An assessment of the Libyan baccalaureate nursing education during political turmoil

There is no doubt that the Libyan society is rich in its demographic and socio-cultural composition, but it was not accompanied by an effective and influential civil society. The tribe was the main controlling factor in the political arena through its political exploitation, especially during the period of Colonel Gaddafi's rule, Rejecting every political color under the pretext of "Who demonstrates other Islamic and civil parties , betrays," and "the partisan abortion of democracy," and the representation of the representation of the "and other political armaments abhorrent, a ranking of the aforementioned is the problem statement of the President’s question of: What is the nature of the role of parties and civil society organizations in political life?. The study aims to identify the emergence of political parties in Libya, clarifying the map of the Islamic parties involved in Libyan political life, and then highlighting the role of civil parties in Libyan political life, as well as standing in the reality of civil society organizations in Libyan political life. The study is a descriptive, descriptive method and a critical analytical approach to understand, study, describe and analyze the role of political parties and civil society organizations and their tools in shaping the political system of Libya, reaching the most important results which was recently created for the first time after the fall of Gaddafi reflected a competitive dynamic, but still lacks the ability to declare specific political programs and identify their political identity and position on current issues related to development issues that Libya seeks to achieve. Following the Libyan revolution in February, a large number of civil society institutions and organizations But it is still limited in activity and there is no presence in all regions of Libya, which reflects the initiative and seek to control the formation of gatherings and federations without having a practical translation at the grassroots level throughout the country.

This study identifies the relationship between local stakeholder pressures and Korean foreign subsidiaries’ corporate social responsibility (CSR) from the stakeholder theory perspective. We classify local stakeholders into primary and secondary groups by their business relatedness as well as foreign subsidiaries’ CSR activities into responsive and strategic CSR by taking into account their willingness. By analyzing survey data of 177 Korean foreign subsidiaries, the key findings are as follows. First, local primary stakeholders, such as customers, employees and suppliers, have a positive impact on responsive CSR activities, but no influence on strategic CSR. In contrast, directly business related primary stakeholders have greater effect on responsive CSR activities rather than on strategic ones. Second, local secondary stakeholders in host countries, such as governments, non-government organizations (NGOs) and local communities, have strong influence on both responsive and strategic CSR activities, whereas secondary stakeholder groups have more influences on strategic CSR activities rather than responsive ones. This means that local secondary stakeholder groups have a strong expectation about subsidiaries’ aggressive social innovation and resource investment to solve issues with local involvement, while primary groups may have some defensive attitude toward business related strategic CSR. This exploratory study finds that foreign subsidiaries should exercise effective change management programs towards primary local stakeholders to practice business and innovation driven strategic CSR activities successfully.

Aim: This study aims to analyse the roles and contributions of civil society organizations on good governance in Bangladesh. This study examines the roles and contributions of civil society organizations in fostering good governance in Bangladesh, while also analysing the relationship between civil society organizations and good governance through various topics and initiatives. Method: Qualitative research method was used in this study. The paper analysed the growth, roles, and difficulties faced by civil society in Bangladesh when trying to encourage good governance through a literature review approach. The literature study includes several sources, such as academic journals, books, reports, and policy documents. Findings: In line with the findings, it is difficult for Bangladeshi civil society organizations to remain politically impartial and autonomous on a national and regional level, often aligning with political parties to promote political interests. The role of religion, democratization, colonialism, and political culture in the interplay with CSOs on governance in Bangladesh will help CSOs and policymakers develop strategies that may not involve the same level of interest groups in order to enhance governance. Result: The complexities faced by civil society organizations have further intensified due to governance practices, political turmoil, military-backed interventions, and democratic instability during different political regimes. Civil society organizations in Bangladesh have been grappling with these challenges while attempting to fulfil their roles. Maintaining an impartial environment for civil society, free from politicization and fundamentalism, to facilitate diverse participation and contribute to a home-grown governance system. By addressing the measures, civil society in Bangladesh can truly fulfil its potential as a catalyst for positive change and a driving force though difficulties. Originality: The study's findings are anticipated to significantly benefit scholars about civil society organizations and good governance. Furthermore, the study will be advantageous for policymakers and civil society organizations. The research seeks to improve collaboration among various institutions by offering evidence-based insights, hence fostering more good governance processes. This collaboration is essential for cultivating a stronger civil society capable of effectively tackling modern challenges.

