Annales de l’Institut Henri Poincaré D, Combinatorics, Physics and their Interactions

Les organismes constructeurs dans les Annalesde Paléontologie

Bowden, Roger J., The Econometrics of Disequilibrium (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company, 1978a). ,Specification, and Inference for Models of Markets in Disequilibrium, International Economic Review 19 (Oct. 1978b). Goldfeld, Stephen M., and Richard E. Quandt, Nonlinear Methods in Econometrics (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company, 1972). , Estimation of a Disequilibrium Model and the Value of Information, Journal of Econometrics 3 (Nov. 1975), 325-348. Hausman, Jerry A., and D. A. Wise, Conditional Probit Model for Qualitative Choice: Discrete Decisions Recognizing Interdependence and Heterogeneous Preferences, Econometrica 46 (Mar. 1978), 403-426. Laffont, Jean-Jacques, and Alain Monfort, Economrtrie des Modeles d'Equilibre avec Rationnement, Annales de l'INSEE 24 (1976), 3-39. Lucas, Robert, and L. Rapping, Real Wages, Employment and Inflation, in Edmund Phelps (ed), Microeconomic Foundations of Employment and Inflation Theory (New York: Norton & Co., 1970). Maddala, G. S., and Forrest D. Nelson, Maximum Likelihood Methods for Models of Markets in Disequilibrium, Econometrica 42 (Nov. 1974), 1013-1030. Owen, D. B., Tables for Computing Bivariate Normal Probabilities, Annals of Mathematical Statistics 27 (1956), 1057-1090. Quandt, Richard E., Tests of the Equilibrium vs. Disequilibrium Hypothesis, International Economic Review 19 (June 1978), 435-452. Romer, David, Rosen and Quandt's Disequilibrium Model of the Labor Market: A Revision, this REVIEW 63 (Feb. 1981), 145-146. Rosen, Harvey S., and Richard E. Quandt, Estimation of a Disequilibrium Aggregate Labor Market, this REVIEW 60 (Aug. 1978), 371-379. 4Nothing can be gained by using a similar criterion that is not in proportionate terms, since p, 1 P.*, Pt 1 p,* * and D, S, have a degenerate distribution.

Communications in Contemporary MathematicsVol. 02, No. 02, pp. 151-189 (2000) No AccessASYMPTOTIC BEHAVIOUR OF MINIMIZING SEQUENCES FOR HARDY'S INEQUALITYITAI SHAFRIRITAI SHAFRIRDepartment of Mathematics, Technion-I.I.T., 32000 Haifa, Israelhttps://doi.org/10.1142/S0219199700000098Cited by:13 PreviousNext AboutSectionsPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsRecommend to Library ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmail Remember to check out the Most Cited Articles! Be inspired by these NEW Mathematics books for inspirations & latest information in your research area! FiguresReferencesRelatedDetailsCited By 13Groundstate asymptotics for a class of singularly perturbed p-Laplacian problems in $${{\mathbb {R}}}^N$$Wedad Albalawi, Carlo Mercuri and Vitaly Moroz17 May 2019 | Annali di Matematica Pura ed Applicata (1923 -), Vol. 199, No. 1A semilinear parabolic problem with singular term at the boundaryB. Abdellaoui, K. Biroud and A. Primo15 September 2015 | Journal of Evolution Equations, Vol. 16, No. 1Nonlinear elliptic problem related to the Hardy inequality with singular term at the boundaryB. Abdellaoui, K. Biroud, J. Davila, and F. Mahmoudi23 March 2015 | Communications in Contemporary Mathematics, Vol. 17, No. 03HARDY INEQUALITIES ON RIEMANNIAN MANIFOLDS WITH NEGATIVE CURVATUREQIAOHUA YANG, DAN SU, and YINYING KONG21 April 2014 | Communications in Contemporary Mathematics, Vol. 16, No. 02Existence and regularity of positive solutions of elliptic equations of Schrödinger typeB. J. Jaye, V. G. Maz’ya and I. E. Verbitsky30 November 2012 | Journal d'Analyse Mathématique, Vol. 118, No. 2Positive solutions to the p-laplacian with singular weightsWang Ying, Luo Dang and Wang Mingxin1 May 2012 | Acta Mathematica Scientia, Vol. 32, No. 3Positive solutions of the p-Laplacian involving a superlinear nonlinearity with zerosLeonelo Iturriaga, Eugenio Massa, Justino Sánchez and Pedro Ubilla1 Jan 2010 | Journal of Differential Equations, Vol. 248, No. 2A Liouville-type theorem for the p-Laplacian with potential termYehuda Pinchover, Achilles Tertikas and Kyril Tintarev1 Apr 2008 | Annales de l'Institut Henri Poincaré C, Analyse non linéaire, Vol. 25, No. 2Positive Solutions to Semi-Linear and Quasi-Linear Elliptic Equations on Unbounded DomainsVladimir Kondratiev, Vitali Liskevich and Zeev Sobol1 Jan 2008Positive solutions to nonlinear p-Laplace equations with Hardy potential in exterior domainsVitali Liskevich, Sofya Lyakhova and Vitaly Moroz1 Jan 2007 | Journal of Differential Equations, Vol. 232, No. 1Some improved Caffarelli-Kohn-Nirenberg inequalitiesB. Abdellaoui, E. Colorado and I. Peral1 Jul 2005 | Calculus of Variations and Partial Differential Equations, Vol. 23, No. 3On minimization problems which approximate Hardy Lp inequalityArkady Poliakovsky1 Sep 2003 | Nonlinear Analysis: Theory, Methods & Applications, Vol. 54, No. 7Asymptotic behaviour of the first eigenfunction of a Hardy–Sobolev operatorK. Sandeep and K. Sreenadh1 Aug 2003 | Nonlinear Analysis: Theory, Methods & Applications, Vol. 54, No. 3 Recommended Vol. 02, No. 02 Metrics History Received 5 October 1999 PDF download

