An Omani Visitor in Ḥimā: Insights Into Connections During the Hellenistic Era

Brucellosis in Saudi Arabia: Past, Present and Future

Analysis of International Disputes Between Saudi Arabia and Qatar (Situation of Diplomatic Relations between the two countries) Abstract: Diplomatic relations by definition are relations with the mediation between representatives of two or more countries that are political in nature. In the international world, each country must have diplomatic relations with other countries, in establishing relations or interactions do not always go well, sometimes it will lead to international disputes such as those between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, as an outline of the dispute between the two countries, is caused by Saudi Arabia's view of Qatar which does not respect the gulf state's attitude, namely anti-Iran's attitude by supporting to assist Iranians and militant groups such as Muslim Brotherhood and others. The Gulf especially Arabs and made Arabs issue policies to cut off diplomatic relations with Qatar, this paper will discuss the general picture of the two countries and the history of relations between the two countries. Arabian conduct along with Qatar's response to this matter to efforts to reconcile the two countries by various parties Keywords: Diplomatic Relations, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Disputes

A REMINDER of the difficulties and complications that can arise from the absence of any agreed frontiers in Eastern and SouthEastern Arabia has recently been afforded by the struggle in Oman between the Sultan of Muscat and the soi-disant Imam, Ghalib ibn Ali. To some observers at the time the gravest implication of the struggle appeared to lie in the opportunity it offered Saudi Arabia to resume the pursuit of her long-standing ambition to gain control of South-Eastern Arabia by giving the Imam and his followers material and moral backing; it was even suspected that the Saudi Arabian Government might have actively instigated the Imam to raise the standard of revolt. While there is a danger, in so emphasizing the external influences that may have contributed to the uprising, of under-estimating its more relevant internal causes, it is nevertheless true to say, as some commentators have said, that the opportunities for Saudi Arabia to exploit a disturbed situation of this kind might have been considerably fewer if the frontiers in this part of Arabia had been delineated. So long as these remain vague and unfixed King Saud will continue to feel free to challenge the authority of the Sultan of Muscat and Oman and that of the rulers of the Trucial Shaikhdoms in the western marches of their dominions, as he did five years ago when he despatched a force to seize the Buraimi Oasis. Unfortunately, the demarcation of the frontiers of Eastern Arabia is a task of far greater complexity than the readiness with which the suggestions were put forward during the Oman troubles would indicate, and the opposition of Saudi Arabia, now as in the past, to any boundary settlement not based upon the complete acceptance of her claims is far from being the only difficulty in the way of such a settlement. Sovereignty and jurisdiction, the essential accompaniments of frontier delineation, are not subjects that admit of easy discussion in the context of the desert borderlands of Eastern Arabia; nor has the political evolution of the countries of the region yet reached a stage where these concepts might be expected to possess easily recognizable force and meaning. The only frontiers in existence in Eastern Arabia, defined by treaty and internationally recognized, are those of Kuwait with Saudi Arabia and the frontiers of both with the neutral zone lying between them on the Persian Gulf coast. Elsewhere in Eastern Arabia there are what might be termed frontieres de convenance which have not yet received the sanction i6

Introduction Breast cancer is the leading type of cancer in women globally, contributing significantly to cancer-related deaths. In Saudi Arabia, it ranks as the second most common cancer among women. Studies have highlighted a lack of awareness about breast cancer, negatively impacting breast self-examination practices. The Eastern Province has particularly high incidence rates. Knowledge of risk and protective factors can aid in prevention and early detection. While some studies show good awareness, this research aims to assess women's knowledge and attitudes about breast cancer risk factors and warning signs in the Eastern Province. Methodology This is a cross-sectional study conducted in Saudi Arabia's Eastern Provincefrom June to October 2023 to assessbreast cancer awareness among adult females. Data were collected via an online survey. Data were cleaned in MS Excel(Microsoft Corporation, Redmond, Washington) and analyzed in IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows, Version 23(Released 2015; IBM Corp., Armonk, New York). Results Our study assessed breast cancer awareness in 697 participants in Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province. Most were aged 20-24 years (30.3%), married (49.2%), and Saudi nationals (97.6%), with higher education (59.4%). Significantly, 69.2% received education on breast cancer risk factors/signs. Some had personal breast cancer diagnoses (5.0%), and 31.7% had affected family members. Participants showed good awareness of various risk factors and warning signs. Significant associations were found between nationality, personal breast cancer diagnosis, and knowledge and attitudes about risk factors. Age, marital status, occupation, education on breast cancer, and personal breast cancer diagnosis influenced knowledge and attitudes about warning signs. Conclusion Our study findings indicate generally good awareness of breast cancer risk factors and warning signs among participants. Age, marital status, occupation, education on breast cancer, and personal breast cancer diagnosis influenced knowledge and attitudes about risk factors and warning signs. Educational efforts should target lesser-known risk factors to enhance prevention and early detection.

