An examination of the relationship between hate crime, ethnic diversity and legislation in the U.S.

Widespread ethnic prejudice is an incomplete explanation for the development of war in the former Yugoslavia. However, high levels of prejudice in ethnic enclaves played an important role in increasing ethnic tensions and facilitating the outbreak of war. The purpose of this article is to explain county differences in average levels of ethnic prejudice in Bosnia and Croatia prior to the wars of national separation. We focus on structural characteristics of counties, such as ethnic diversity, economic conditions, and ethnic segregation and inequality, to explain county differences in average levels of prejudice. We also consider the possibility that compositional differences among counties (e.g., differences in average levels of education) explain county differences in ethnic prejudice. We combine survey data and county-level census data collected immediately prior to the wars of national separation and use hierarchical linear modeling techniques to analyze these data. Results suggest that ethnic diversity and ethnic occupational segregation decrease ethnic prejudice while ethnic economic inequality increases ethnic prejudice. Thus, structural characteristics account for some of the county differences in average levels of prejudice. County compositional differences, however, explain a majority of the county variation in ethnic prejudice. These results provide important clues to the origins of pockets of intense ethnic prejudice within diverse societies.

Widespread ethnic prejudice is an incomplete explanation for the development of war in the former Yugoslavia. However, high levels of prejudice in ethnic enclaves played an important role in increasing ethnic tensions and facilitating the outbreak of war. The purpose of this article is to explain county differences in average levels of ethnic prejudice in Bosnia and Croatia prior to the wars of national separation. We focus on structural characteristics of counties, such as ethnic diversity, economic conditions, and ethnic segregation and inequality, to explain county differences in average levels of prejudice. We also consider the possibility that compositional differences among counties (e.g., differences in average levels of education) explain county differences in ethnic prejudice. We combine survey data and county-level census data collected immediately prior to the wars of national separation and use hierarchical linear modeling techniques to analyze these data. Results suggest that ethnic diversity and ethnic occupational segregation decrease ethnic prejudice while ethnic economic inequality increases ethnic prejudice. Thus, structural characteristics account for some of the county differences in average levels of prejudice. County compositional differences, however, explain a majority of the county variation in ethnic prejudice. These results provide important clues to the origins of pockets of intense ethnic prejudice within diverse societies.

This research to describe social attitude integration and ethnic prejudice in multicultural society. The research took place in Yogyakarta Municipality and Sleman Regency, Yogyakarta Special Province, based on consideration that the location resided by families of multicultures (heterogen), prone to interethnic conflict and brawl. Data gathering technique were interview and observation, respondents were 50 people of each location, whole was 100 respondents. Data analysis was qualitative-descriptive technique. The research showed that 79 percent respondents having social integration attitude, 21 percent having ethnic prejudice. The prevention against widening and deteriorating conflict, flaring up, social brawl are to enhance understanding, consiousness, and benefiting pluralism or various cultures as potensial resources, strength for joint progress. Social dialogue facility and communal activity by government and community need to be done. To the Directorate of Social Protection for Social Disaster Victims (PSKBS), General Directorate of Social Protection and Assurance, The Ministry of Social Affairs, need to hold a program on enhancing communal capacity (family) through socialization, education, and training of social harmony management (social integration) to prevent social conflict, set up interethnic community forum that can fill pluralism value so that families and community resilience can be realized.

Vietnamese American Experiences of English Language Learning: Ethnic Acceptance and Prejudice

Ethnic diversity, if managed well, can be an asset for a nation, enhancing cultural richness, fostering social cohesion, and strengthening national resilience. However, when ethnic issues are ill-treated, they can lead to fragmentation, violent conflicts and long-term instability. This article explores the relationship between ethnic diversity and national security, drawing comparisons from the Balkans, the United States, Europe and South Asian nations, with a particular focus on Nepal. The paper delves into historical and contemporary cases where ethnic tensions have either strengthened or undermined security, examining the crucial factors that determine the path of ethnic issues within nations. It will analyze how political leaders’ handling of ethnic relations plays a pivotal role in either fostering national unity or exacerbating divisions. In the context of Nepal, characterized by its diverse geography and over 142 ethnic groups, the article argues that carefully managing ethnic diversity can serve as a stabilizing factor in national security. It emphasizes the importance of inclusive governance, effective communication and inter-ethnic dialogue to ensure that ethnic tensions do not evolve into full-blown conflicts, as has been the case in many other parts of the world. The article concludes that while ethnic diversity poses challenges, it offers significant opportunities for national strength if managed with care and foresight.

