Anthropometry of south Indian industrial workmen.

This article examines Mohandas Gandhi’s writing on Indian masculinity in early twentieth-century South Africa which was a period of his life that was seminal for his political career. The author explores how, in the context of being removed from many personal and professional constraints that he encountered in India, Gandhi fashioned prescriptions that would transform the emasculated, effete and cowardly Indian man constructed by colonial discourses in nineteenth-century British India. Building on the scholarly literature pertaining to Gandhian bodily ascesis, I argue that Gandhi held the belief that Indian men would be able to face the hazards of anticolonial satyagraha once their masculinity had been restored, for which various practices of military training were indispensable. I suggest that Gandhi attempted to catalyse somatic and moral reform by encouraging South African Indian men to serve in the British army during the Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902) and the Zulu Rebellion (1906). I explain how Gandhi viewed military service as a transformative disciplinary experience that would afford Indian men with the ability to endure physical duress, bodily strength and, lastly, knowledge in the use of arms. I illustrate how military service ultimately generated a masculine Indian subject, according to Gandhi, one who possessed mastery over his bodily senses, moral fortitude and fearlessness.

Abstract. We evaluated three emission inventories of black carbon (BC) using Lagrangian particle dispersion model simulations and BC observations from a rural site in southern India (Gadanki; 13.48° N, 79.18° E) from 2008 to 2012. We found that 93 to 95% of the BC load at the observation site originated from emissions in India and the rest from the neighbouring countries and shipping. A substantial fraction (33 to 43%) of the BC was transported from northern India. Wet deposition is found to play a minor role in reducing BC mass at the site because of its proximity to BC sources during rainy season and relatively short rainy season over western and northern parts of India. Seasonally, the highest BC concentration (approx. 3.3 μg m−3) is observed during winter, followed by spring (approx. 2.8 μg m−3). While the model reproduced well the seasonal cycle, the modelled BC concentrations are significantly lower than observed values, especially in spring. The model bias is correlated to fire radiative power – a proxy of open biomass burning activity. Using potential emission sensitivity maps derived using the model, we suggest that underestimation of BC mass in the model during spring is due to the underestimation of BC fluxes over southern India (possibly from open-biomass-burning/forest-fires). The overall performance of the model simulations using three different emission inventories (SAFAR-India, ECLIPSE and RETRO) is similar, with ECLIPSE and SAFAR-India performing marginally better as both have about 30% higher emissions for India than RETRO. The ratio of observed to modelled annual mean BC concentration was estimated as 1.5 for SAFAR, 1.7 for ECLIPSE and 2.4 for RETRO.

Spatio‐temporal variability of contributions of stratiform and convective rainfall to Indian monsoon (June–September) rainfall have been investigated using hourly rainfall data of well distributed 126 stations in India for the period 1969–2015. The criteria used for identifying stratiform rainfall are hourly rainfall ≤5 mm and spatial homogeneity. The study showed that Indian monsoon rainfall exhibits two distinctive features, viz. stratiform component dominating over peninsular (southern) India and convective component dominating over northern India. The diurnal variation shows domination of convective activity in the afternoon hours over the northern parts of India. Intra‐seasonal variability in the stratiform rainfall is the lowest over the West Coast stations through‐out the season. While it shows low values during the onset (June) and withdrawal (September) phases of monsoon and higher values during July–August in Peninsular India. Inter‐annual variations in the convective rainfall are larger than that of stratiform rainfall all over the country. Trend analysis indicates that both stratiform and convective rainfall are decreasing over the central parts of the country and increasing significantly along West Coast and western parts of the country. During excess monsoon year, convective rainfall activity is more than in deficit monsoon year, in Central India. The results brought out in the study will be useful as a proxy for understanding the spatial and temporal variability of the latent heating fields over India in the monsoon season and validation of model simulations of clouds and rainfall types.