Palliative care in Saudi Arabia has witnessed significant recent progress through the establishment of the Saudi Society for Palliative Care and the National Palliative Care Program. The objective of this study was to assess knowledge and attitudes regarding palliative care and end-of-life decision-making in Saudi Arabia's Eastern and Central provinces among individuals residing in these regions. Utilizing a cross-sectional survey-based research design, we assessed knowledge and attitudes regarding palliative care and end-of-life decision-making in Saudi Arabia's Eastern and Central provinces. Participants were recruited through purposive sampling via social media. Data collection included demographic information, palliative care knowledge, attitudes toward palliative care, and cultural influences on end-of-life decisions. A total of 710 participants completed the survey, resulting in a response rate of 85%, with a balanced gender distribution, predominantly aged 25-54. Over half were healthcare providers, many possessing more than 15 years of healthcare experience. A substantial proportion had received formal palliative care training and had personal involvement in end-of-life decisions. While most participants demonstrated a good understanding of palliative care, knowledge gaps, especially regarding its timing, persisted. Generally, participants felt at ease discussing end-of-life care and believed in palliative care's effectiveness. Cultural influences on end-of-life decisions were perceived both positively and negatively, with some facing cultural challenges in palliative care. This study underscores a promising understanding of palliative care in Saudi Arabia alongside persistent misconceptions. It highlights the necessity for targeted education to rectify misperceptions, particularly concerning the initiation timing of palliative care. Cultural factors strongly impact end-of-life decisions, emphasizing the need for culturally sensitive healthcare discussions and provider training.

In the middle of the first millennium B. C., South Arabian kingdoms flourished, not only as a major source of frankincense and myrrh but also as an entrepot of various incense from the eastern coast of Africa and the countries beyond the Indian Ocean. Egypt was one of the most important consumers of the incense throughout antiquity, and how the long-distance trade between South Arabia and Egypt was done actually is of much note. In this article, the relations between ancient Egypt and South Arabia will be considered by using archaeological and epigraphical sources from both Egypt and Yemen.Except the coffin of a Minaean, all South Arabic inscriptions from Egypt were found in the Eastern Desert, on the ancient route either between Qift (Coptos) and Qusayr (Myos Hormos) or between Qift and Berenike. Though it is impossible to date three inscriptions from the former route, one of them is supposed to be incised after the third century A. D. One from the latter route was incised by a Minaean. Himyarite symbols from the same route suggest that it was used by the Himyarites around the fourth century A. D. From Qusayr al-Qadim, a pottery sherd with a South Arabic graffito was excavated and it mostly belongs to the first century A. D.Greek inscriptions from Egypt show the existence of a Greek-Egyptian who returned from South Arabia to Idfu (Apollinopolis Magna) via Berenike in the Hellenistic period, and also that of a merchant of Aden who was active in Berenike and Qift between 54 and 70 A. D.As for South Arabic inscriptions referring to Egypt (Msr), the texts date back from the fifth century B. C. to the beginning of the Ptolemaic Period, and are all Minaean. Together with Msr, they exhibit the names of the caravan cities (Didan, Yathrib, Ghazza etc.) which Minaeans visited on their way to Egypt.Summing up the information from those materials, the following conclusions can be drawn.1. Before the Ptolemaic Period, the Minaean merchants came to Egypt via the inland route of Arabia which ran along the Red Sea coast, and most probably they entered Egypt by way of Ghazza.2. After the foundations of the Egyptian Red Sea ports by Ptolemy II, it seems that Minaeans used the Berenike-Coptos route as well as the Arabian inland route to enter Egypt. A route to Idfu was also available from Berenike. Until this period, it seems that a considerable number of Minaeans were staying in Egypt.3. In the Roman Period, the main transportation route between South Arabia and Egypt was the seaway. Among the Egyptian ports, Berenike and Qusayr were the most utilized for loading and unloading the merchandise from South Arabia, and for other purpose.

