra, and an examination of the date of the Incense Road between Petra and Gaza.In “Landscapes North of Petra: The Petra Area and Wādī Silaysil Survey,” it is evident that Brown University continues its tradition of ground-breaking research in the Petra region with the Brown University Petra Archaeological Project (BUPAP), directed by S. E. Alcock and C. A. Tuttle. A major component of the project is the Petra Area and Wādī Silaysil Survey (PAWS), directed by S. E. Alcock and A. R. Knodell. The intensive pedestrian survey has covered ca. 350 ha in the Bayda area north of Petra during the 2010 and 2011 seasons and has sought to identify settlement change by quantification of artifact distributions across the landscape (p. 7). The survey has revealed traces of human activity that reach back into the Paleolithic era (p. 8). Of particular interest is the discovery of Early Bronze Age material around Umm Saysaban, Iron II material in the vicinity of Bayda and east of Ras al-Silaysil, and Hellenistic remains near Ras al-Silaysil. The research indicates a marked increase in sherd density across the landscape in the Hellenistic period with a noticeable peak in the Early and Middle Roman periods between 50 BCE and 250 CE (p. 10). The intensive methodology and documentation efforts employed in the project are unparalleled in the region and will undoubtedly serve as a model for future endeavors here and elsewhere.A team of eminent archaeologists, S. G. Schmid, P. Bienkowski, Z. T. Fiema, and B. Kolb, led the search for the royal palaces in Petra in “The Palaces of the Nabataean Kings at Petra.” Their work resulted in the discovery of a royal residence on the Umm al-Biyara and a possible royal quarter (basileia) at the foot of al-Khubthah closer to the Petra city center. The residence was discovered on the eastern promontory of the Umm al-Biyara Plateau, overlooking the Petra city center. It was sumptuous with heated bathing facilities, alatrine, Nabataean capitals, marble sculptures, and traces of opus sectile decoration. The discovery of this type of mountain-top palatial residence in Petra allows comparisons with the Hasmonean and Herodian palaces in neighboring Judea and particularly Herod's Northern Palace at Masada (Netzer 1991).Masada and Umm al-Biyara both share the problem of water procurement in a dry inhospitable landscape. At Petra, the Nabataean builders took advantage of natural topographical features by constructing cisterns on the natural catchment of a slope directly above the residence (p. 77). The date of the construction (late first century BCE to early first century CE) suggests the influence of Herodian architecture; although it is noted that the residence shares features found at other Judean sites as well (pp. 84–85). The researchers propose that the structure was destroyed in the earthquake of 363 CE on the basis of lamp fragments found on a floor surface. However, more extensive excavation is required to determine if the structure was damaged or destroyed by earthquake in the early second century CE (see Kolb 2002: 261; 2007: 167; Kanellopoulos 2001: 13) or if it continued to be occupied as late as the fourth century CE. The proposed basileia below the Khubthah Massif requires even more investigation. The researchers place a great deal of emphasis on the availability of water provided by the al-Khubthah aqueduct and the water catchment of the massif. They also propose that the so-called Palace Tomb may have been a royal tomb (heroon) inside the basileia similar to those found in other Hellenistic royal quarters (p. 93). The possibility that a tomb was intentionally situated inside an inhabited area stands in stark contrast with the necropoleis of Petra, which are situated outside of the inhabited areas of the city center.In “Dating the Early Phases under the Temenos of the Qasr al-Bint at Petra,” the excavations in the Petra city center next to the Qasr al-Bint conducted by the French Archaeological Expedition, including F. Renel, M. Mouton C. Augé, C. Gauthier, C. Hatté, J.