Parkinson's disease (PD) is a neurodegenerative condition that is characterized by bradykinesia, rigidity, and gait instability. Inherent to this condition is an increased predisposition to falls and fractures. Bone health in Parkinson's disease in India has not been studied thus far. This study aimed to assess the bone mineral density (BMD), trabecular bone score (TBS), and hip structural analysis (HSA) in Indian men with PD and compare them with matched controls. A case-control study done at a tertiary care center from southern India. Bone biochemistry, BMD, TBS, and HSA were assessed. Among 40 cases and 40 age, gender, and body mass index (BMI)-matched controls, there was no significant difference in BMD between both groups. The mean (SD) TBS at the lumbar spine [1.349 (0.090)] was significantly (P = 0.019) lower in men with PD as compared to matched controls [1.401 (0.089)]. Among the parameters of HSA, the buckling ratios were significantly higher at the femoral neck [11.8 (2.2) vs 9.4 (2.2); P = 0.001] and inter-trochanteric region [9.4 (2.1) vs 7.8 (1.4); P = 0.002] among cases as compared to matched controls. Vitamin D deficiency was significantly higher in this cohort of patients as was bone turnover marker indicating bone loss and a high bone turnover state. A comprehensive bone health assessment comprising BMD, TBS, and HSA may be required to capture all aspects of bone strength in Indian men with PD as BMD assessment as a stand-alone tool may not suffice to obtain all information pertaining to fracture risk in these individuals.

Long-term (2008–2017) analysis of atmospheric composite aerosol and black carbon radiative forcing over a semi-arid region in southern India: Model results and ground measurement

The Carlisle Indian Industrial School (1879-1918) is often remembered as the first residential school for American Indian children and youth forcibly removed from their communities as a part of the U.S. government’s policy of so-called assimilation. In addition to “school-aged” youth, however, American Indian women and men eighteen years of age and older comprised a substantial proportion, and from 1912 to 1918 the majority, of Carlisle’s “student” body. In centering the disciplinary documents of American Indian men, this article examines a seeming paradox: Carlisle employees, U.S. officials, and U.S. citizens punished older male enrollees for enacting the very ideals that Carlisle claimed to be teaching them. Simultaneously, archival records reveal that White Americans profited off of their participation in the punitive structure of the settler state. Viewed through the prism of adult Indian men’s punitive experiences, Carlisle served many non-educational purposes as a carceral place of Indigenous punishment that deputized White Americans, helped maintain White hegemony, and furthered explicitly settler colonial objectives. The punitive patterns explored here show how Carlisle benefited the settler society by increasing the reach of its power over tribal nations—a fact that reveals the interlocking and interchangeable nature of carceral facilities, and which further demonstrates how Indigenous institutionalization was inherent to U.S. settler colonialism in this era.

A S WE APPROACHED THE Natural Bridge, I was touched but also apprehensive of the moment. At last, we would see this natural rock formation that had become associated with the historical accounts of a brutal massacre of one hundred and fifty-three Wintun Indian men, women, and children. Where was the precise spot? I wondered. Would the anguished screams of the victims still echo between the tall fir trees and the delicate white trillium flowers that grew along the trail? I glanced furtively at a small open area among the trees and imagined bleached human bones protruding through the brown earth. This image was particularly strong because John Carr had written in his book, Pioneer Days in California, that years after [the massacre], I hunted cattle over the battleground. Part of the bones still bleaching on the plains: skulls and arm and leg bones were scattered over the ground in all directions.' I stood silent but my thoughts leaped back to that brutal time, that time in Northern California when miners had come to rape the land of its gold and had stayed to rape the earth of all its resources. The results of the massacre that John Carr had noted had occurred in the Spring of 1852 near the Trinity mining center of Weaverville where hundreds upon hundreds of aggressive, often bitter, men inundated the small pocket valleys and numerous streams and rivers of Northern California in the previous years. Within months they had turned clear streams into sickening red sludge that oozed into the Trinity River. Fish died by the millions, particularly the salmon. Soon their four-year cycle was interrupted and this vital source of food was lost to the Native people. The miners shot deer by the hundreds, and imported hogs and cattle that roamed the hills and ravaged the vegetation. The California acorns that had provided food for many, now fed only the newcomers' livestock. In addition to the destruction of their food sources, the Indians themselves were savaged. They were often shot on sight, particularly if an Indian man was sighted while fishing or hunting alone. In fact, one hardy pioneer was quoted as taking no more notice of killing them than if he were killing a stray dog.2 Another indicated that he had murdered Indians, just to try out his rifle. Indian women were raped and forced into concubinage. The children, especially young girls of twelve and thirteen, were sold into slavery for amounts of one hundred and fifty to three hundred dollars.4 A good buy for a lonely miner.