Diplomatic relations between Cameroon and Saudi Arabia dates back to a very long period of time. That is to say during the pre - colonial and colonial periods. However, real or official diplomatic relations began in 1966 with the two countries establishment or opening of diplomatic missions or consular service, with resident Ambassadors appointed to each other’s administrative or political capitals. Beginning from that period, Cameroon Saudi Arabia relations has been so beneficial on both side up till date. This study examines the role Islam and hajj in the dynamics of Cameroon - Saudi Arabia relations, which are hajj-driven and how the constant movement of pilgrims to and from Saudi Arabia intensifies the relations between the two states. Islam and Hajj remains the main issues around which Cameroon - Saudi Arabia relations revolve; Saudi Arabia happened to be one of the first states with which Cameroon established diplomatic relations in 1966. Hajj prepared the ground for a link between colonial Cameroon and emergent Saudi Arabia, meanwhile hajj holds a great potential for trade relations between the two countries culminating into enhanced economic diplomacy. This practice originated from hajj being the basis of the first diplomatic mission. The hajj has rubbed positively on the duo relations for enhanced South - South relations and is relevant to the global concern for terrorism, peace and security. The study demonstrates how the role of Islam and hajj in Cameroon - Saudi Arabia relations can opens a new vista in South - South relations. It shows how cultural events involving two or more states can draw them closer diplomatically.

This research aimed to measure awareness of absence seizures and their effect on academic performance among elementary school teachers in Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province, in addition to measuring their desire to attend awareness-raising workshops that teach them about the disease. A cross-sectional study was conducted from August 2022 to March 2023. A total of 509 elementary school teachers in the eastern province of Saudi Arabia completed a self-administrated online questionnaire. The validity and reliability of the questionnaire were established through face validity and a pilot study. The teachers' ages ranged from 20 to more than 50 years (mean: 39.8 ± 11.4 years), and 360 (70.7%) teachers were females. Regarding experience, 139 (27.3%) had worked for <5 years, 111 (21.8%) for 5-10 years, and 259 (50.9%) for more than 10 years. Exact 102 (20%) teachers had overall good knowledge and awareness of absence epilepsy compared to 407 (80%) with an overall poor knowledge level. Four hundred and forty-seven (87.8%) of the teachers agreed that it is important to inform their schools about the child's disease. Exact 483 (94.9%) teachers were willing to learn more about absence epilepsy, and 475 (93.3%) supported the establishment of training courses for teachers to raise awareness of absence epilepsy. Although the vast majority were willing to learn more about absence epilepsy and had a good level of awareness about its effect on academic performance, primary school teachers in Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province demonstrated inadequate knowledge about the disease itself.

This article explains the cooperative relationship in the defense sector between Indonesia and Saudi Arabia. Diplomatic relations between the two countries are well established. Saudi Arabia and Indonesia have a relationship with each other in carrying out their foreign policy. The method used in this research is descriptive analytical method and defense diplomacy approach as a means to elaborate the discussion. After doing research, it can be concluded that in carrying out political policies, especially foreign countries, these two countries have a cooperation program in the defense sector. This cooperation program in the defense sector is a diplomatic effort of the two countries to strengthen national security. Defense diplomacy carried out by Indonesia against Saudi Arabia includes the exchange and education of military soldiers, in the fields of technology and humanitarian missions. Diplomatic relations with Saudi Arabia are the main attraction for Indonesia, considering that Indonesia has national interests with Saudi Arabia both in the defense sector and in other fields.

Family Caregivers (FCGs) of patients with schizophrenia (PwS) may face unanticipated sources of stress and responsibility, which can negatively impact their quality of life (QoL). This study aimed to assess FCGs' QoL and the impact of clinical characteristics of patients and sociodemographic factors on their QoL. A cross-sectional questionnaire-based study surveyed 340 FCGs from outpatient clinics of PwS in two large psychiatric hospitals in Saudi Arabia's eastern province using a convenience sampling approach. We used the Adult Carer Quality of Life (AC-QoL) scale, which has eight subscales and 40 items, to assess QoL. AC-QoL is translated into Arabic in this study. The study included 216 FCGs, with 127 (58.8%) being men, 117 (54.2%) being over 45 years old, 91 (42.1%) being a sibling of a PwS, and 82 (38%) being a parent of a PwS. The mean score in our sample was 78.2 ± 21.24 out of 120, indicating mid-range QoL. Lower QoL was associated with more time spent in caregiving per day, a lower educational level of FCG, and recent admission of PwS to an inpatient unit. PwS FCGs have a mid-range QoL. FCGs reported a moderate financial burden and low levels of support from healthcare professionals. FCG's QoL and stress can be reduced through healthcare providers, participation in a community support group, and addressing an FCG's in an individual setting.

Relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which have been heating up in recent years, have finally come to light. The normalization of relations between the two countries cannot be separated from the assistance of China, which is a third party in the process of improving relations between the two. Both began to improve relations with each other by opening diplomatic relations. This study aims to find out the reasons behind Iran opening its diplomatic relations with Saudi Arabia. The study used a qualitative approach with library research data collection techniques via Google Scholar and Publish and Perish platforms. The author finds that there are several reasons for Iran to reopen its diplomatic relations with Arab countries: (1) international pressure such as the US’s economic sanctions, (2) economic interests by opening embassies in both countries, (3) stability following the normalization of the relations, especially on Sunni-Shia issues and establishing the Middle East’s hegemony, (4) the role of China, (5) the tendency of Saudi Arabia to China instead of the USA, and (6) the failure of Saudi Arabia in the Yemen war.

This chapter examines phonological, morphological, lexical, and syntactic data from a number of contemporary Arabic varieties spoken within historical Yemen—i.e. within the borders of current Yemen and up into southern ˁAsīr in Saudi Arabia—with (a) data from the Ancient South Arabian language, Sabaic; (b) what has been called ‘Ḥimyaritic’, as spoken during the early centuries of Islam; and (c) the Modern South Arabian languages, Mehri and Śḥerɛ̄t. These comparisons show a significant number of shared features. The density of shared features and the nature of sharing exhibited lead to the tentative suggestion that some of these varieties may be continuations of South Arabian with an Arabic overlay rather than Arabic with a South Arabian substratum.

The Saudi Arabia’s “Fundamentalists” the position runs counter in the basic religious doctrine with, and People's Republic of China ’s “Communist” and “Socialism” the idea, also can affect the Saudi Arabian imperial family’s benefit and the stability. However the Saudi Arabia actually purchases the missile to the People’s Republic of China, and established diplomatic relations in 1990 . The Transformation in Diplomatic Relations between Saudi-Arabia and China was really worth studying and the discussion truly. Because in 1973 the petroleum crisis took Saudi Arabia the huge economic interest, enable Saudi Arabia’s government to have the abundant financial resource to foster the talent, but caused in this border to have the social structure change, because the group accepted the higher education or overseas abroad study return to homeland, dominated the political power to Saudi Arabian’s Government and the traditional royal court to be discontented, finally urged Saudi Arabian’s King to implement the reform as well as the cabinet carries on the reorganization, in addition, also enabled the sand country tradition political power abandonment passing the country to have to “the communism” first impressions ares most lasting the hostility, and after suffered US ‘s Parliament to go back a promise to sell the Saudi Arabian F-15 fighter plane, originated the policy using the disperser arms sale to purchase missiles form People’s Republic of China. In the international environment aspect, the Saudi Arabia after the excavating petroleum, is admires the US military force to protect its petroleum benefit, but because US's Israel's policy, causes the Saudi Arabia to the American confidence vacillation, however, this time People’s Republic of China actually unceasingly (the People’s Republic of China using the United Nations Security Council), the economy (purchases petrified industry and wheat), the military (sells the missiles), the psychology (using religious relations), at that time Saudi Arabia is in order to maintain the Saudi Arabian leader regime stably, strengthens own national defense military force, by the consolidated this country in under the Islam world leading positions consideration, urges Saudi Arabia choose People’s Republic of China to purchases missiles, and establishes both sides official foreign relations.