-F. Saliège, and A. Zazzo, are examined. The project has provided a major contribution to our knowledge of the earliest phases of Nabataean settlement at the site. Their research points to occupational levels as early as the fourth century BCE and the construction of dwellings in the third century BCE. This early dating is supported by calibrated radio carbon dates, as well as ceramic and numismatic evidence (pp. 50–51). The French expedition, together with the results of excavations carried out below the main street further to the east by P. Parr (1970; 2007) and D. F. Graf (2013 and Graf et al. 2005), provide evidence that offsets previous interpretations regarding the nature of early Nabataean society. Such views were influenced by a widespread reliance on the testimony of Hieronymous of Cardia (312/311 BCE), quoted by Diodorus Siculus, who claimed that the Nabataeans were nomads who abhorred any form of settlement (Dio. Sic. 19.94.10; cf. 2.48.1–2).Wenning and Gorgerat discuss the excavation of a chamber tomb and adjacent complex next to the Aslah Triclinium, located on high ground opposite the opening to the Siq, described as the Bab al-Siq necropolis in “The International Aslah Project, Petra: New Research and New Questions.” The project area is of particular importance due to a Nabataean inscription found on the back wall of the triclinium, which is considered to be the oldest dated inscription in Petra: ca. 96/95 BCE. The excavation has revealed a number of issues succinctly treated by Wenning. In spite of the date of the inscription, which includes a reference to the existence of a nearby cistern, the burials in the tomb and the complex in front appear to have been carved nearly a century later, toward the end of the first century BCE or early first century CE, and remains continued to be interred until at least the beginning of the second century CE. This discrepancy has prompted Wenning to examine the function and significance of Nabataean sanctuaries, such as triclinia, within the framework of G. Dalman's assumption that the Aslah Triclinium Complex belonged to a clan (Dalman 1912: 100). Wenning points out that rock-cut installations at Petra in the form of triclinia, biclinia, and stibadia are not necessarily found in relation to burials and in fact less than a quarter of these installations have been found in such contexts (p. 137). He regards the Aslah Trinclinium Complex as a sanctuary devoted to Dushara that belonged to a particular clan. The complex included the triclinium and its inscription, as well as incised symbols of the deity, a niche basin for purification, cup-holes that may have been used for libations, and votive niches, which includes an entire row of 18 niches located near the triclinium.Gorgerat's excavation in the deep pit graves inside the chamber tomb produced an impressive group of 30 ceramic unguentaria recovered from one grave (p. 129). These vessels have since been published (Gorgerat and Wenning 2013: Fig. 14) and they appear to belong to the latest types of ceramic unguentaria produced in the area from the post-annexation period until the early third century CE.Lucy Wadeson's contribution, “The Funerary Landscape of Petra: Results from a New Study,” deals with the influence of geology and topography on tomb architecture, important factors that have largely been overlooked. She devotes a better part of the chapter to the large numbers of shaft tombs in Petra. For obvious reasons, tombs with carved decorative façades have been studied intensely at the expense of plain shaft graves, which are nearly invisible in the landscape. Wadeson discusses the chronology of the shaft tombs in relation to the development of the façade tombs, noting that a number were apparently converted into façade tombs, thus pre-dating the better known type (p. 114). Overall, shaft tombs were probably the most common form of Nabataean burial. At least 3,500 examples were located east of the Dead Sea in Khirbet Qazone, where they were dated to the first three centuries CE (Politis and Cline 1999). Moreover, the use of shaft tombs is not restricted to the Nabataeans; they were also utilized by the Jewish inhabitants of Qumran in the first and second centuries CE. In both cemeteries the graves are oriented north–south (Magness 2004: 119). Wadeson also discusses the possibility that the façade-type tombs developed out of the earlier block tombs that are found next to the eastern and southern approaches to Petra (p. 105). The development of the façade-type tombs appear to have been strongly influenced by Alexandrian tomb architecture that Nabataean artisans skillfully adapted to the extreme geology and topography of Petra (pp. 108–9).The Finnish Jabal Hārūn Project completed several seasons of excavations that uncovered a Byzantine-period monastery below the peak of Jabal Hārūn (Fiema and Frösén 2008). In his article, “Reinventing the Sacred: From