An Underground Chamber Tomb with Serpent Relief in Ula, Muğla

This study concerns the burial customs of the chamber tombs discovered in the Southeast Anatolian Region. In the Early Bronze Age the Southeast Anatolian Region commenced the urbanization process like other places in the Near East, owing to the effects of the economic and social developments which were shaped by the impact of neighbouring cultures such as Syria and Mesopotamia. While intramural burial customs were practiced until the end of the period, there was a considerable increase in the number of extramural burials due to the urbanization in the region. This new social order brought the tradition of chamber tombs during the Early Bronze Age. The chamber tombs of the Southeast Anatolian Region are amongst the earliest examples found in Anatolia. Chamber tombs which are usually used for collective burials are found both in extramural and intramural cemeteries as a separate group. Regardless of their location, there is no difference between their burial customs. Chamber tombs must have been the burial structures used by social groups which reached a certain economical level due to the urbanization. The grave goods, which were brought from long distances such as depas, tankard and Cycladic idols, and the abundant metal artifacts indicate that these people had power and position within the society. Based on the information gathered from recent research in the region, it can be said that the chamber tomb tradition was widely used throughout the Early Bronze Age as in Northern Syria.

Tomb architecture in China has a rich history and is characterized by its diversity, complexity, and symbolism. In different geographical and cultural contexts, “architecture” is often defined differently and includes different topics. For this article, the “tomb architecture” focuses on the architectural matters of early Chinese tombs, such as the construction and the internal and external structures. Literature regarding the funerary traditions in general and the buried artefacts (the grave goods) is rich but not covered here. In China, the earliest tomb construction emerged in the Neolithic period. From 7000 to 5000 bce, communal cemeteries appeared in some early societies. These cemeteries were often located either in or near residential areas. The common type of tomb was the so-called shaft tomb, or pit tomb, which was built by digging a vertical pit in the ground to hold the body and the grave goods. From 5000 to 2000 bce, most tombs continued to use this structure, although the inequality among buried individuals, indicated by the quantity and quality of the grave goods, increased significantly. In many tombs, timber coffins or nested coffins were used to hold the deceased. In some tombs, additional structures such as the secondary ledge (ercengtai二层台), an earthen surface constructed along the pit walls; the waist pit (yaokeng腰坑), an additional small pit under the coffin; and the niche (bikan壁龛), a recess on the wall were added, facilitating the needs to accommodate and display more grave goods. The first radical change to this shaft tomb tradition occurred in the late Shang period (c. 1250–1046 bce). Elite tombs, both in Anyang and its neighboring regions, became much larger, deeper, and more complicated than their forerunners. In Anyang, some large tombs were constructed at a special, moat-surrounded location, providing the earliest example of a cemetery complex separated from residential districts. The Zhou elites inherited these architectural inventions after they conquered Shang. During the Zhou period (c. 1045–256 bce), there was increasing interregional exchange. Elite tombs of the Zhou period not only became much bigger but also added new elements from various origins, such as the tomb mound (fengtu封土) and the horizontal division of the interior space, often by adopting a multichamber structure. These changes led to the tomb of the First Emperor (reign 221–210 bce), which was also the grandest tomb in East Asia in the first millennium bce. In the following Han period (206 bce–220 ce), new changes appeared in tomb architecture. In particular, chamber tombs, sometimes cut on the rocks and with horizontal rooms (chambers), replaced vertical shaft tombs and became the major tomb type, especially for royal and high-elite members. This horizontal tomb architecture became a predominant standard in later dynasties.