Introductionin many ways in this essay i speak with no authority, I am neither IndoTrinidadian nor a man, yet I seek to claim this space. I claim this space as an interested observer, one who seeks to understand process taking place in and around me, changing dynamics of gender and its intersection with ethnicity, class and identity, and ways in which popular culture shapes and is shaped by these continuous interactions. I claim this space also as a citizen whose identity is as much defined in opposition as in relation to my others', and who therefore needs to understand my others in order to understand myself.1 It is on this basis, therefore, that I proceed. This essay takes its cue from popular soca song of Denise Belfon during 2004 Carnival season in Trinidad and Tobago and varied responses to it. These debates provide a lively context for analyses of ongoing negotiations on ethnicity, nation, citizenship and gender currently taking place in region. The essay also provides an opportunity for a further contribution to still limited literature on Indo-Caribbean masculinities. This essay is also about Indo-Trinidadian men and Afro-Trinidadian women, a dyad that has been of some concern to historians. Interestingly, it has been of less concern to Indo-Trinidadian cultural nationalists who have been more concerned with opposite dyad - that of Afro-Trinidadian men and Indo-Trinidadian This dyad, therefore, is one that is replete with politics of racial and sexual transgression, and imbrication of race, gender and sexual desire.Trinidad and Tobago is a two-island nation-state located in southern Caribbean. While its economy has been largely dependent on oil and gas from its energy sector, its ethnic diversity and popular culture have been major components of its national identity. According to 2011 census, total population was 1, 328,019 with 50.1 percent male and 49.9 percent female. With respect to ethno-demographics, people who for census purposes define themselves as African (34.2 percent) and Indian (35.2 percent) comprise majority of population. The fastest growing 'mixed' group comprised 22.8 percent, an increase from 20.46 percent in 2000. The other minorities - White/European, Chinese, Syrian/Lebanese - though small in number, are highly represented in social and economic elite. Small numbers of mixed descendants of indigenous people also exist. The population of Tobago is 82.5 percent of African descent, a decline from 92 percent in 2000, reflecting small but increasing group defining themselves as 'mixed' - African-Indian, 4.3 percent, and 'other mixed', 4.2 percent. The proportion of Indo-Trinidadians in Tobago remained stable at 2.5 percent.2For decades, historians pondered situation where for most of first three to four decades of Indian presence in country, few intimate relationships were recorded between Indo-Trinidadian men and Afro-Trinidadian Bridget Brereton, writing in 1981, noted reluctance of Indian men to cohabit with Creole women, despite shortage of Indian women. She continued:As late as 1871 Protector of Immigrants believed that no single case of cohabitation existed and up to 1917 such cases were very rare. Of course language, customs, religion and caste were powerful obstacles to such unions, but individuals have always broken through such sanctions, and in Caribbean miscegenation was general rule. Perhaps Indians, who were mostly Hindus from northern India, brought with them caste-linked Indian contempt for darker-skinned, which reinforced existing race and colour prejudices in host society. Whatever reason, miscegenation was not to be an integrating factor in this period.3While noting that these relationships have generally received limited attention by Caribbeanist scholars, Audra Diptee, in her critique of this position, rejects these cultural arguments, especially those based on the prejudicial nature of Hindu caste system. …