Shrine to Monastery at Jabal Hārūn,” Fiema proposes that part of the Western Building that was the core of the complex may have originally been part of an earlier Nabataean shrine. In view of the religious significance of this highly visible peak in the Byzantine and Islamic periods, the existence of a Nabataean cultic shrine here is quite reasonable. Needless to say, mountain-top shrines and temples are found throughout Nabataean-controlled regions in the Sinai, the Negev, the Edomite plateau, and Petra itself. Fiema discusses the circumstances that a pagan shrine may have given way to a Christian site that venerated the biblical figure of Aaron, brother of the prophet Moses. He points out that the transition from paganism to Christianity at the site may not have been particularly violent and may have even been possible by the natural destruction of an earlier shrine during the earthquake of 363 CE (p. 33).Marie-Jeanne Roche offers an intriguing contribution entitled “A Nabataean Shrine to Isis in Wādī Abū Ullayqah in the South-West of Petra.” She examines an important shrine dedicated to the goddess Isis, who is depicted as a seated Demeter-type figure (now headless) beautifully carved in a sandstone outcrop. Roche proposes that the shrine may be identified as one described in the Oxyrhynchus Invocation of Isis, “in Petra, [Isis] is called soteira (‘saviour’)….” (p. 68). The area around the statue exhibits possible cultic installations: a natural basin under a waterfall; Nabataean inscriptions, including two that refer to the goddess Isis; and engraved drawings of feet. Two betyls, one an eye-idol, and more inscriptions are present in a second location beyond the waterfall (pp. 58–59). Roche notes that the Nabataean spelling of the name Isis corresponds to the Egyptian rather than its Greek equivalent (p. 61), a fact that appears to underline the direct ties between Petra and Egypt that go back to the beginning of the Hellenistic period. Nearly 150 Nabataean names are found in the descriptions along with common Nabataean formulas, dkr, “to remember,” and slm, “peace.” Notably, these formulas continue to appear in late Nabataean inscriptions, including those written in ink on plaster (by the plasterer himself) that were uncovered in sealed contexts from the late fourth century at Oboda (Erickson-Gini 2010: 185, Fig. 7.5). The dedication of a physician (p. 64) ties in with Roche's supposition that the site was a healing shrine where flowing water was an important component. According to Roche, this may be an element that was shared with the Nabataean deity, Dushara, whose name appears several times in inscriptions at the site in the form of al-Ga (p. 59).Haim Ben-David's contribution, “Nabataean or Late Roman? Reconsidering the Date of the Built Sections and Milestones along the Petra–Gaza Road,” discusses the phasing of the ancient Incense Road that stretched across the Wadi Arabah to the Mediterranean coast. His work is significant because all too often the Incense Road is treated as a monolithic single-period entity whereas in actuality it was developed over centuries, first by the Nabataeans and later under Roman rule. Ben-David points out that section between Petra and Oboda, originally established in the late first century BCE, underwent changes following the Roman annexation of Nabataea in 106 CE. Toward the end of the second century CE, Roman military tower forts were built at a number of sites and milestones were erected (p. 19). In the wake of the results of Andrew Smith's surveys and excavations in the eastern side of the Wadi Arabah (2010), Ben-David proposes that the Petra–Gaza Road may be identified in the Petra region as following the Naqb al-Rubai route (the limestone ridge south of Jabal Hārūn) and northwest to Khirbet Sufaysif and Moyat ‘Awad (pp. 21–22). The Petra side of the Incense Road also exhibits phases from more than one historical period and portions of the leg from Naqb al-Rubai to the Petra city center appear to have been developed by the Roman army in the post-annexation era.To conclude, the papers from the special session of the Seminar for Arabian Studies in 2011 make up a unique collection of important and interesting studies of the archaeology of Petra and the culture of the Nabataeans. This collection is an indispensable acquisition for scholars and laymen alike. Drs. Nehmé and Wadeson are to be commended for producing a quality volume in such a timely manner following the conference.