In the Philosophical Transactions, Vol. 170, pp. 257—274, 1879, one of us has described, in conjunction with Mr. A. K. Huntington, the first use of dry gelatine films, sensitised with silver bromide, for photographing ultra-violet spectra; and the application of the almost continuous spectrum emitted by the metals iron, nickel, and copper to the purpose of examining the ultra-violet absorption spectra of organic compounds. These researches, up to the present* time, have been prosecuted under considerable disadvantages, owing to the impossibility of describing accurately either absorption or emission spectra, by reason of the data for calculating wave-lengths being unfortunately insufficient. The object of this work is to give an exact description of the photographed spectra of some sixteen elementary substances, and to place on record the wave-lengths of so large a number of well-defined metallic lines, together with such other measurements of spectra, that subsequent workers may experience no difficulty in constructing interpolation curves capable of yielding fairly accurate numbers representing wave-lengths. The first measurements of rays of high refrangibility made by means of photography were the determinations of the wave-lengths of the lines of cadmium by M. Mascart (‘Annales de I'École Normale,' vol. iv., 1867). He made use of a Nobert’s grating, a goniometer, and a photographic eye-piece. In addition to the splendid map of the ultra-violet portion of the solar spectrum given us by M. Cornu, we have wave-lengths most carefully calculated for a series of lines in the spectra of the metals cadmium, magnesium, aluminium, and zinc (‘ Annales de l’École Normale,' vol. ix., 1880; and ‘Archives des Sciences Physiques et Naturelles de Genéve,' (3), ii., pp. 119-126). Messrs. Liveing and Dewar, with an improved goniometer and a Rutherfurd grating, have estimated the wave-lengths of the lines of carbon by a modification of Mascart’s method (Proc. Roy. Society, vol. xxxii., 1882). As each line must be cussed independently of the rest of the spectrum and photographed on a different plate, and as the relative positions of the lines on the photographs are varied by very slight alterations in focus and by the removal and replacement of the plates, we have been led to apprehend that there are grave objections to this method of manipulation. The process, moreover, appears to be a lengthy one. In accordance with these views, which are the result of long experience, we have preferred to employ a method similar to that of Cornu.* As much of each spectrum as possible is photographed on one plate, and together with this a series of ideal lines or plain reflections of the slit, each corresponding to a measured angular deviation, from which a scale of wave-lengths may be calculated.

La paléoanthropologie dans les Annales de Paléontologie sous l'impulsion de Marcellin Boule et Jean Piveteau

The group of interdisciplinary historians that emerged in France in the first quarter of the twentieth century became known as a school named for the journal that Marc Bloch and Lucien Febvre started in 1929 – Annales de l'histoire économique et sociale , now called Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales . Annales historians have been eclectic in their methods and topics. Their shared perspective (1) subordinates traditional narrative history centered on political, military, and religious elites (e.g., the “scientific history” of the nineteenth‐century German Leopold von Ranke) and (2) embraces wide‐ranging sources of data and social science methodologies and theories. The diverse results of their scholarship are a testament to the power of colleagues, mentors, and students encouraging one another in manifold interdisciplinary inquiries, even on topics sometimes alien to their own.

We give, in Sections 2 and 3, an english translation of: {\it Classes g\'en\'eralis\'ees invariantes}, J. Math. Soc. Japan, 46, 3 (1994), with some improvements and with notations and definitions in accordance with our book: {\it Class Field Theory: from theory to practice}, SMM, Springer-Verlag, $2^{\rm nd}$ corrected printing 2005. We recall, in Section 4, some structure theorems for finite $\mathbb{Z}_p[G]$-modules ($G \simeq \mathbb{Z}/p\,\mathbb{Z}$) obtained in: {\it Sur les $\ell$-classes d'id\'eaux dans les extensions cycliques relatives de degr\'e premier $\ell$}, Annales de l'Institut Fourier, 23, 3 (1973). Then we recall the algorithm of local normic computations which allows to obtain the order and (potentially) the structure of a $p$-class group in a cyclic extension of degree $p$. In Section 5, we apply this to the study of the structure of relative $p$-class groups of Abelian extensions of prime to $p$ degree, using the Thaine--Ribet--Mazur--Wiles--Kolyvagin "principal theorem", and the notion of "admissible sets of prime numbers" in a cyclic extension of degree $p$, from: {\it Sur la structure des groupes de classes relatives}, Annales de l'Institut Fourier, 43, 1 (1993). In conclusion, we suggest the study, in the same spirit, of some deep invariants attached to the $p$-ramification theory (as dual form of non-ramification theory) and which have become standard in a $p$-adic framework. Since some of these techniques have often been rediscovered, we give a substantial (but certainly incomplete) bibliography which may be used to have a broad view on the subject.