We conducted a cross-cultural comparison of the recovery of sexual function and bother during the first 2 years after radical prostatectomy (RP) between American and Japanese men. A total of 275 Japanese and 283 American men who underwent RP alone were prospectively enrolled into longitudinal cohort studies of health-related quality of life outcomes. Sexual function and bother (distress) were estimated with English and validated Japanese versions of the UCLA Prostate Cancer Index before RP and 1, 2-3, 4-6, 12, 18 and 24 months after RP. Each subject served as his own control. Japanese men reported lower sexual function scores at baseline, even after adjusted for age, prostate-specific antigen (PSA) and comorbidity (38 vs 61, P<0.001). The two groups had similar baseline sexual bother (70 vs 69, P=0.84). Japanese men had a smaller improvement in sexual function (beta=0.8 vs beta=5.3) and bother (beta=0.2 vs beta=2.9) over time than did the American men postoperatively, after adjusting for baseline score, age, baseline PSA and nerve-sparing. American men were more likely than Japanese men to regain their baseline sexual function by 24 months after surgery (hazard ratio (HR)=1.60; 95% confidence interval (CI)=1.06-2.42). In contrast, American men were less likely than Japanese men to return to baseline sexual bother (HR=0.57; 95% CI=0.44-0.75). This study demonstrates that Japanese and American men experience different patterns of recovery of their sexual function and bother after RP. Ethnicity may be a contributing factor.

Calcitropic Hormones and Metabolic Markers Differ in Young South Asian Indian Men and Caucasians (P04-119-19)

BackgroundThe present study is an attempt to explore the association between kitchen indoor air pollutants and physiological profiles in kitchen workers with microalbuminuria (MAU) in north India (Lucknow) and south India (Coimbatore).MethodsThe subjects comprised 145 control subjects, 233 kitchen workers from north India and 186 kitchen workers from south India. Information related to the personal and occupational history and health of the subjects at both locations were collected using a custom-made questionnaire. Worker lung function was measured using a spirometer. Blood pressure was monitored using a sphygmomanometer. Urinary MAU was measured using a urine analyzer. Indoor air monitoring in kitchens for particulate matter (PM), total volatile organic compounds (TVOC), carbon dioxide (CO2) and carbon monoxide (CO) was conducted using indoor air quality monitors. The size and shape of PM in indoor air was assessed using a scanning electron microscope (SEM). Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) spectroscopy was used to detect organic or inorganic compounds in the air samples.ResultsParticulate matter concentrations (PM2.5 and PM1) were significantly higher in both north and south Indian kitchens than in non-kitchen areas. The concentrations of TVOC, CO and CO2 were higher in the kitchens of north and south India than in the control locations (non-kitchen areas). Coarse, fine and ultrafine particles and several elements were also detected in kitchens in both locations by SEM and elemental analysis. The FTIR spectra of kitchen indoor air at both locations show the presence of organic chemicals. Significant declines in systolic blood pressure and lung function were observed in the kitchen workers with MAU at both locations compared to those of the control subjects. A higher prevalence of obstruction cases with MAU was observed among the workers in the southern region than in the controls (p < 0.01).ConclusionsKitchen workers in south India have lower lung capacities and a greater risk of obstructive and restrictive abnormalities than their north Indian counterparts. The study showed that occupational exposure to multiple kitchen indoor air pollutants (ultrafine particles, PM2.5, PM1, TVOC, CO, CO2) and FTIR-derived compounds can be associated with a decline in lung function (restrictive and obstructive patterns) in kitchen workers with microalbuminuria. Further studies in different geographical locations in India among kitchen workers on a wider scale are required to validate the present findings.

Diet, central obesity and prevalence of hypertension in the urban population of South India

In cases of mass disasters, accidents, or criminal investigations where the identity of victims is unknown certain basic anthropological parameters are helpful in ascertaining these like race, sex, age and stature. Estimating stature using multiple body measurements such as shoulder breadth, foot length, thigh length, and knee height is a common approach in anthropometry and forensic anthropology. The presence of sex and population differences in anthropometric indicators allows these measurements to be used not only to estimate the stature of an individual, but also to determine sex, different races or populations based on skeletal remains. The purpose of the study is to develop and practically verify the work of regression equations for estimating stature depending on other anthropometric indicators of men and women of two ethnically diverse populations. For this study, anthropometric data were gathered from two distinct population groups: Indian (n=102) and Nigerian (n=205). Basic demographic details along with measurements of shoulder breadth, sitting shoulder height, sitting foot length, sitting knee height, and sitting thigh length were obtained using standardized techniques as per the established anthropometric protocols. Statistical analysis was performed using appropriate software packages such as SPSS, R, or SAS. The multiple regression method was used to estimate body length depending on other anthropometric indicators. As a result of the conducted multiple linear regression analysis, reliable relationships between stature and specific anthropometric measurements in Nigerian and Indian men and women were established. It was found that stature is highly likely to depend on knee height in a sitting position in Nigerian women (R2=0.531, p&lt;0.001), as well as hip length, foot length, and shoulder height in a sitting position in Indian men (R2=0.725, p &lt;0.001). Stature in Indian women reliably depends on hip length and foot length in a sitting position, and in Nigerian men - on hip length, foot length, shoulder width and shoulder height in a sitting position, but the regression equations have a coefficient of determination less than 0.5 (respectively, R2=0.463, p&lt;0.001 and R2=0.405, p&lt;0.001) and therefore do not have much significance for forensic purposes. Additional groups (30 people for each category) were used to test the obtained regression equations. The high correlation coefficients (0.6&lt;r&lt;0.75) observed in both test groups indicate the reliability of the regression models and the suitability of the selected anthropometric measurements for the estimation of stature in these populations. The obtained data emphasize the importance of taking into account factors specific to the population when developing regression equations for the estimation of stature and emphasize the usefulness of anthropometric measurements in predicting this indicator for different gender and demographic groups of the population, although their further verification on larger and more diverse samples is necessary.