Perspectives and past findings on the link between ethno-cultural diversity and innovation have been divided. The authors reason that contradictory past findings could have resulted from a lack of conceptual dissociation between two sources of ethno-cultural diversity: ethnic categorization and cultural distance between ethnic categories. By conceptually and empirically teasing apart these two sources of diversity, the authors demonstrated that diversity arising from ethnic categorization (referred to as ethnic diversity) impairs innovation while diversity arising from cultural distance (referred to as cultural diversity) promotes innovation. Furthermore, the findings indicate that whereas the dampening effect of ethnic diversity persists regardless of level of inter-ethnic tension, the enhancing effect of cultural diversity only emerges when inter-ethnic tension is low. Finally, consistent with the National Innovation System perspective, the present study shows that structural innovation input positively contributes to innovation output and the relationship between diversity and innovation output is mediated via innovation input. Taken together, this study contributes to the literature by (1) conceptually and empirically differentiating between the two sources of ethno-cultural diversity, (2) demonstrating the contrasting effects of ethnic and cultural diversity on innovation, and (3) unpacking the indirect effects of ethno-cultural diversity on innovation output via innovation input.

The purpose of this correlational panel study was to test Shaw and McKay’s theory of social disorganization by examining the relationship between demographic diversity and hate crime rates. The study focused on the relationship between the level of diversity, residential mobility, unemployment, family disruption, proximity to urban areas, and population density in all 21 New Jersey counties and hate crime rates. The existing data of Federal Bureau of Investigations’ hate crime rates and the U.S. Census Bureau’s demographic diversity were operationalized as the percentage of Whites over all other races, and social disorganization from the 21 counties of New Jersey between the years 2007 through 2011, for a total sample size of 105 cases of reported hate crimes. Results of the multiple linear regression analysis indicate that ethnic diversity did not significantly predict hate crimes; residential mobility and population density had positive effects on hate crime rates. Concentrated disadvantage, characterized by the number of reported unemployment rates, had a negative effect on hate crime rates. The results of the study supported social disorganization theory in reference to residential mobility and population density.

The article explores the trauma of the racist attacks of Hoyerswerda, Rostock-Lichtenhagen, Molln and Solingen in the early 1990s and their impact on the Turkish community in Germany using the example of rap lyrics composed during those years. Hip-hop culture in Germany is primarily appropriated by male immigrant youths, especially with Turkish roots. During the first years of German rap (early 1990s), it is thus natural that the themes of the rappers were dominated by issues of social integration, multicultural coexistence and, after traumatic events of the racist attacks, of xenophobia and racism. After a short introduction to Turkish-German hip-hop culture (general features, social and cultural implications, Kanaksta Rap and the Kanak Attak community), the article provides some lyrics (in German and Turkish) and an analysis of the reception of the attacks in German hip-hop culture, especially in the production of the rap formation Cartel, a merging of several hip-hop groups with mainly Turkish elements.

This article explores how the architecture of neighbourhoods influences interethnic tensions in ethnically diverse neighbourhoods. We found that people of Dutch descent living in apartments in four storey walk-ups in ethnically diverse innercity neighbourhoods seem less likely to feel threatened by ethnic diversity than people living in in similarly diverse suburbs characterized by larger housing blocks featuring inner courtyards and galleries. Further analysis reveals that the residents of these suburbs share various types of semi-public spaces and have competing interests in using them, whereas the residents of inner-city neighbourhoods share fewer semi-public spaces and therefore have more scope to choose when and how to engage in interethnic contact with other residents. We also explore residents’ housing histories and examine differences between people who either have more negative or more positive views on diversity with regard to their active participation in various organizations. This last piece of the puzzle will be used to analyse the potential for both negative and positive messages about ethnic diversity to spread. Based on the empirical findings, we will formulate some building blocks that can help to further explain the level of perceived ethnic tensions in ethnically diverse neighbourhoods.