The manuscript Cotton Otho B III in the British Library, London, is a composite manuscript of which only a few fragments survived the fire in the Cotton Library in 1731. Thanks to Thomas Smith's description of the manuscript in the catalogue of 1696, the studies of Louis Halphen, as well as other evidence, it is now possible to identify the Recueil initial de Saint-Maurice d'Angers among the works once united in this historical compilation. The Recueil, which has two parts, is the archetype for several Angevin and Vendômois annals drawn up between the end of the eleventh century and the first half of the thirteenth. A partial reconstruction of the original text can now be envisaged using the Annales de Vendôme, the Annales dites de Renaud, the Annales de Saint-Aubin d'Angers, the Annales de Saint-Florent de Saumur, the Chronique de Saint-Maixent and the Obituaire de Saint- Serge d'Angers.

The histories of journals are often those of the movements which lie behind them, the debates which flow through them or the scientific disciplines they help to bring into the world.1 These histories generally cover a short to medium-term period, no matter how long the lifespan being celebrated may be. If we are going to study a century of the history of the Annals of Public and Co-operative Economics, the changes to its contents, the people involved and their management decisions, we need to adopt an approach, a level of analysis and to divide things up into specific periods of time. Although the journal and the man were inseparable for half a century, we could not consider writing either an intellectual biography of Edgard Milhaud or a history of the Ciriec, even though it certainly was created to support the journal, because its international and domestic activities fall outside this original remit. So the starting point for the study lies in the contents of the journal itself. In order to depict its evolution over a century, to highlight areas of and breaks in continuity, the decision was taken to classify each article according to four criteria: the type of article, its main topic and in some cases a second topic, and finally the geographical unit(s) covered.2 This information has been sorted for each of the periods described below and the results have been compared in such a way as to throw light on the changes between the editorial policies under the various editorial teams. However, as the journal is certainly not independent of the practical circumstances surrounding its publication – and the history of the Annals shows that there are often arguments over its editorial policy when it is operating at a loss – the vicissitudes of its financing and its distribution have been studied via the Ciriec archives.3 The division into periods mainly boils down to the journal's successive editors, in addition to the name changes and the widening of the contents in 1925 or the break in publication due to the Second World War. We have thus broken things down into six periods: The first goes from the creation of the Annales de la régie directe in 1908 to its replacement by the Annals of Collective Economy in 1925; the second comes to an end in 1943 and the next one goes from the restarting of publication in 1948 through to Edgard Milhaud's retirement in 1960; the fourth period is that of Paul Lambert's editorship; the fifth is Guy Quaden's time as editor and the last begins in 1990 when he was replaced by Bernard Thiry. As much as the division into periods, the approach leads to questions about the very identity of the journal, beyond the direct linear relationship between the Annals of Public and Co-operative Economics and the Annales de la régie directe. The first 75 years of the journal's history are inseparable from the personalities of its two first editors, Edgard Milhaud and Paul Lambert, so what we need to do is to put their involvement into the context of the characteristics of the journal rather than simply setting out their biographies. A holder of the agrégation in philosophy, graded second at the examination, Edgard Milhaud5 became politically active alongside Jean Jaurès, and then Albert Thomas, in the ‘Ecole Normale Socialism’ movement. This movement was formed around Charles Andler, Lucien Herr, Léon Blum and Émile Durkheim and amongst others it included Albert Thomas, Robert Hertz, Marcel Mauss, François Simiand, Max Lazard, Maurice Halbwachs, Edgard Milhaud, etc.6 This group championed a reforming socialism, sometimes described as ‘liberal socialism’, characterized by its economic realism and its commitment to a ‘scientific approach’ to politics, supported by statistically-based knowledge.7 Wary of rhetorical fluency, instead it laid the emphasis on a scientific analysis of social realities, embodied especially by Durkheimian sociology. These intellectuals, influenced by some of the achievements of their Belgian and British counterparts, saw municipalism and the co-operative movement as the two main tools of social change. In the eyes of these socialists, mistrustful of the centralizing Bourgeois state, aware of local achievements in Germany, Britain and Belgium and who had read The Socialist State by Anton Menger (brother of Carl, the marginal utility theorist), – which Milhaud himself translated in 1904 and for which Andler wrote the preface – the municipal level seemed to be the one on which collectivization of the means of production could take place, providing workers with better living conditions. Through working with the co-operative movement, of which Thomas, Mauss, Halbwachs and Simiand would become the champions,8 there was to be a meeting of minds of the ‘community of production’ (both workers and producers) and the ‘community of consumption’, and Milhaud called for this meeting of minds in the mission statement of the Annales de la régie directe. Milhaud was fully immersed in this reformism and did not shrink from getting involved in the exercise of power. Indeed between 1899 and 1901 he held an advisory post at the Ministry of Trade and Industry in Waldeck-Rousseau's government. However in 1902 he went down another road, embarking on a long academic career at the University of Geneva; there he occupied the chair in Political Economy and worked on the creation of a Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences of which he was the first dean in 1915. Albert Thomas appointed him to the ILO in 1920 to conduct a huge international inquiry on production and then to lead the Research Division; Fourth Section, which he only left in 1933.9 When he launched the Annales de la régie directe in 1908, Milhaud himself took on the various tasks – both intellectual and practical – involved in editing a journal: dealings with the printer, contacts with authors and with some readers, exchanges with other periodicals, editing bibliographies and columns, and also writing numerous articles.10 Out of 144 articles published (with an author's name) between 1908 and October 1914, Milhaud wrote 41 of them (i.e. 28%). Although we have been unable to find any precise data about how the journal was financed from its inception up until the eve of the Second World War, it is likely that Edgard Milhaud had to dig into his own pocket on more than one occasion when there was not enough income from subscriptions to meet the publishing costs.11 For the purposes of distributing the journal, Milhaud adopted a strategy which he used again forty years later when the Ciriec was founded: he appealed to local authorities (originally, for instance, socialist municipalities, and then later, the national sections of the Ciriec) which might be able to contribute articles about their work, thus providing the journal both with material to publish and a natural readership.12 Starting in the third year of its distribution, the journal began publishing a list of subscriber authorities as an appendix. In 1910, the Annals were distributed in 17 countries (21 in 1914); the largest number of subscriptions came from France (121), followed by Belgium (the only country where the journal was almost exclusively distributed through the socialist world), Italy and Switzerland.13 P. Dogliani has deduced a typical subscriber profile from this list: ‘university professors, especially of law and political economics; local and national administrators with socialist and radical leanings, technicians and clerks working for banks and insurance companies, public enterprises, the transport sector and post offices (as well as several national transport ministers, a subscription was taken out by the École Nationale des Ponts et Chaussées (National Bridges and Roads School and several of the correspondents from the Balkans were engineers), journalists, members of parliament and senators working on nationalization projects; socialist party leaders at the local administrative level; public sector trade unionists'. In France, on the other hand, Milhaud struggled to reach ‘the middle-ranking and lower echelons of the workers movement, especially the SFIO’; his journal made barely any inroads with full-time employees (such as local council secretaries) of town councils any more than the elected socialist representatives in small towns.14 In the mission statement which opened the first issue of the Annales de la régie directe in November-December 1908, Milhaud put his initiative back into the economic context of the era, characterized amongst other things by the transfer of ownership and the running of businesses to local authorities, often exercised as a monopoly.15 The resumption of concessions in the railways sector as well as for water, gas and electricity distribution is the best example of this. However in France especially, private companies were leading a rearguard campaign, putting pressure on a section of the press to stigmatize public management. It was in order to fight what he saw as misinformation that Milhaud decided to launch a journal in which, supported by large numbers of facts set out in a scientific manner, the results of certain publicly-controlled economic activities would be brought into the public domain. This approach was part of the political plan to ‘prepare people's minds’ for ‘the collectivization of all the means of production and trade’, ‘to which the spectacle of the favourable results […] of businesses which are now nationalized or run by local authorities, and all the attempts made, and all the steps taken to perfect their organization and to harmonize all the attendant elements and interests within them would make a powerful contribution’. Milhaud took care to point out that it was not enough for an activity to be taken away from private control and entrusted to the public sector in order for it to gain his approval; it also needed to be well-managed for the benefit of the community.16 So right from the outset the journal took up a position as a champion of public ownership along two lines: sometimes counter-attacking, where appropriate, and more usually illustrating public projects. These two lines were reaffirmed some fifty years later, the first of them by Milhaud, recalling his role in various battles, and the other by M. Delbouille, defining the Ciriec's remit: ‘it is a matter of putting the collective economy on the map because that is the best way to guarantee its success’.17 The Annals has always been a journal which showcases projects, results or plans rather than a technical journal of the kind that there used to be covering its various interests (municipalism, etc.). During the years leading up to the First World War, two main topics were tackled. First of all there was the matter of direct state services and municipalization in the UK, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Switzerland, France and Eastern Europe, activities involving public transport, energy supply, housing, as well as local initiatives to combat the high cost of living. The working conditions of people in these direct state and municipal services were a prime consideration. Starting in the third year, it was the controversy surrounding the nationalization of the franchised railways, seen from the point of view of passenger safety and staff working conditions, which held Milhaud's interest. The Annals continued to be published during the First World War, although admittedly in a slightly smaller format, retaining its international flavour, as can be seen from the attention which was still given to German municipal projects. Between the Armistice and 1924, as well as pre-war themes such as the many aspects of municipalization (housing, transport, etc.), there were also issues stemming from the war, such as nationalization, workers' control, the housing crisis and the international co-operative movement. The journal's pages were never closed to German and Austrian correspondents (the latter did not write for the pre-war journal). P. Dogliani notes that at this time Milhaud published more translated articles, which had already been published elsewhere;18 this choice may well have something to do with Milhaud's huge workload while he was leading the Production inquiry (ILO) and writing up its conclusions. In order to ensure that the journal had international coverage, from the outset Milhaud had been able to count on several reliable correspondents such as Émile Vinck (Belgium), Alessandro Schiavi (Italy), Hugo Lindemann (Germany), Marcus Gitermann (German-speaking Switzerland), and Édouard Herriot (France). Some of these were to stay with the journal for the long haul, contributing numerous articles to it, and all of them went on to write for the Annals of Collective Economy. In 1925, the Annales de la régie directe changed its name to the Annals of Collective Economy. Milhaud said this was due to the widening of the journal's scope, as a result of the changes observed since the First World War. The first was to do with public management itself: the old essentially administrative direct state and municipal service gave way to an ‘industrial’ style of public service organization; various forms of publicly organized economic concerns which often aimed to accord greater management autonomy were added to municipalism and to direct state and municipal services. From this point on, the journal took on the task of making sense of these changes, observed in various countries. The second change was to do with developments in co-operatives and in their relationships with the public authorities, which delegated certain tasks to them (the French experience during the First World War in particular had left its mark on Milhaud19). Finally, on a larger scale, the target was the organization of the economy: ‘economic action by the local authority is not just management; it is also regulation, and this increasingly tends to become organization’. Four ways of setting up this organization were covered: the prevention or mitigation of the effects of economic crises, the financing of social insurance systems, employment legislation and particularly international legislation and, finally, the economic organization in peacetime.20 So in addition to the thematic expansion there was also a desire to achieve greater international distribution, leading to the English, German and Spanish editions.21 These were to be only a first stage, as Milhaud hoped to expand the readership with editions ‘in Polish, in Czech, in one of the Scandinavian languages, in Japanese, in Esperanto …’.22 In order to publish the Annals of Collective Economy, as previously Milhaud had to draw on his own resources to start with. However, it seems likely that his role as director of studies at the ILO meant that he may have been able to obtain secretarial support. Indeed he took up the position at the same time that the English, German and Spanish editions were published. Vice versa, the international column which had appeared in the Annals was discontinued soon after he left this position in 1933. The journal had about a thousand groups subscribing on the eve of the Second World War, 336 of whom were for the English edition; among them 110 universities, of whom 69 alone were from the United States.23 At the start of the war, the Annals could still carry the main articles which appeared in the journal of the International Co-operative Alliance, by translating them into French,24 but in 1943, cut off from the communications which were essential in order to sustain an international journal and with only Swiss readers as a viable audience, it ceased publication, not counting the final last-ditch stand of the publication, not only in French but in German, of the Beveridge Plan.25 Breaking the articles down by type26 does show the initial choice made by Milhaud, because descriptive articles do account for 58% of the total number of articles (n = 483); with programmatic articles making up 33% of this total. Out of the balance, international columns took up 6% of the publication. Although these disappeared as such in 1934, as Milhaud was no longer able to follow and summarize the major collective economy events on his own,27 the subsequent structure of the journal, and especially the short length of some articles, suggests that some contributions which would previously have been columns were published as articles from this point on. The geographical breakdown of the descriptive/empirical articles tells us both about the location of the events described and where the majority of the authors of the articles came from. Not counting articles with an international and those which be in a particular as well as – for a which is later – articles on the from the account for just under of the national events The number of articles with an international be Milhaud's in which forms of international The large numbers of articles on the is due to in the plans and the which Milhaud from starting in The breakdown of the articles shows that the set out in 1925 was the public the co-operative movement and the organization of the economy made up the matter for almost of the The co-operative movement, and especially the matter for of the articles with Public economy was the of of the articles, of which were for forms of municipal or management. Finally, almost of the articles were to the organization of the economy the international co-operative movement, and the organization of the economic not to for around of the the of topics the role of and one of the journal's it was a for Milhaud's with the of the economic from the start of the he a plan to international trade and a way out of the created by the of means of a of the French to it in plan occupied the of the English for that and several articles in and and the plan was also the of in the journal by other authors and Out of the authors of articles of various the majority only made a wrote more than one Although admittedly there is some