Analyzing the spatial-temporal characteristics of the marine economic efficiency of countries along the Maritime Silk Road and the influencing factors

The Sino-Indian relationship is the most important major-power relationship in Asia and is also the most subtle and complex. It has a significant impact on Asian geopolitical relations and regional economic development. Border disputes have rendered the relationship delicate and unstable for more than half a century. The One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative put forward by the Chinese government is attracting much discussion in the Indian government, think tanks, and media. Indian policymakers will need to determine how to respond to China's grand blueprint for promoting regional economic cooperation in the new era. This essay will examine China's priorities for the maritime component of the OBOR initiative in the Indian Ocean, consider Indian and Chinese concerns about that aspect of the project, and evaluate India's choices with regard to participation.China's Maritime Silk Road: Key PrioritiesWhen Chinese president Xi Jinping visited Indonesia in October 2013, he claimed that Southeast Asia had been a major maritime hub since ancient times and proposed that China and the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should jointly build a 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR). The MSR is one component of Xi's OBOR initiative, with the other component being the Silk Road Economic Belt connecting Europe and Asia. Since Xi proposed the OBOR initiative, the Chinese government has strongly embraced the principle of joint construction to meet the interests and development strategies of all states involved. In March 2015, China's State Council issued the document Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road, which provides a comprehensive presentation of the OBOR framework.1 It indicates that the MSR initiative will focus on jointly building smooth, secure, and efficient transport routes to connect major sea ports.The long-term blueprint for the project requires careful selection of key countries and entry points before construction begins. Two factors are taken into consideration in choosing countries for the MSR. The first is whether countries are located on maritime trade routes or have marine transportation centers, such as Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Singapore, Myanmar, and Kenya. A second factor is whether states respond positively to the initiative and have a good foundation of economic cooperation with China.The Indian Ocean is a major maritime trade and energy channel for China and is of great strategic significance for the stable development of the Chinese economy. Energy security, in particular, is a key priority. After becoming a net petroleum oil importer in 1993, China became the world's largest oil importer in 2015. In that year, China's imported crude oil reached 335.5 million tons, of which more than 60% was transported via the Indian Ocean. In 2015, imports represented 60.6% of total oil consumption.2 Trade security is also critical. The Indian Ocean is the most important route for imports to East Asia and Southeast Asia and for exports from these regions to Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. The development of port infrastructure in these key regions will not only benefit China's economic development but also greatly facilitate the social and economic development of other countries in East Asia, in Southeast Asia, and around the Indian Ocean rim.Accelerating infrastructure construction is a major factor in encouraging regional economic cooperation. Thus far, the MSR includes joint port construction in Colombo and Hambantota in Sri Lanka, Gwadar in Pakistan, Kyaukpyu in Myanmar, and Chittagong in Bangladesh. Some large Chinese companies are also making investments in ports such as Piraeus in Greece, Said in Egypt. and Antwerp in Belgium in accordance with their own development strategies.MSR Security Issues: Different Concerns between China and IndiaIndia's geographic location and growing economy will have a great influence on the MSR. …

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on South Asia's role in China's Maritime Silk Road (MSR) initiative. Given the saliency of this MSR enterprise as part of ChinesePresident Xi Jinping’s “One-Belt-One-Road” strategy, how this ambitious scheme impacts China’s relations with South Asian states along the MSR’s route, i.e. India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bangladesh, merits investigation. The fate of the MSR will be determined by China’s relations with these states, since South Asia is in the middle of major sea-lanes between East/Southeast Asia and Middle East/Europe. The study examines the intentions and executions of China’s MSR projects in South Asia, evaluates the political and economic calculations of participating in the MSR for regional states, and identifies actions taken by them that can decide the initiative’s success. Politically, reactions of South Asian states to the MSR are explained as: fear of expanding Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean for India; and attempts by which Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bangladesh use China to counteract possible domination by India. Economically, two MSR pathways for South Asian states are analyzed: increases in Chinese infrastructure investments; and expansion in South Asia-China trade; both of which are reducible by loans owed to China, or “strings”/conditions attached.

21st-Century Maritime Silk Road is a regional cooperative regime and it will provide public goods for regional countries. 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road is a process of co-building, sharing and open. Co-building of 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road means regional countries share the responsibilities of providing public goods while China as a big country may provide bigger share for the public goods and sharing the public goods by the regional countries. As an open regime, 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road welcome other countries to join the “club” to share the responsibilities and obligation. As a new regime, 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road faces with 7 problems, including: the high trade volume between China and the countries along with Maritime Silk Road, the trade imbalance between China and the countries along with Maritime Silk Road, low level of institutionalization, easily effected economic relations by political or security relations, failed states along Maritime Silk Road, privacy in the Indian Ocean, difficulties in connectivity. These problems show the necessity and difficulties of Maritime Silk Road. Building of Cooperative Regime for 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road including five platforms: trade promotion and trade disputes settlement platform, connectivity platform, finance platform, official development aid platform, and foreign investment platform. The elevation of Cooperative Regime for 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road can be done from the dimensions of effectiveness and legitimacy. 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road is proposed by China and should be beneficial for the national interests of China while it is worth noticed that the interests of Maritime Silk Road as a cooperative regime does not necessary identical with China’s national interests. With the enlarging of members of Maritime Silk Road, the dilemma between effectiveness and legitimacy will become significant which requires more delicate design.