Reviewed by: T&T Clark Encyclopedia of Second Temple Judaism, Volumes I and II ed. by Daniel M. Gurtner and Loren T. Stuckenbruck Bradley C. Gregory daniel m. gurtner and loren t. stuckenbruck (eds.), T&T Clark Encyclopedia of Second Temple Judaism, Volumes I and II (London: T&T Clark, 2020). Pp. xcii + 1429. $400. This reference work is a major achievement that brings together a remarkable collection of scholars and represents the best of recent scholarship on Second Temple Judaism. There are two lengthy introductory essays and 640 encyclopedic entries. At the end of each of the encyclopedic entries there is a brief bibliography and a list of related entries. Many entries are enhanced by illustrations and photographs. After a series of sixteen periodized color maps of the eastern Mediterranean, Judea, Jerusalem, and Masada, the work is divided into four parts. Volume 1 contains the first three parts, while volume 2 contains part 4. The essay “What Is Second Temple Judaism?” by Loren T. Stuckenbruck (pp. 1–19) constitutes part 1. Stuckenbruck begins by considering the time frame that is in view in references to the Second Temple period. He argues that, although the temple was destroyed in 70 c.e., it is reasonable to include the period up to the mid-second century within the purview of the present work because a wrestling with the significance of the temple at its destruction continued through the Bar Kokhba revolt in 132–135 c.e. He then turns to issues of terminology and nicely demonstrates the inadequacy of terms such as “intertestamental,” “late Judaism,” and “post-biblical.” Next, he considers the features of the Second Temple period and points out how difficult it can be to define what is meant by “Judaism” in the Second Temple period without succumbing to reductionistic or anachronistic descriptions. In fact, Stuckenbruck offers a persuasive approach that “there is little need to opt for the binary or principled alternatives of a ‘mainstream Judaism’ or ‘Judaisms’ in the plural. Rather, the tension between these alternatives may be considered important in itself: a search for shared identity, even if not resolved, is necessary if one is to reconstruct fault lines and how, if at all, different ways of being Jewish could remain in conversation with one another” (p. 5). From there, he identifies three “pillars” that run through the Second Temple period: (1) the effect of ongoing sociopolitical and cultural influences on Judaism, (2) the modes of responding to these changes, along various continuums such as accommodation versus resistance, in ways that shaped a variety of Jewish identities, and (3) the [End Page 527] expansion, shaping, and reception of sacred tradition. Stuckenbruck’s introductory essay concludes by considering some of the main challenges confronting scholars of the Second Temple period. The essay “The Historical and Political Contexts of Second Temple Judaism” by Daniel M. Gurtner (pp. 21–89) constitutes part 2. In this contribution, Gurtner provides a recounting of the events from the Persian conquest of Babylon in 538 b.c.e. to the Bar Kokhba revolt in 132–135 c.e. However, because his chief intention is to provide a narrative framework for the entries in parts 3 and 4, Gurtner’s overview draws mainly on the presentation of the literary sources. He alerts the reader that “relatively little attention is paid to historical problems that emerge from literary and other sources, nor does the question of historical veracity in itself occupy much attention as critical assessments and reconstructions are left to the specialized contributions that are cross-referenced” (p. 21). Because of this, readers should consult the other entries on specific events, as Gurtner recommends. They also may wish to read this essay while referencing more critical histories of the period such as Lester L. Grabbe’s magisterial four-volume work A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, the first three of which have been published (LSTS; London: T&T Clark, 2004, 2008, 2020). It should be noted that Gurtner spends less than two pages on the Persian period, a far briefer treatment than what is devoted to the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Nevertheless, this is a helpful overview of...

The article is an attempt to answer the question of whether the building on coins issued during the Bar Kokhba revolt, usually interpreted as the Temple in Jerusalem, was a testimony of the control of Jerusalem by the rebels or a manifestation of the political programme of the revolt. This meant that perhaps also worship on the Temple Mount was resumed. The image of the building itself is analysed against a comparative background composed of other sacred buildings shown on earlier Jewish coins, in particular those coming from the period of the First Jewish War with Rome. Coins from other areas where similar buildings are represented were also used as comparative material. Consequently, the answer to the basic question of whether the possible Temple on Bar Kokhba coins was a confirmation of the historical fact of taking power over the Jewish capital or was it only a manifestation of longing – firstly after the loss of the Temple in 70, and secondly after the restoration of Jerusalem as the spiritual and political centre of the Chosen Nation – clearly leads to the second conclusion.