in the this breakdown and the of the journal's the authors appeared several there were a members of the ILO Maurice Albert Thomas, etc.), national correspondents such as and along with Milhaud himself and his more than just the articles he wrote under his own Indeed it is to as we can that he would have been behind a large of the to publication of the Annals for the Milhaud was to bring it back to as soon as However because of his and he to the journal with a structure of its the support of a number of who had been of the pre-war and all the representatives of Swiss co-operative and trade an international collective economy and information (the Ciriec) was the international would take up the the of national support for the journal, as at the first International Collective Economy would be set up the the editing of the the distribution of the they would both the material and the readership for the to the support of the Swiss of and the Swiss of Trade Milhaud the Annals in As the war, first of all Milhaud took control of the from he was in this task by a from who worked for him from The but also the of the support from his Swiss Ciriec to the issue of where to the of the International being the third international Ciriec which took in in it was decided to the to Belgium and, more to Paul Lambert, who was already of the Belgian became director of the International the journal's management in under Milhaud's but the of for the journal to the Ciriec soon came out this which the Belgian section soon seems to have been than when the the First of there was Milhaud's to his from any to the This went back to the of the Ciriec's for the journal, of the transfer of the Annals to the Ciriec, which meant that the latter would have a the could not have a of this kind in Belgium in the same way that it could in A was to be in the of international scientific to the Ciriec by in Milhaud then the of the journal on to on that the Belgian journal, to be published However, to start with the members of the Belgian section were not on because was a journal aimed at Ciriec members for by which were often well the cost of a subscription to a these the financing of the Belgian section which was the of the Ciriec The of the Belgian section support there was just a subscription to Annals instead of At the same there are certain which that the members of the Ciriec International were not with Milhaud's the editorial offices of the journal to to and Paul for the setting up of a editorial – which would thus become more – and for the Annals to be published more which was the at the time. an when the Belgian section to a division of between the two the of their was to in October In the the relationship between Milhaud and became over the way the journal was Although in for the first time in its Milhaud that the journal carry for public enterprises, in he to to the Annals a Belgian that become a publication, the Annals would be all the various and the Annals the latter being due to from under the of Milhaud and (the retaining the of the English and the latter of the German When Milhaud both the of the Ciriec and the of the Annals in Paul took over of the When the journal publication again in Edgard Milhaud set the of subscription at its pre-war This the for the it was sometimes – – on certain to Vice versa, some national sections and some collective economy gave the Ciriec to the At this point in it was the journal which the Ciriec, and not the other way as would fifty the of the Annals did show a of around Swiss and Milhaud the he had to ensure the journal's publication out of his own pocket at Swiss since The journal's position could have become still with the publication of the of Ciriec in the because the to be were both and as in the number of pages of the English of the Annals own with this Milhaud and his to the country the to meet the publication of the amongst others this is what for the held in France and In order to his journal, Milhaud not only on the national sections – in he decided to at each of them for the interests of the and those which later, but he also his pre-war journal international However, from this period on, the journal's editorial that the national sections were not very involved in its was no change to the between the various of article in the period just after the articles for of the total number of articles published (n = compared to for programmatic articles (the from the number of pages almost there were not many articles in the articles Starting in a was published alongside the with the Ciriec published by the Ciriec which as a publication between the members of the the and the and amongst the sections In of this publication, a not part of the Annals was still to was particularly due to the that the of the Ciriec were published in the journal was to up until which both the journal with and to the Ciriec's alongside from these also of of The geographical breakdown of the descriptive articles is as a result of the changes which came with the setting up of the The countries which a Ciriec had much greater in the Belgium, of the Ciriec international and the seemed to out the of it for but that can be mainly by the initiative taken by Milhaud to publish an issue to the collective economy in Belgium as part of the national issues would later covering the Austrian and collective its first as such and international articles account for of the in the period just after the war, the made up of descriptive articles and of the total number of descriptive and programmatic If we break the articles down into the main collective economy in the journal's mission statement in 1925 and in which account for of all the articles, we can in addition to the collective economy with as a it is the public economy which the attention lines from of which municipalism the numerous articles with economic initiatives by the in the issue to Belgium, it was municipal and, to a in the energy and housing which the Milhaud was working on setting up a municipal and he also supported the creation of a of in came the issue of nationalization, in particular on French and Austrian projects, and finally public enterprises, especially Belgian The articles on insurance and trade made up around of the total number of articles with a under