Does Ethnic Diversity Lead to Community ‘Inter-Ethnic Tensions’? Reconciling the ‘Contact’ and ‘Threat’ Hypotheses: Ethnic Diversity and the Moderating Effects of ‘Inter-Ethnic Contact’ and Community Disadvantage Amongst White British Individuals in England and Wales

Emerging scholarship indicates that bias crimes are concentrated in particular types of places. Currently, only a small number of studies consider the ecological factors that influence official reports of bias crime. Results from these studies indicate that the community processes and structures associated with the occurrence of non-bias crime may operate differently for bias crime. We use administrative and survey data from approximately 4000 residents living across 148 communities in Brisbane, Queensland to examine the ecological drivers of bias crime. Using multi-level logistic regression, we examine the community and household factors associated with residents’ perceptions of bias crime. Here, we focus not only on the structural demographics of the community, but also on the degree to which community cohesion influences whether or not residents perceive bias crime as a problem in their community. We find that poverty and ethnic diversity are positively associated with residents’ perceptions of bias crime. Further, residents living in communities with higher levels of community cohesion are less likely to perceive bias crime as a problem in their community. The level of community cohesion fully mediates the impact of ethnic diversity and partially mediates the effect of poverty on residents’ perceptions of bias crime.

Ethnic diversity in Dutch schools, like in the society at large, is growing. Some are concerned that this gives rise to increasing tensions between ethnic groups, perhaps even that ethnically diverse classrooms become clashrooms. This dissertation aimed to gain insights into ethnic tensions in classrooms by using social network data for studying youth’s positive and negative interethnic relationships. Results show that although youth generally preferred to associate with same-ethnic peers, negative relationships (such as rejection and bullying) did not occur more often between cross- than same-ethnic peers. Ethnic diversity in schools was therefore not found to give rise to tensions between ethnic groups. Nevertheless, the limited presence of positive cross-ethnic peer relationships in diverse classrooms is related to less positive interethnic attitudes, especially for societal majority Dutch youth’s attitudes toward youth with an immigrant background. This dissertation shows that a deeper understanding of the broader peer network in schools can be used to identify conditions under which youth cross ethnic boundaries in their peer relationships. For example, similarity in factors other than ethnicity, such as similarity in position in the bullying network, promotes cross-ethnic relationships. This dissertation deepens and nuances our understanding of interethnic peer relationships in schools through using social network data and differentiating between ethnic groups.

Ecological theories of racially or ethnically motivated hate crime are largely derived from the United States, where racial segregation is highly pronounced. The extent to which these theories explain hate crime in more ethnically integrated countries is presently unclear. We focus on the neighbourhood characteristics influencing self-reported hate crime for 4,396 residents in a city experiencing growing ethnic diversity. We find that the neighbourhood antecedents of hate crime in the Australian context differ from those seen in the United States. While residents speaking a language other than English is a powerful predictor of incidents, neither residential mobility nor increases in in-migration are associated with hate victimization, and neighbourhood place attachment decreases the likelihood of victimization. Our findings suggest that ecological theories of hate crime derived from the United States may be limited in their applicability in multi-ethnic settings.

Studies have demonstrated that hate crime victimisation has harmful effects for individuals. Victims of hate crime report anger, nervousness, feeling unsafe, poor concentration and loss of self-confidence. While victims of non-hate crimes report similar feelings, harm is intensified for hate crime victims due to the targeted nature of the incident. While there is some evidence that experiencing or even witnessing hate crime may have a detrimental effect on residents’ community life, the effects of being victim of a hate crime inside one’s own neighbourhood remain unstudied. Using census data combined with survey data from 4396 residents living across 148 neighbourhoods in Brisbane, Australia, this study examines whether residents who report hate crime within their own neighbourhood differ in their participation in community life when compared to victims of non-hate crime or those who have not been victimised. This is the first study to focus on victims’ views on: how welcoming their neighbourhood is to ethnic diversity; their attachment to their neighbourhood; their frequency of social interactions with neighbours; their number of friends and acquaintances in the neighbourhood; and their fear of crime. Results from propensity score matching (PSM) indicate that there are important differences in patterns of neighbourhood participation across these three groups.

This paper uses the concept of ethnic prejudice to examine the extent to which fears and anxieties related to immigration and ethnic diversity constitute obstacles to middle-class nation-building in Canada. Our underlying assumption is that if immigration is so contentious and the status anxiety it induces so great, then it should manifest into substantial levels of ethnic prejudice. Moreover, if status anxiety induced by immigration is indeed a widespread concern in Canada, we expect it to translate to significant differences in ethnic prejudice between class and immigration status. To measure ethnic prejudice, we developed an index using common factor analysis with the Provincial Diversity Project. This dataset allows us to create a robust index of ethnic prejudice based on the individual attitudes regarding eight different ethnic groups. While our findings indicate that ethnic prejudice in Canada remains relatively low for the time being, it is evident that a certain level of ethnic prejudice persists and intersects with other forms of status anxieties and competition.