Reviewed by: An Introduction to Early Judaismby James C. Vanderkam Zev Garber james c. vanderkam, An Introduction to Early Judaism( 2nded.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2022). Pp. xiv + 239. Paper $28.99. Generally speaking, semipopular textbooks that attempt to understand important events and personalities of early Judaism (popularly known as "Second Temple Judaism") highlight major archaeological discoveries, relevant texts, notable movements, influential shapers and shakers, and on. These introductions present a necessary backdrop story of the importance of these named references in the history and culture of Judaism from 587/586 b.c.e. (major phase of the Babylonian exile) to the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–135 c.e.). Maps, outlines, and photography bring to life archaeological, architectural, topographical, historical, biblical, and cultural data referenced and discussed in the text. They illuminate visually and textually significant personalities, geographical locations—historical data that are central in understanding this epoch of Jewish history, beginnings, and destiny. Alas, these expected features are nearly missing in VanderKam's book. His thesis is that the terrain of early Judaism is unexplored territory and therefore heavy tomes of scholarship and debate impede the learning process and progress of the beginning student, nonspecialist instructor, and general reader. His methodology is the use of biblical and extra-biblical texts that are not intended to be data set in situ, he argues, but are instead literary writings that serve ideological positions. His goal is to decode the literary genres in canonical texts and commentary and non-Jewish writings/sources to understand how the scriptural and extrascriptural writers interlaced literature, history, geography, and ideology in their descriptive take on what constitutes the religious and spatial agenda of early Judaism. The volume is divided into four main sections. The first ("The Time of the Second Temple") is parsed into the Persian period (538–332 b.c.e.), the Hellenistic age (323–63 b.c.e.), and the Roman period (63 b.c.e. and beyond). Important events, influential personalities, and decisive history-making decisions are effectively introduced, discussed, and evaluated. The work of Ezra and Nehemiah for Jewish identity and self-government, Ptolemaic and Seleucid control, the Hasmonean state, and individual leaders (Cyrus, Alexander, Judas Maccabeus, Herod, Bar Kokhba) are clearly presented. Nonetheless, cursory descriptions and evaluations can cause unanswered and/or necessary probing queries. For example, whence does the number 70/72 come in relation to the translators of the Septuagint, as recorded in the Letter of Aristeas)? VdK. offers no explanation. Support material in this section is drawn from the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, 1–4 Maccabees, and particularly from the writings of Flavius Josephus. Sections 2 ("Jewish Literature of the Second Temple Period") and 3 ("Great Archaeological Discoveries") embrace additional nonrabbinic literature and archaeology of the Second Temple period since the first edition of this volume (2001). Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha are defined and selected genre and topics are chosen for analysis, discussion, and importance. Categorical divisions embrace Histories (1 Esdras; 1 and 2 Maccabees), Tales (Tobit; Judith; Susanna; 3 Maccabees; Letter of Aristeas; Greek Esther; Joseph and Aseneth), Rewritten Scripture ( 1 Enoch; Aramaic Levi Document; Book of Jubilees; Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs; and Pseudo-Philo's Biblical Antiquities), Apocalypses (Apocalypse of Weeks [ 1 En. 93:1–10; 91:11–17]; Book of Dreams [ 1 Enoch83–90]; Sibylline Oracles; Similitudes or Parables of Enoch [ 1 Enoch37–71]); and Testament of Moses), Wisdom Literature (Wisdom of Ben Sira; the Epistle of Enoch [ 1 Enoch91–107/108]; Baruch; Wisdom of Solomon; and 4 Maccabees), Poetic Works ( Psalms of Solomon; Psalms of [End Page 347]Manasseh; and Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Young Men), Mockery of Idols (Letter of Jeremiah; and Bel and the Dragon); and the importance of Philo of Alexandria and Josephus. Archaeological findings relate to the Elephantine papyri, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and Masada. In sum, literature and archaeological findings are concisely presented with erudition and accessibility. Section 4 ("Synthesis: Leaders, Groups, and Institutions") treats the role and responsibility of religious functionaries (the high priest and the priesthood), civil authority, Sanhedrin, and major sectarian groups (Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes, and others, most notably, Sicarii/Zealots, whose leadership conquered Masada in...