The microbe, which was first described by Klebs (at the Wiesbaden Congress in 1883), then isolated and grow n in artificial cultures by Löffler (‘Mitth. aus dem K. Gesundheitsamte,' vol. 2) from human diphtheritic membrane, was shown by this observer to act virulently on various animals. The Klebs-Löffler bacillus— by which name the diphtheria microbe is known— is the one with which also Roux and Yersin ('Annales de l’lnstitut Pasteur,' vol. 2,1888, No. 12) obtained positive results on guinea-pigs.

“Arithmetic random waves” are the Gaussian Laplace eigenfunctions on the two-dimensional torus (Rudnick and Wigman in Annales de l’Insitute Henri Poincare 9(1):109–130, 2008; Krishnapur et al. in Annals of Mathematics (2) 177(2):699–737, 2013). In this paper we find that their nodal length converges to a non-universal (non-Gaussian) limiting distribution, depending on the angular distribution of lattice points lying on circles. Our argument has two main ingredients. An explicit derivation of the Wiener–Ito chaos expansion for the nodal length shows that it is dominated by its 4th order chaos component (in particular, somewhat surprisingly, the second order chaos component vanishes). The rest of the argument relies on the precise analysis of the fourth order chaotic component.

Previous articleNext article No AccessRent Seeking and the Development of Large-Scale Agriculture in Kenya, South Africa, and ZimbabweKlaus Deininger and Hans P. BinswangerKlaus Deininger Search for more articles by this author and Hans P. Binswanger Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Economic Development and Cultural Change Volume 43, Number 3Apr., 1995 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/452166 Views: 81Total views on this site Citations: 23Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1995 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Rahmat Aris Pratomo, D. Ary A. Samsura, Erwin van der Krabben Transformation of Local People’s Property Rights Induced by New Town Development (Case Studies in Peri-Urban Areas in Indonesia), Land 9, no.77 (Jul 2020): 236.https://doi.org/10.3390/land9070236Ogbuagu Ekumankama, Abel Ezeoha, Chibuike Uche The role of multinational corporations in local dairy value chain development: case of Friesland Campina WAMCO (FCW) in Nigeria, International Food and Agribusiness Management Review 23, no.11 (Jan 2020): 55–69.https://doi.org/10.22434/IFAMR2018.0108Julie G. Zaehringer, Grace Wambugu, Boniface Kiteme, Sandra Eckert How do large-scale agricultural investments affect land use and the environment on the western slopes of Mount Kenya? Empirical evidence based on small-scale farmers' perceptions and remote sensing, Journal of Environmental Management 213 (May 2018): 79–89.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvman.2018.02.019Derek Byerlee, P. K. Viswanathan Plantations and Economic Development in the Twentieth Century: The End of an Era?, (Feb 2018): 89–117.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66020-2_4Stefan Mann, Benoit Freyens, Huong Dinh Crises and structural change in Australian agriculture, Review of Social Economy 75, no.11 (Aug 2016): 76–87.https://doi.org/10.1080/00346764.2016.1219383Susan Chomba, Thorsten Treue, Fergus Sinclair The political economy of forest entitlements: can community based forest management reduce vulnerability at the forest margin?, Forest Policy and Economics 58 (Sep 2015): 37–46.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.forpol.2014.11.011Nicholas J. Sitko, T.S. Jayne Structural transformation or elite land capture? The growth of “emergent” farmers in Zambia, Food Policy 48 (Oct 2014): 194–202.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foodpol.2014.05.006Derek Byerlee The Fall and Rise Again of Plantations in Tropical Asia: History Repeated?, Land 3, no.33 (Jun 2014): 574–597.https://doi.org/10.3390/land3030574T. S. Jayne, Milu Muyanga Land constraints in Kenya’s densely populated rural areas: implications for food policy and institutional reform, Food Security 4, no.33 (Mar 2012): 399–421.https://doi.org/10.1007/s12571-012-0174-3Rebecca Smalley, Esteve Corbera Large-scale land deals from the inside out: findings from Kenya's Tana Delta, The Journal of Peasant Studies 39, no.3-43-4 (May 2012): 1039–1075.https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2012.686491Robert Eastwood, Michael Lipton, Andrew Newell Chapter 65 Farm Size, (Jan 2010): 3323–3397.https://doi.org/10.1016/S1574-0072(09)04065-1Scott McDonald, Terrie Walmsley Bilateral Free Trade Agreements and Customs Unions: The Impact of the EU Republic of South Africa Free Trade Agreement on Botswana, World Economy 31, no.88 (Aug 2008): 993–1029.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2008.01112.xClaude Lutzelschwab Populations et économies des colonies d'implantation européenne en Afrique (Afrique du Sud, Algérie, Kenya et Rhodésie du Sud), Annales de démographie historique n° 113, no.11 (Aug 2007): 33–58.https://doi.org/10.3917/adh.113.0033Klaus Deininger Land Markets in Developing and Transition Economies: Impact of Liberalization and Implications for Future Reform, American Journal of Agricultural Economics 85, no.55 (Dec 2003): 1217–1222.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2003.00533.xJohan van Zyl, Nick Vink, Johann Kirsten, Daneswan Poonyth South African agriculture in transition: the 1990s, Journal of International Development 13, no.66 (Jan 2001): 725–739.https://doi.org/10.1002/jid.809Nick Vink AGRICULTURAL POLICY RESEARCH IN SOUTH AFRICA: CHALLENGES FOR THE FUTURE, Agrekon 39, no.44 (Dec 2000): 432–470.https://doi.org/10.1080/03031853.2000.9523664Surjit S. Sidhu, Mohinder S. Mudahar Policy Reform and Agribusiness Development, (Jan 1999): 219–233.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-4583-1_19R F Townsend, S McDonald Biased Policies, Agriculture and Income Distribution in South Africa: A Social Accounting Matrix Approach, Studies in Economics and Econometrics 22, no.11 (Jan 2022): 91–114.https://doi.org/10.1080/03796205.1998.12129119Charles L Machethe, Thomas Reardon, Donald C Mead Promoting farm/non‐farm linkages for employment of the poor in South Africa: A research agenda focused on small‐scale farms and agroindustry, Development Southern Africa 14, no.33 (Oct 1997): 377–394.https://doi.org/10.1080/03768359708439972T.S. Jayne, Stephen Jones Food marketing and pricing policy in Eastern and Southern Africa: A survey, World Development 25, no.99 (Sep 1997): 1505–1527.https://doi.org/10.1016/S0305-750X(97)00049-1Neil Adger Property Rights, Nature Conservation, and Land Reform in South Africa, (Jan 2010).https://doi.org/10.1201/9781420048742.ch10Akinwumi A. Adesina, Kouakou K. Djato Farm size, relative efficiency and agrarian policy in Côte d'Ivoire: profit function analysis of rice farms, Agricultural Economics 14, no.22 (Jul 1996): 93–102.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1574-0862.1996.tb00406.xGavin Williams Setting the agenda: a critique of the World Bank's rural restructuring programme for South Africa, Journal of Southern African Studies 22, no.11 (Mar 1996): 139–166.https://doi.org/10.1080/03057079608708482