This article analyzes small tomb chambers of Bronze Age in the Midwest. Organized by basin and by tomb, this study examined their locations and distribution, tomb chamber size and special structures, burial and cremation spaces, and construction times based on excavated artifact types and radiocarbon dates. A total of 60 tomb chambers were identified, with 48 of them located on the west coast near the Yellow Sea and Anseongcheon Stream. The stone-coffin tombs are characterized by a singular distribution pattern, while the dolmens are found in groups. The preferred location for these tombs seems to be sites with favorable views, often situated at the highest point of a hill or on the flat surface of a ridge. The average tomb chamber on the west coast differs by about 30 centimeters compared to those around the Imjin River, but the length to width ratio is similar, which seems to explain the distribution of dolmens with a rectangular tomb chamber. On the other hand, other basins with multiple tombs have a different ratio of length to width, with either a rectangular or circular tomb with a square-shaped tomb chamber. The “ㅍ”-shaped plan of the stone coffin tomb in Tojin-ri is similar to large tabletop dolmens in Northeast Asia, such as those in Ganghwa Osang-ri, Anak Noam-ri, and Huojia Ancient Tombs in Gaizhou City, which is likely due to interaction or influence between groups. Four types of tomb chambers were identified in the dolmens of Suwolam-ri. Among them, Type Ⅲ-2 stands out as an unusual structure, characterized by a two-tiered excavation. In this structure, a single-tiered pit was dug, and the second-tiered pit was filled with charcoal, ashes, and human bones. On top of this, a stone coffin was constructed. There are 32 types of cremation tomb chambers categorized based on the condition of human bones found at the cremation sites. Cremation type I sites were located inside the tomb, where blood heat marks and sintering marks were observed in the tomb light or tomb room. Cremation type II sites were outside the tomb, with only human bones, charcoal, and ashes identified, making it difficult to determine their form. Cremation type I is found exclusively in stone-coffin tombs, while type II is found in many types of tombs. Although type II sites are generally not well-identified, the stone-coffin tombs in Tojin-ri and Hwayang District are notable for their adjacent pit toward the north. A similar structure is also found in Jungdo-dong. The similarity in the location of the cremation space to that in the Midwest suggests it was a common practice of the time. The stone-coffin tombs in Yongi-dong exhibit a structure with a rectangular chamber and the stone coffin located on one side, which differs from the existing cremation type I. A similar structure was found in Sinseo-dong, Daegu. This structure represents a different method between in situ cremation and transferred burial. It involves burning the body in the tomb and constructing a tomb chamber in its place. Although only a few examples have been found so far, further research is expected to shed light on this practice. Artifacts were concentrated in the cremation-type dolmens and stone-coffin tombs of the West Sea and Anseongcheon Stream. One-piece handle-type stone daggers, combined with polished stone arrowheads, were discovered in various tomb types, with construction dates ranging from the 8th to the 2nd century B.C. It is known that daggers with guards and pommels of equal width are earlier in date than those with wider pommels, although the calibrated date values may differ. This suggests the coexistence of multiple production methods rather than a change in form over time. Red burnished jar are characterized as grave goods buried in certain regions, centered on the South Coast. However, recently they were also found in Midwestern tombs, which is an important clue to how burial practices were shared in the South.

I here suggest that in the Early Dynastic period flint was ideologically important at least partly because of its lustrous qualities. During later periods, metal, and particularly arsenical copper took over this role. Archaeological evidence shows that in Early Dynastic Egypt pale flint and rock crystal were frequently selected for both grave goods and jewelry and that the luster of flint was enhanced by polishing. By luster I mean the scintillating qualities of whiteness and shininess. However, this emphasis on flint's lustrous qualities decreases dramatically around 2600 B.C., the end of the Third Dynasty. Not only does flint cease to be used in graves, but archaeological evidence for its ritual use declines, and often that ritual use is related to its aesthetics. At the same time, arsenical copper, which is lighter colored than pure copper, takes the place of flint in graves. It seems flint was literally outshone.

Previous studies globally report that poverty was a determinant of stunting. However, studies also showed that stunting can be found in wealthy families. To analyze factors related to stunting among wealthy families, we examined the 2021 Indonesian National Nutritional Status Survey. This cross-sectional study included 23,957 children under the age of two years old. In addition to stature, the study analyzed eight independent variables (e.g., residence, maternal age, marital, education, employment, children's age, gender, and early initiation breastfeeding). By employing a binary logistic regression test in the last analysis, this study found that children in rural areas were 1.160 times more likely to be stunted than those in urban areas (95% CI [1.152, 1.168], p < .001). The characteristics of mothers were also found to be related to stunting, including age, marital status, education, and employment. Additionally, 12–13-month-old children were 3.033 times more likely to be stunted than < 12 months (95% CI [3.011, 3.055], p < .001). Boys were 1.320 times more likely to be stunted than girls (95% CI [1.311, 1.328], p < .001). Children with early breastfeeding initiation were 1.025 times more likely to be stunted than those without (95% CI [1.018, 1.031], p < .001). Lastly, eight significant factors related to stunting among wealthy families in Indonesia were found: residence, maternal age, marital, education, employment, children's age, gender, and early breastfeeding initiation. The government must focus on the specific targets produced in this study to accelerate reducing the prevalence of stunting in wealthy Indonesian families.

The tomb of Bai, Lord of the State of Zhongli, located in Shuangdun Village, Bengbu City, Anhui, was excavated by the Anhui Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology and the Bengbu Museum from December 2006 through August 2008. This tomb was a large-scale vertical earthen shaft pit tomb with a tumulus at ground level; the grave was in a circular plan with a ring-shaped ledge of primary soil 2m below the opening. The tomb passageway was situated to the precise east of the grave. In the tumulus and the tomb fill, “five-colored soil”, a buffer layer of white clay, “radial lines”, earthen “hillocks”, and “clay figurine walls” were recovered, and the tomb chamber was cross-shaped. The structure was original and the remains were complex; the grave goods were very rich, with over 500 items recovered, including bronze bells,