:<i>Metal Finds and Coins: Final Publications from the Danish-German Jerash Northwest Quarter Project II</i>

Hiding complexes in Judea have been objects of considerable scholarly interest since the 1970s. By now, we are well acquainted with their main features and spatial distribution. Most hiding complexes in the Judean foothills were cut beneath the houses in Jewish villages. They were entered via shafts carved out of the nari rock, leading to underground passages quarried in the soft chalk beneath. Following recent intensive looting at Tel Lavnin, a site located in ‘Adullam Park, south of the Ela Valley, inspectors of the Antiquities Theft Prevention Unit of the Israel Antiquities Authority documented three hiding complexes. In this paper, we present these hiding complexes and the objects discovered in them. We discuss these complexes’ special architectural features and ponder why particular architectural methods were chosen. We then compare the complexes of Tel Lavnin to complexes documented elsewhere in Judea. We propose that they constitute an architectural subtype of hiding complexes from the Bar Kokhba Revolt and predict that others like them will be discovered in the future.

A circular oil lamp 22 cm in diameter with seven nozzles was archaeometrically studied to verify its authenticity. It is made of silica-enriched limestone of the Early Senonian sequence exposed in the Jerusalem area. Traditional Jewish decorations are carved in the upper part of the lamp: a seven-branched menorah (candelabrum), wheat ear, a basket with figs, pomegranates, date palm tree, grape leaf and grapes, olive branches and barley ear. This oil lamp is the product of the Jewish limestone industry that flourished during the late Second Temple Period in Jerusalem (first century CE), related to religious purity laws. The prevalence of malleable silicified limestone in the Jerusalem environs and sophisticated processing techniques such as use of a lathe facilitated the production of this stone oil lamp. The distribution of the chemical elements of the patina is identically to the stone. The multi-layered patina attached firmly to the lamp‘s outer and inner surface and the microcolonial fungi structures and their minerals are indicative of natural long-term development in a ground burial setting. Soot was found embedded within the multi-layered patina reinforcing its authenticity.

The 300 years between the beginning of Maccabean resistance against Seleucid rule and the end of the Bar Kokhba revolt were formative for the development of Jewish identity in antiquity. The frequent political changes (from Seleucid to Hasmonean, Herodian and Roman rule) presented profound challenges to Jewish self-understanding. Political adjustments were coupled with internal reconfigurations. We witness the invention and reinterpretation of rituals, the emergence of new religious groups, and the use of scripture as argument. This volume brings together the perspectives of scholars of different background in order to make use of the multifaceted evidence. The interdisciplinary approach leads to a comprehensive picture of the interrelation between identity and politics in this crucial period of ancient Jewish history.

In The Second Jewish Revolt: The Bar Kokhba War, 132-136 C.E., Menahem Mor offers a detailed account on the Bar Kokhba Revolt in an attempt to understand the second revolt against the Romans.

In The Second Jewish Revolt: The Bar Kokhba War, 132-136 C.E., Menahem Mor offers a detailed account on the Bar Kokhba Revolt in an attempt to understand the second revolt against the Romans.

When in A.D. 130 Hadrian journeyed to Egypt through Judaea, the latter province seemed altogether peaceful and calm. The imperial coinage pronounced the adventus of the Emperor to be a cheerful and blessed event in much the same terms as in other parts of the Empire. Hardly anyone in the company of the Emperor could have guessed that a few years later a revolt would break out in this very province — a revolt which would cast a shadow over Hadrian's later years. The slogans on the Bar Kokhba coins proclaimed the ‘Freedom of Israel’ and ‘For the Freedom of Jerusalem’. The war which followed the uprising was cruel and heavy in losses for both sides. The scholarly debate over ‘The Bar Kokhba revolt and its consequences’ has intensified in recent decades. The papyrological finds in the Judaean Desert, the large-scale archaeological surveys resulting in the discovery of scores of ‘hiding places’ at different sites, and the evaluation of the coinage and the coin-hoards all extended our knowledge, but failed to create more unanimity regarding different aspects of the revolt — its causes, its course, and finally its result for the history of Judaism and for that of Rome. It can hardly come as a surprise to find that the point of view of the ‘modern beholder’ has played a significant role in the interpretation of events. Above all it has been maintained that the threat to Roman power constituted by the revolt has been grossly exaggerated. But this critique pays little heed to powerful evidence which comes from Rome itself and expresses its reaction to the revolt.