The purpose of this paper is to provide an opportunity to explore the Habitat debate within ISUF. We quest that within this concept, as placed by Moudon (1997) in her inaugural paper to Urban Morphology, there is an intrinsic call towards an equilibrium between the various dimensions of urban form and a trans-disciplinary approach to the study of urban form, which deserves further investigation.According to Whitehand (2012) specific constrains affected the full concretization of such trans-disciplinary efforts, namely the further specialization of the disciplinary areas. Moreover, as argued by Marat-Mendes (2016), the focus placed by urban morphology on the physical dimensions of urban form has been significantly higher than on the social or human dimensions of the urban form, thus affecting in turn the above-identified equilibrium. In order to contribute to such debate, this paper presents the results of an ongoing investigation (Marat-Mendes, Cabrita, 2015), which seeks to recuperate the concept of Habitat within urban morphology. To do that, it first identifies the concept of Habitat as it was first defined in a number of seminal works to urban morphology (Demangeon, 1926). Secondly, it exposes how did such concept evolved throughout specific historical, disciplinary and methodological contexts (Deyong, 2011). And thirdly, it reveals the impact that such evolution had on the various problematics and scales of approach by those to which the Habitat issue was central for the study of urban from, including some contemporary contributions from various interdisciplinary areas, which seem to be recuperating that concept, although not explicitly. References Demangeon, A. (1926) ‘Un Questionnaire sur L’Habitat Rural, Annales de Géographie 35 (196), 289-292. Deyong, S. (2011) ‘Planetary habitat: the origins of a phantom movement’ The Journal of Architecture 6 (2), 113-128. Moudon, A. V. (1997) ‘The need for a Habitat Agenda within Urban Morphology’ Urban Morphology 1 3-10. Marat-Mendes, T. (2016) ‘Physical, social and cultural dimensions of Urban Morphology: redressing the balance?’ Urban Morphology 20 (2)167-168. Marat-Mendes, T., Cabrita, M. A. (2015) ‘A Morfologia Urbana na Arquitectura em Portugal. Notas sobre uma abordagem tipo-morfológica’, in Oliveira et al. (eds.) O estudo da forma urbana em Portugal (UPorto, Porto) 65-94. Whitehand, J. W. R. (2012) ‘Issues in Urban Morphology’ Urban Morphology 16 (1), 55-65.

We introduce a new approach to the anisotropic Calderón problem, based on a map called Poisson embedding that identifies the points of a Riemannian manifold with distributions on its boundary. We give a new uniqueness result for a large class of Calderón type inverse problems for quasilinear equations in the real analytic case. The approach also leads to a new proof of the result of Lassas et al. (Annales de l’ ENS 34(5):771–787, 2001) solving the Calderón problem on real analytic Riemannian manifolds. The proof uses the Poisson embedding to determine the harmonic functions in the manifold up to a harmonic morphism. The method also involves various Runge approximation results for linear elliptic equations.

[Of the following properties, some must have been long known, but I do not remember any early statement of them. The 1st, 10th, 15th, 16th, 19th, 20th, and 22nd are given, mostly without proof, in an article by Vecten in Gergonne's Annales de Matliématiques, vol. VII., p. 321 (1817); the first parts of the 3rd and 4th are proposed for proof by William Godward in The Gentleman's Diary for 1837, p. 48, and proved by him and others in the Diary for 1838, pp. 40-41; the first parts of the 5th, 6th, 12th, and 14th are given in M'Dowell's Exercises on Euclid and in Modern Geometry, §§ 27, 28, 29 (1863); the 9th in Milne's Weekly Problem Papers, p. 135 (1885); the first part of the 8th in Vuibert's Journal de Mathématiquts Elémentaires, 12° Année, p. 18 (1887); the 39th in the Journal de Mathématiques Elémentaires, edited by De Longchamps, 3° série,tome I.,p. 234 (1887). The others are believed to be new.