This article interprets as trophies many of the grave goods excavated from the burial of a steppe leader — likely a Polovtsian ‘prince’ — within the Chungul Kurgan in southern Ukraine. The current study focuses on three kinds of objects: those embellishing horses, embroideries on vestments, and belts. Written sources about the culture of the Eurasian steppe of the 11th—13th centuries CE, comparative study of items in European collections, and the archaeological details of the exact manner of deposition have allowed reconstructions of the meanings of these finds in daily life. Moreover, it is now possible to propose their distinctive role in the burial ritual. Two items found among the horse trappings can be shown to have originated as disassembled parts of objects made in northwest Europe for Christian ritual use. A similar re-purposing can be observed in the embroidery on one of the caftans. Originally embroidered as part of church furnishings, a fragmentary Deesis scene showing an archangel with a donor figure was attached to a caftan — cutting off the hands of the donor — and was rearranged into a new composition that presented the originally secondary winged figure as a victory or a Turkic divinity. Finally, three of the five belts found in the burial can be definitively attributed to northwestern European production. Their dispositions on and around the body allow them to be interpreted as symbols of Turkic charisma in their new location. The electrum belt around the neck, likely of Anatolian manufacture, marks the submission of the deceased before the divinities and spirits of the Turkic afterlife. The grave goods discussed here, as well as the total burial inventory, allow us to propose a possible identity for the deceased. He could likely have been a Polovtsian leader allied to the Bulgarian tsar Kaloyan. The joined Polovtsian and Bulgarian forces defeated the Crusader army at Adrianople in 1205 and led Baldwin I of Flanders, first Emperor of Constantinople, into captivity.

De dødes flækker – Slidsporsanalyse af flækker fra et megalitanlæg og en boplads

The earliest balsamaria to appear in the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods are ceramic and seldom over 10 cm in height. On the Southern Necropolis of Viminacium (sites Vise grobalja and Pecine) 21 vessels of this type have been found. The features they have in common are a long slender neck and the absence of handles. Based on the shape of their bodies nine groups have been identified. Although they are similar to glass balsamaria, the term bottle seems more appropriate chiefly on account of their size. Of several proposed suggestions about their basic function, the most plausible seems to be that their primary use was as containers for products packed in small amounts. Although most published finds come from burials, the question of their significance and use in funerary rituals remains inadequately elucidated. It is impossible to say with certainty whether the larger-sized vessels of a later date had the same function as the smaller Hellenistic and Early Roman ones. What is certain is that they are usually found in cremation burials, as shown by both Viminacium's Southern Necropolis, the necropolises of Poetovio and Emona, and individual graves on other sites. To judge from the clay fabric and colour and the manner of manufacture, the ceramic bottles from Viminacium come from different and as yet unidentified production centres. From the stratigraphic data and the grave goods they were found in association with they can be dated to the end of the first and first half of the second century, tentatively regarded as a later phase in their production.

Finding Hama: On the Identification of a Forgotten Queen Buried in the Nimrud Tombs

This chapter presents the results of a recent reexamination of the Late Bronze Age tombs excavated in the area of the Palace of Nestor at Pylos by Carl W. Blegen: three tholoi, seven chamber tombs, and one cist grave. New light can now be shed on the chronology of the construction and use of each. The various tombs range in date from MH III/LH I to LH IIIC late, although it appears that the tholos tombs and chamber tombs were not used intensively at the same time. Grave goods point to more wealth being invested in burials during MH III/LH I to LH II, less in LH IIIA. Most nonceramic imports in the tombs date to LH I–II; there are few ceramic imports with burials of any period. The object of the study was to examine burial customs in the context of social and political developments at the Palace of Nestor itself. Innovations in burial ritual reflect changes that occurred in the course of the Late Helladic period in the way that power was defined and expressed in the community associated with these graves.

This study aimed to assess free basic compulsory education on schooling and the reduction of child labor in Tanzania. In late 2015 the government of Tanzania, under late president John Pombe Joseph Magufuli, announced the cancellation of school fees from pre-primary to lower secondary schools. The main goal was to ensure all children of school age attended the school. In January 2016, the implementation of free basic compulsory education commenced despite those efforts initiated by the government to tackle the problem of child labor hampering them from attending school. Unfortunately, child labor is still becoming out of control within society. This study employed qualitative methodology whereby secondary data (documentary review) from the Tanzania national bureau of statistics and the international labor organization were used to collect data. Data were analyzed through thematic content.
 The findings revealed that, across areas in the country, the most significant proportion of children who attend school only is found in Dar es Salaam, with 86.7 percent (88.8 percent of boys and 84.8 percent of girls), followed by other urban areas with 68.2 percent and 39 percent for children in Rural areas. However, ignorance and lack of awareness from the parents and guardians in the society led to the increase of child labor among Tanzanians, especially in rural areas, where most people are not educated enough. The people in rural areas do not regard education as the most important for the future development of children. As a result, they do not send their children to schools, especially girls who always face early marriages due to cultural beliefs. In Tanzania, some tribes encourage only boys to go to school, while girls are supposed to remain home to take care of their siblings and wash dishes. Another reason that led to the increase of child labor in the country is that parents and guardians do not understand the importance of education to their children. Therefore, the government must educate the mass, especially in rural areas so, to make them aware of eradicating the problem. Thus, a researcher suggested that the government rethink the funding mechanism for students from poor and wealthy families. It means that children from low-income families must be considered by exercise, books, uniforms, and pens to reduce the burden on their parents and guardians. To sum up, the government should increase the education budget to reduce parents' burdens.