ABSTRACTIntroduction:Prostate cancer usually affects older men and accounts for considerable cancer-associated mortality in men globally. In India, there is a rise in prostate cancer, and the published literature to determine age-specific prostate-specific antigen (PSA) is limited by a small sample size. The objective of our study was to determine age-specific PSA for Indian men based on a very large cohort of apparently healthy men undergoing health screening.Methods:This was a retrospective study using the hospital-based database of men who had undergone PSA blood tests as a part of health screening at two tertiary referral centers in South India between January 1, 2011, and August 31, 2018. Anonymous data were extracted, and statistical analysis was performed.Results:During this period, 99,386 men underwent PSA blood tests. Non-Indian patients and patients with PSA levels either <0.2 or >20 were excluded from the study, leaving 86,728 patients who were further analyzed. Seventy percent of patients were below 60 years of age, and the mean PSA for the study cohort was 1.2 ng/mL (standard deviation 1.74), with a median PSA of 0.7 ng/mL (interquartile range 0.4–1.1). The 95th percentile serum PSA level was 1.40, 1.70, 3.10, 5.80, 8.82, and 11.31 ng/mL for age groups of ≤40, 41–50, 51–60, 61–70, 71–80, and >80 years, respectively. The mean, median, and 95th percentile PSA reportedly increased for each decade of life (P = 0.0005).Conclusions:Results of this study indicated a positive correlation between serum PSA level and age in Indian men. These values are lower than the age-specific PSA defined for Caucasian men. These findings provide a basis for establishing new age-specific reference ranges of PSA for Indian men which will help in clinical decision-making.

Oral, pharyngeal and esophageal cancers are 3 of the 5 most common cancer sites in Indian men. To assess the effect of different patterns of smoking, chewing and alcohol drinking in the development of the above 3 neoplasms and to determine the interaction among these habits, we conducted a case-control study in Chennai and Trivandrum, South India. The cases included 1,563 oral, 636 pharyngeal and 566 esophageal male cancer patients who were compared with 1,711 male disease controls from the 2 centers as well as 1,927 male healthy hospital visitors from Chennai. We observed a significant dose-response relationship for duration and amount of consumption of the 3 habits with the development of the 3 neoplasms. Tobacco chewing emerged as the strongest risk factor for oral cancer, with the highest odds ratio (OR) for chewing products containing tobacco of 5.05 [95% confidence internal (CI) 4.26-5.97]. The strongest risk factor for pharyngeal and esophageal cancers was tobacco smoking, with ORs of 4.00 (95% CI 3.07-5.22) and 2.83 (95% CI 2.18-3.66) in current smokers, respectively. An independent increase in risk was observed for each habit in the absence of the other 2. For example, the OR of oral cancers for alcohol drinking in never smokers and never chewers was 2.56 (95% CI 1.42-4.64) and that of esophageal cancers was 3.41 (95% CI 1.46-7.99). Furthermore, significant decreases in risks for all 3 cancer sites were observed in subjects who quit smoking even among those who had quit smoking 2-4 years before the interview.