Since the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) initiative was launched in 2013, sixty-five countries and regions have already joined the construction of the MSR, and the development of blue economy has gradually become an international consensus. In order to investigate the impact of the MSR initiative on port developments and regional economy, this paper focuses on analyzing the spatial-temporal dynamics and evolution of shipping network among and within port clusters along the MSR. Specifically, a shipping network consisting of ports along the MSR and shipping routes is firstly built based on the complex network theory. Then a variety of data related to port infrastructure and operation as well as regional economy are collected and processed. With the aid of Herfindahl-Hirschman index (HHI) and Zipf’s law, the shipping network will be analyzed from the perspectives of network structure and market shares and size distribution of the involved ports. The results can be used to understand the changes in the pattern of seaborne trade along the MSR, and provide decision support for the sustainable development of economic globalization and regional economic integration.

Port State control (PSC) is an important method which the Port State adopts to manage ship safety and marine pollution in its territory. During the process of promoting the construction of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR), subject to economic development and shipping, there is a lack of unified standards and requirements among different states along MSR, which causes many problems. Firstly, the level of economic development among countries around MSR is different leading to some countries cannot afford to develop their PSC. There is a lack of cooperation among these countries. Secondly, the PSC levels of most countries along MSR are weak. Moreover, the standards of PSC and the capacity of the officers of the Port State are different. Lastly, there is a deviation in the direction of the same State’s PSC. They are even not clear on the major functions of PSC, so they may be confused by the pre-supervision and the latter examination. Therefore, taking advantage of the experience from the successful PSC organizations, the states may learn from the examples of the new mechanism under Paris MOU and Tokyo MOU, then formulate the cooperative mechanism fitting better to them. In order to fulfill this goal, the authors shall try to unify the standards of PSC, quantify the PSC content index, and rectify the direction of PSC among different states along MSR. In the meantime, the states shall strengthen information exchanges and further develop extensive cooperation, and improve the modes of cooperation about shipyard and ship classification society among countries. Then it will create a favorable environment for the development of shipping and the MSR construction.

The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (shortened to “Maritime Silk Road” hereafter) initiative represents China’s consistent theme of peace and development. It is conducive to achieve common prosperity and progress of human society. However, challenges and opportunities often coexist. The Maritime Silk Road links the South China Sea and the northern Indian Ocean, involving a large number of countries, a wide range, and long distances. The challenging natural environment, scarcity of electricity and freshwater resources, different political and cultural bases, etc. greatly increase the difficulty of constructing the Maritime Silk Road. Obviously, an understanding the characteristics of the marine environment, energy, legal counsel and so on is a prerequisite for the safe and efficient construction of the Maritime Silk Road. However, relatively weak basic research and scarce marine data seriously restrict the full implementation of the Maritime Silk Road initiative and urgently need to be addressed. This chapter discusses the significance and challenges of the Maritime Silk Road initiative and provides corresponding countermeasures.

This article suggests that Chinese scholars in Guangdong, through historical work endorsed or sponsored by their government, justify the inclusion of Southeast Asian nations in the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) initiative. In doing so, they seek to add the MSR to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) World Heritage List. By exploring how historians and officials adhere to the expectations of the Chinese state and UNESCO in highlighting Guangdong’s role in the 21st-century MSR initiative, the article examines the production of cultural heritage at the local level in contemporary China.

China, who has put its economic might right at the center of its global influence, wants to consolidate its efforts in this regard with the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative. As this initiative shall increase the strength of China within the context, specific to South China Sea-Indian Ocean, it has also potential to make the states in the region economically dependent to Beijing. For an endeavor like this to succeed, China will need to prioritize the security of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Right at this point, the new Chinese Naval Strategy that is predicated upon the expansion towards the high seas comes to the forefront. The investments and changing naval strategy that commence in parallel to the base and port facilities that would be obtained from various countries within the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative prove that China’s trade oriented leaps and its military and political planning have a striking parallelism. This study, based on literature review, aims to analyze the relationship between the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative and Chinese Naval Strategy.

Six years after President Xi Jinping outlined the idea of the Silk Road economic belt during his visit to the University of Nazarbayev in Kazakhstan, followed a month later by the announcement of the construction of the twenty-first century maritime Silk Road, the Belt and Road Initiative has become the mainstay of Chinese policy in affirming a new way of conceiving international relations. This initiative was aimed at restructuring a geo-political area made up of more than 65 countries and sees the Mediterranean as the natural terminal of a series of port infrastructures which characterise the maritime Silk Road. Due to its geographical position, ports and its infrastructure connections with central and eastern Europe, Italy, the first G7 nation to have signed a memorandum of understanding on cooperation within the BRI framework, can play a key role in this initiative.

