An Epistemology of Self-Knowing: Suzanne Césaire, André Breton, and Caribbean Surrealism

If we defend planned economies not only on the basis of efficiency but also on the basis of freedom, we have to be able to address authoritarian tendencies of planned economies on the one hand and argue against liberals for the value of collective freedom in planned economies on the other. First, I trace the problematic theorization of the relationship between collective and individual freedom in the historical debates of liberalism and real socialism. Then I examine whether the republican concept of freedom as non-domination can avoid the pitfalls of negative and positive freedom. Subsequently I explore collective freedom through collective action theory, arguing for its inherent value and its potential existence independent of individual freedom. Genuine collective freedom relies on voluntary individual contributions and collective decisions that reflect individual will. Finally I argue that while democracy can help balance collective and individual freedoms, it cannot fully resolve the inherent tension. Alternative conflict resolution strategies may prove more effective. Ultimately, planned economies offer a unique form of collective freedom, though potentially at the expense of individual freedom. Minimizing this tension remains a key challenge. In this paper, I will first defend the idea of collective freedom through planning against liberal, republican and anarchist criticism. Subsequently, I will not develop concrete solutions for the mediation of collective freedom and individual freedom in a planned economy, but I will present approaches and concepts that can be used to deal with the problem of mediation. Democracy plays a central role here, but is not the only solution.

Abstract: Since Isaiah Berlin’s epitomizing Cold War-essay, "Two Concepts of Liberty, " thinkers who emphasize collective concepts of social life have carried the burden of proof against charges of totalitarian tendencies. The background is a ground figure in contemporary political thought that sets notions of collectivity against individual freedom, in a zero sum game: Either one is in favour of the individual, or one is in favour of the collective, and hence, so the bias has it, willing to sacrifice the rights and liberties of individuals. Since it is impossible to favour the latter position and remain liberal, in the wide sense of the term, this dichotomy serves to rob contemporary political thought of both its classical and revolutionary connotations, leaving only individual initiatives like lobbying and voting. Cornelius Castoriadis offers a way around this – arguably false – dichotomy, by regarding individual and collective freedom as two sides of the same coin.

Alfred Döblin’s oeuvre may be regarded as an »ideal-type« of modernism, inasmuch as it combines a modernist aesthetic with a critical appreciation of social and technological modernity. Characteristics of this attitude include: the displacement of the autonomous, humanistic self in favor of an individualism sustained by collective forces; a rejection of traditional, elitist literature in favor of popular idioms and the mass media; and a recognition that modern technological and political trends, though harboring totalitarian tendencies, may be harnessed for purposes of individual and collective freedom - provided that one embraces (rather than ironically distances oneself from) the progressive potentials of modernity.

This paper examines the evolution of the state-supported denominational education system in Ireland in the context of increasing social diversity, and considers the capacity for incremental change in a system of institutional pluralism hitherto dominated by a single religion. In particular, we examine challenges to the historical arrangements emerging in two recent contentious issues: cuts in special funding for Protestant secondary schools and proposed diversification of the patronage of primary schools, revealing pressures on the dominant role of the Catholic Church and on the privileged place of religion in education. We identify a shift towards a more varied pluralism, or greater ‘diversity of schools’, in which multi- or non-denominational schools now feature more prominently, rather than towards either a secular system or privileged recognition of religious schools. These developments entail a change in the historical balance of religious equality and freedoms: from leaning more towards collective religious freedom and equality among religions, to tilting more towards individual religious freedom and non-discrimination. Yet the limited possibilities of incremental change are suggested by delays in changes of patronage, and the emerging balance displays continuing tensions between individual and collective freedom, clustered around ‘diversity in schools’: the integration of religion in the curriculum, religious instruction in the school day, and the accommodation of children and teachers of other beliefs in religious schools.