INTRODUCTION Historically, rural villagers in northern Thailand had a stable coexistence with forest ecosystems due to the intrinsic value attached to forests in Thai culture as well as to customary common property management systems.(1) In the contemporary scene the state management of forests has gradually undermined these customary laws and the authority of traditional institutions.(2) This has created considerable tension between the traditional villagers' view of forests as common property resources, and official government policy. Rural communities dependent on forest resources are fighting for their rights to benefit from forest land they have long considered as their own. The case of Huey Kaew represents a bottom-up push for reestablishing common property rights. It is also a case where the Royal Forestry Department is attempting to integrate common property rights to forest lands into the framework of national policy. The purpose of this case study in Huey Kaew is to explore the dynamics involved in reestablishing common property rights. SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY The contemporary situation in Thailand suggests that environmental degradation and natural resource allocation will continue to be major sources of conflict between the government and rural communities.(3) The community forest program in Huey Kaew therefore has the potential to provide a model for other forest communities that face such conflict.(4) The successful implementation of the Huey Kaew community forest is a goal of the Royal Forestry Department and the Ministry of Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperatives.(5) If it is successful, this program will provide benefits for both the villagers and the nation. The villagers will secure their ability to satisfy their own needs and the right to protect and manage forest resources, while the government will find a viable alternative to state control for managing Forest Reserve Land. DESCRIPTION OF HUEY KAEW The village of Huey Kaew is located in an upper valley floor in the northeast corner of Kaew sub-district in Chiang Mai Province. The upper part of the village is located within a Forest Reserve which contains a watershed covering 3000 rai (480 hectares) that supplies water to 10,000 rai (1,600 ha) of paddy land. The whole village is surrounded by mountain ranges and forests which are primarily secondary growth as a result of logging concessions in the early part of the century. The forest has been classified by the Royal Forestry Department as dry deciduous dipterocarp at the lower elevations and mixed deciduous at the higher elevations. Mixed Deciduous forests have great economic value because many commercial species are abundant. It is the primary habitat of teak (Tectona grandis).(7) The Dry Deciduous Dipterocarp forest has few trees of commercial importance but because trees in these forests are able to coppice freely they assure a continual source of fuelwood and various species of bamboo.(8) The watershed is the source of four streams, one of which flows through the village of Huey Kaew. This stream supplies sufficient water for cultivation and home consumption throughout the year. Two small traditional irrigation canals draw water to feed rice fields on both sides of the river. Huey Kaew is an oval shaped village surrounded by rice paddy and forest. Most houses are built along the main road. The houses of the wealthier families are generally made of teak with tile roofs, while the houses of the poor are generally made from bamboo materials with roofs made from leaves. The population of Huey Kaew is 513 people,(9) living in 126 households. Ninety-two of the households are landless.(10) The villagers of Huey Kaew understand the importance of conserving the forest in the watershed in order to maintain the source of water which irrigates their rice fields. Villagers depend on the forest as a source of building materials for their homes, fuelwood, grazing land for domestic animals such as water buffalo and cattle, natural foods, herbs and medicines, and as a hunting ground for small birds, animals and insects. …

Investigating the Impact of Economic Structure of Agricultural Products on the Urban-Rural Relationship (Case Study: Central District of Dezful County)

Although rural poverty has been declining in recent decades, it remains a predominantly rural phenomenon. However, success in reducing poverty does not always lead to a reduction in social deprivation in rural areas or a narrowing of the gap between urban and rural areas. Inequalities in access to basic services and opportunities continue to be a problem for rural residents. The COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated the plight of vulnerable rural populations, reducing incomes, limiting mobility and threatening livelihoods and food security. Available research suggests that people living in rural areas experience deprivation differently than urban residents. This confirms the continuing income stratification of urban and rural residents. More than 50% of rural households do not have a car. Under the restrictions of the self-isolation regime, this is a significant factor in social isolation. Low incomes and material deprivation do not allow such households to change this situation. Not even all wealthy families have access to high-speed Internet. This may be due to the underdevelopment of high-speed Internet infrastructure.