This article focuses on the connotation, capabilities, challenges, risks and the corresponding countermeasures of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR). The article states that the core of the MSR strategy is the cultural concepts of “balancing convergence and divergence” and “inclusive development” as well as the moral concepts of “mutual benefits” and “Do not do unto others what you don’t want others to do unto you”. The strategy will uphold the basic principle of “open cooperation, harmonious inclusiveness, market operation, and mutual benefits.” Practical cooperation and joint building of the MSR will always be in the primacy of the strategy. Emphasis must be put on leveraging the comparative advantages of China and the countries along the MSR to let them coordinate with each other and reach consensus through “joint consultation” and form joint effort through “jointly building” the MSR. Countries can only achieve cooperation and mutual benefits and promote rebalancing of the regional and global economy through sharing each other’s strengths, risks and interests. The MSR strategy is composed of various economic cooperation projects between China and the countries along the MSR. However, it is also influenced by certain political and security factors and thus has geopolitical implications. But in the end, what connects the far-away regions is the economic interest. As a base and examplar, Southeast Asia is an important region for the MSR strategy.

Since the establishment of the “Belt and Road” initiative, the investment and construction of ports along the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road have received extensive attention from the international community. The evaluation of ports is of great significance to investors’ investments and construction of ports around the world, so it is very necessary to establish a reasonable port evaluation system. At present, there are few studies on defining and evaluating port resilience, and the existing port evaluation index system has defects. Therefore, according to the similarity between cities and ports, this paper introduces the concept of “three-dimensional space” and the “system of systems” theory of cities and divides the resilience of ports along the Maritime Silk Road into three-dimensional spaces of “physical-society-information.” The CRITIC-entropy method and the TOPSIS method constructed a port resilience evaluation model along the Maritime Silk Road and quantitatively evaluated and analyzed the comprehensive resilience and subspatial resilience of 28 ports along the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The results show that the route network port degree, the annual throughput of the port container, and the number of fixed broadband subscribers per 100 people are the key indicators that affect the port’s physical space resilience, social space resilience, and information space resilience. Also, coordinated physical, social, and information spatial resilience development plays a catalytic role in improving overall resilience. Therefore, the investment of ports along the Maritime Silk Road should adopt corresponding and more targeted investment plans according to the actual resilience of each port. The research provides new ideas and directions for investors to invest in port construction and has certain practical guiding significance for the increase of investors’ income and the sound development of the national economy.

The Indian Ocean is hugely important for the health of India’s economy as the country is a net energy importer and since ancient days, Indian customs and influence have spread to nations far and wide through the maritime realm. However, of late, China has been trying to wade into what India has traditionally seen as its own backyard. China’s Maritime Silk Road (MSR) initiative, which seeks to increase Beijing’s influence in the Indian Ocean region, is a step in this direction. This article seeks to analyze how India should respond to the MSR. It will weigh the costs and benefits of New Delhi joining/staying out of the MSR and will lay down what should be India’s response.

Analysis of regional energy economic efficiency and its influencing factors: A case study of Yangtze river urban agglomeration

The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) designed by China is of great importance to maritime transportation, economic development, and environmental protection. However, the straits/canals along the MSR have been struggling with pirate attacks, terrorism, and accidents which pose challenges for the security of MSR. There is a strong need for further investigation in strait/canal security evaluation. However, the traditional risk modelling approach used in risk assessment indicates challenges due to its incapability of dealing with incomplete data, uncertainties, and subjective judgment. Thus, we propose a novel strait/canal security assessment framework to evaluate the security of the strait/canal along the MSR on the basis of a fuzzy evidential reasoning approach. The subjective risk analysis information collection and processing process from multiple experts can be embedded in the framework in a systematic way to provide maritime stakeholders to evaluate maritime security along the MSR. The results provide decision makers with useful insights and standard tools on enhancing strait/canal security, effective routes planning as well as operational efficiency.

In recent years, China has expanded its relations with other nations through the Belt and Road Initiative. This initiative was formally introduced after it was launched in 2013 by President Xi Jinping. It comprises two components, namely, the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative, both of which aim to stimulate the acceleration of economic growth in Asia, Africa and Europe. This research attempts to provide a detailed review of the execution of this initiative through empirical studies based on qualitative analysis, which are closely related to BRI implementation in Malaysia. The focus of this research, however, is not limited to studying the viewpoints of leaders and scholars on the initiative; rather, it will also attempt to discuss theBRI’s progress and the obstacles encountered to date from the political aspects of both China and Malaysia. By identifying the potential challenges to come, this research will prove to be significant, as it proposes some comprehensive measures to address and forestall any setbacks that may arise, which may affect the implementation of the BRI between the two nations. Keywords: Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); Malaysia–China relations; Silk Road; China–ASEAN relations; Maritime Silk Road A