The article analyses the criteria for classification of liberal legal ideas. The author proposes to classify legal liberalism into: State liberalism, when the principle of freedom primarily concerns the relationship between an individual and the State, his/her independence from it, and limited State interference in the private life of citizens; social liberalism, when the principle of freedom requires coordination with other fundamental principles of law, primarily equality, justice and humanism, which requires solving the problem of social class stratification; personal liberalism, when the principle of freedom establishes the sphere of privacy, opportunities for personal development and tolerance. The author establishes that legal libertarianism is a type of legal liberalism which interprets the relationship between the principles of equality and freedom as equality of opportunity rather than social equality. The state should not interfere in personal and economic life, as freedom is capable of self-regulation and the formation of the legal order of a free society. Law should be ‘living’, based on independence and maximum freedom. The author advocates the priority of negative rights as those that correspond to human nature. It is argued that modern liberalism is largely dependent on technology, in particular, the Internet, which is complexly regulated and the centre of the deployment of human freedom. The liberal doctrine of negative freedom, state restrictions, human rights, social equality and justice, private property and competition has moved to the global level, where any sphere of life is tested for expanding the boundaries of freedom: behaviour, worldview, self-identification, language, appearance, etc. Such liberalism can no longer be simply referred to by the preposition ‘neo’, it is global liberalism, the boundaries of which are constantly expanding. The author proposes to classify legal liberalism according to the criterion of approaches to the organisation of democratic processes. 1. Organisational, based on the focus on governmental and non-governmental democratic institutions and institutions which, by their functional purpose, should ensure the processes of democracy and the implementation of the principle of individual and collective freedom. 2. Competitive, based on the position that individual and collective freedom develops through equal human opportunities, which in turn imposes the necessary institutions of democracy and human rights.

Culture, self, and the emergence of reactance: Is there a “universal” freedom?

Equality of restraint: Reframing road safety through the ethics of private motorised transport

76 No.2 FOREWORD: CIVIL RIGHTS IN AMERICA: OUR JOURNEY IS NOT COMPLETE By Alicia L. Moore and La Vonne I. Neal Angela Y. Davis's activism and life journey focuses on civil rights and collective freedom. Thus, for the purpose of this discourse we revisited Davis's definition of civil rights: ...the rights of citizens, of all citizens, but because the very nature of citizenship in the United States has always been troubled by the refusal to grant citizenship to subordinate groups—indigenous people, African slaves, women of all racial and economic backgrounds—we tend to think of some people as model citizens, as archetypical citizens, those whose civil rights are never placed in question, the quintessential citizens, and others as having to wage struggles for the right to be regarded as citizens. And some—undocumented immigrants, along with ex felons or "suspected" ex-felons—are beyond the reach of citizenship altogether.1 In 2014, we will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the sixtieth anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education, salient legislative moments in history that mark the journey toward freedom and equality. Authors in this issue of the Black History Bulletin highlight past and present struggles for civil rights and offer suggestions to reframe historical narratives about the civil rights era. In the same spirit, during his second inaugural address in 2013, President Barack Obama reminded us that the journey to civil rights was guided by a belief that we were all created equal. We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths—that all of us are created equal—is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.2 4 BLACK HISTORY BULLETIN Vol. 76, No. 2 President Obama also reminded us that our journey is not complete and, despite legislative milestones, conditions of subjugation remain. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law—for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity—until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until all children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia, to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for and cherished and always safe from harm.3 Despite the milestone of President Barack Obama being the first African American elected President of the United States (twice), our journey is not complete until we are all equal. We conclude our thoughts as we began, with a reflection from Angela Y. Davis. We should be especially aware of how the notion of civil rights, especially for women and people of color, has been redefined in a way that contradicts its collective impact in favor of an individualized interpretation that pits individual white men against groups and classes that have suffered historical discrimination.4 Notes 1. Angela Y. Davis, The Meaning of Freedom and Other Difficult Dialogues (San Francisco: City Light Books, 2012), 181-182. 2. "Inaugural Address by President Barack Obama" (speech, Washington, DC, January 21, 2013), The White House, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press office/2013/01/21/inaugural-address-president-barack obama. 3. Ibid. 4. Davis, The Meaning of Freedom, 131. Teacher Resources 1. Freedom's Song: 100 Years of African-American Struggle and Triumph (Farmers...