Structural interpretation covering the Central Saudi Arabia was carried out through Landsat, Radar images, topographic maps and seismic data. Existing geology maps provide materialized evidence for this study. A strong northwest trending lineament system has been mapped in the region and is interpreted as being rela- ted to the reactivated Najd Fault System. Elongate hills, strait-going creeks, offset along valley and ridges, and pull-apart basins are evident, indicating rejuvenation of the Najd transtensional sinistral movement. Geological map shows evidence indicating a northwestward dragging on the sedimentary cover along a NW trending regio- nal lineament in the region which extend from South Ghawar to An Nafud Basin in Saudi Arabia. Northeast trend- ing structures in Saudi Arabia are related to the pre-Permian structuring and Oman-Masirah stress regime. The Ghawar (Saudi Arabia), Dukhan (Qatar) and other north-northwest trending anticlines were reshaped by the reju- venated Najd stress regime. The northwest trending sinistral Najd Fault was initiated in Precambrian and was reactivated at various times, probably during Paleozoic and late Jurassic times, and continuously, though of vari- able intensity, from late Cretaceous to the late Tertiary time. The Carboniferous, Late Cretaceous and Tertiary events are overprinted on one another in the region. The Oman stress regime and the stress regime that is rela- ted to oblique obduction of the Masirah Ophiolite are the principal controlling event for the anticline structures in Central Arabia. Dominant structural elements of the area are N-S anticline axis that suggests approximate E-W compressional stress direction, which is consistent with Oman and reactivated Najd tectonic regimes. The effect of the Tertiary orogenic overprint of the Oman-Masirah stress regime in eastern Arabia was to favor a slight renewed movement along the old basement faults such as the Najd Trend. Reactivated Najd system, Oman prin- cipal horizontal stress regime and obduction of the Masirah Ophiolite onto the Arabian continent have produced a combined effect on the structures in Eastern Arabian Plate. The Zagros stress regime may have produced Mineral Res. Exp., Bull., 132, 73-82, 2006 little effect in the region.

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States and Sub-Saharan Africa:In Search of Influence, Security, and New Markets Michael B. Bishku (bio) Introduction The GCC was established in 1981 and includes the countries of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, and Bahrain. Saudi Arabia and the UAE currently have the most interactions with Sub-Saharan Africa (defined as those areas on the continent south of the Arab North African states located on the Mediterranean),1 while Bahrain has the least. Oman has historical connections with Africa's east coast, while Qatar has become more active on the continent especially since its rivalry with Saudi Arabia and the UAE heated up in 2017, due to Qatar's military ties with Turkey and the perception that it was too favorable in its dealings with Iran and Islamist organizations. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait (which received its independence from Britain in 1961), and the UAE became active on the African continent during the 1970s, especially following the 1973 Arab-Israeli War when many African countries broke off diplomatic relations with Israel over its continued occupation of Egypt's Sinai Peninsula captured as a result of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Qatar, the UAE, Bahrain received their independence from Britain in 1971, while the late-Sultan Qaboos of Oman was able to assume full control over his country's domestic and foreign policy [End Page 48] a year earlier, also from Britain. During the 1970s and 1980s, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the UAE were involved with providing developmental aid in Africa and even working for the same purpose as Libya's leader Muammar Qaddafi on the continent when activities were directed in garnering support for the Arab world in its conflict against Israel. Investment and increased trade as well as counteracting the activities of Iran's Islamic Republic in Africa have become more important for Saudi Arabia since then and, in more recent years for the UAE, which has surpassed the Saudis in those endeavors as well as in regarding Turkey as a rival for influence on the African continent. This article will review the connections and interactions of the GCC states in Sub-Saharan Africa, something that is need of more study. This is especially important given the increased activity on the continent during post-Cold War period in both security arrangements for protecting shipping lanes and in dealing with the threat of terrorist organizations and/or in economic arrangements on the part of both bigger powers such as the U.S., Russia, China, and France, middle powers such as Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Israel, India, and other countries with interests in the region such as the remainder of the Arab Gulf states. As scholars sometimes debate which countries to include in the category of middle powers, it is best to elaborate what might constitute such. A most succinct definition of a middle power is offered by Dong-min Shin: "…a state actor which has limited influence on deciding the distribution of power in a given regional system but is capable of deploying a variety of sources of power to change the position of great powers and to defend its own position on matters related to national or regional security that directly affect it."2 While greater attention is usually given by scholars of diplomatic history and international relations to the bigger powers, not enough is devoted to recognized middle powers and other countries seeking or on the verge of such status. Though there have been an increasing number of studies in recent years, especially [End Page 49] of Turkey's,3 Iran's,4 and Israel's5 activities in Africa, attention towards Saudi Arabia and the GCC states has been lagging behind; this article seeks to address that matter. The GCC States' Involvement in Africa during the Cold War Saudi Arabia's King Abdelaziz (also known as Ibn Saud) established diplomatic relations with Ethiopia's Haile Selassie in 1934 as his country was at the time one of only two independent states on the Arabian Peninsula, the other being Yemen. This was in part in response to fascist Italy's diplomatic moves in those two countries and...