“I Need You All to Understand How Pervasive This Issue Is”: User Efforts to Regulate Child Sexual Offending on Social Media

What is democratic backsliding?

The purpose of the work is to investigate the artistic and stylistic practices of V. Hegemyan, which he applied in the process of creative activity in the context of the history of art of Armenia and Ukraine. Emphasis is placed on clarifying biographical facts about the artist and teacher. The research methodology consists in the application of general scientific and special research methods, in particular, analysis, synthesis, induction and deduction, generalization and abstraction, semitic, descriptive, which collectively allowed to consider artistic practices in the work of the artist V. Hegamyan. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that for the first time the facts of the artist's creative biography were introduced into scientific circulation, which made it possible to reveal the intercultural influences of the environment of Ukrainian and Armenian cultures on the formation of V. Hegamyan's creative style. Conclusions. V. Hegamyan's creativity and teaching are frankly synthetic in nature. Both of his activities are based on classical traditions, but as a result are qualitatively new artistic phenomena. Hegamyan's artistic style is a kind of symbiosis of masterful realism and modernist principles of symbolism, expressionism, fauvism, and constructivism embodied in monumental techniques. V. Hegamyan's genre work is widely represented: from studies of classics, landscapes, still lifes, wonderful realistic and conventional portraits to huge genre paintings. There are strong ethnic motifs in the artist's work: both Armenian and Ukrainian, while the artist nevertheless operates with general aesthetic categories, finding his own symbolic and figurative meaning.
 Keywords: artistic practices, work of Valery Hegamyan, Armenian artists, painting, graphics, intercultural relations, Ukrainian art, artist-pedagogue.

Debates about responsibility and responsibilisation pervade contemporary social, political and moral life. Scholars have sought to document and account for the melange of rationalities, pressures, technologies and practices of responsibility and responsibilisation that act on and/or are taken up by individuals, groups and organisations, and how they work to both delimit and create possibilities for individual and collective freedoms. Individually, their articles consider questions of responsibility and responsibilisation in relation to different populations, from children and young people inside and outside of schools, to teachers and students and managers in higher education. Individually and collectively, they provide nuanced insights into the multiplicity of ways that responsibility and responsibilisation work differently in different educational contexts to construct particular social orders and ways of being in the world. The diverse perspectives presented in the collection reinforce the foundational principles of scholarly educational research.

“We Want to Set the World on Fire”: Black Nationalist Women and Diasporic Politics in the<i>New Negro World</i>, 1940–1944

This article develops an ethical justification for local government based on classical liberal theory and analyses its implications for the structure and functions of a system of local governance within a liberal democracy. It will argue that local government ought to determine and implement those policies that do not infringe the interests of those outside its area and represent its views to other agencies where its policies affect others. The principle would require, as a consequence, radical restructuring to secure a multi-tiered system based on spatial communities of interest as is established in much of Europe and North America. The role of the central government in the context on inter-governmental relations would be to act as the guarantor of both individual and collective freedom and equality of opportunity between local governments as well as determining those policies that affect all members within the national polity.

The paper evaluates the adaptation of neoliberal policies in the Indian urban housing policy sector. While completing the objectives of this paper, the article also appraises the expression of neoliberalism as it unfolds in the literature. Neoliberalism is considered a loose set of philosophical, institutional, and political principles to safeguard individual and collective freedom like private property rights, goods and services exchange, movement of capital and labor, etc. Neoliberal policies promote open markets and trade to unbound creative potentials and entrepreneurial skills through efficient utilization of resources and upbringing of human well-being. In a neoliberal regime, cities compete to attract talented people, capital, and resources to achieve newer economic and social benchmarks. However, the constant pursuit of excessive achievements lets some negativities grow within. Large-scale inequality, deprivation, social unrest, and meager quality of life affect the sustainable and holistic development of seemingly most developed cities worldwide. Referring to literature from social sciences, urban planning, and development studies, this paper focuses on the consequences of neoliberalism and its impact on urban housing in India.