In the concluding section of my preceding assessment of the political situation inThailand (see eastasia.at, Vol. 4, No. 2, December 2005), I anticipated six monthsof suspense. Factors assumed to contribute to this suspense were the decision ofthe Supreme Administrative Court on the privatization of the Electricity GeneratingAuthority of Thailand (EGAT); a disappointing cabinet reshuffle; the second Senateelection on 19 April 2006 producing a TRT-dominated Upper House; and ano-confidence debate against a number of ministers for alleged corruption. In reality,the course of political events unexpectedly accelerated. On 24 February 2006,Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra dissolved the House of Representatives andcalled for new elections to be held on 2 April.From the “Sondhi Phenomenon” to “Thaksin ook pai !”After Sondhi Limthongkul—the founder of the newspaper Manager, and since lateSeptember 2005 on a self-styled mission to rescue the Thai nation from theclutches of “Thaksinocracy” by calling for a royally-appointed government—on 13January 2006 led about 3,000 protestors from Lumpini Park to Government House,his star seemed on the wane. A few hundred of Sondhi’s followers had forced theirway into the compound. Many observers thought that this action went too far.Moreover, it was lamented that Sondhi could not present any new revelations aboutThaksin’s alleged myriad of serious wrongdoings. Reflecting on the possibility thatpolitically-oriented non-governmental organizations (NGOs) could join Sondhi inwhat appeared to be a personally motivated retaliation campaign against the primeminister, Thirayuth Boonmee, a leading social critic, said that “activists needed moreevidence of corruption to try to bring down the Thaksin government” (The Nation, 15Jan. 2006). The Nation (20 Jan. 2006) proclaimed that “Mob politics is not theanswer,” and spoke of the “self-styled Thaksin haters-cum-reformists” with their“less-than-transparent cause.” The editorial continued:It is not inconceivable that a genuine people’s movement for politicalreform can arise from Sondhi’s campaign. It is simply a matter ofrebalancing the mix: more rationality, less raw emotion, more publiceducation, less incitement.[i]Since Sondhi’s “crusade against Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra falters”(Bangkok Post, 22 Jan. 2006), a mass demonstration at Sanam Luang, announcedfor 4 February, was generally seen as a good way for Sondhi to achieve a “softlanding” (ibid.) of his campaign. He had announced that he would end that event bysubmitting a petition to the King and then withdraw from organizing any moreprotests. In short, Thaksin’s political life seemed well on its way to being relieved ofsome burden. Even this burden should not have been taken as seriously as manyobservers and political actors did, thus increasing political tension. After all, in ademocracy, one should not be too surprised that some people are unhappy withwhat the government does. Neither should the public demonstration of such dissentbe perceived as something unusual in an open political order.[ii] In any case, Political Turmoil in Thailand: Thaksin, Protests, Elections, and the King

Achieving the Sustainable Development Goals Requires Transdisciplinary Innovation at the Local Scale

Conservation Science and NGOs

This study combined uncertainty analysis of carbon emissions with local stakeholders' perspectives to develop an effective Reducing Emission from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) scheme at the district level. Uncertainty of carbon emission estimates depends on scale while local stakeholders' views on plausible REDD+ schemes influence and limit transaction costs. The uncertainty analysis formed the basis for determining an appropriate scale for monitoring carbon emission estimates as performance measures for REDD+ incentives. Our analysis of stakeholder’ perspectives explored (i) potential location and activities for lower emission development pathways, and (ii) perceived fair allocation of REDD+incentives. Our case study focused on frontier forest in Tanjung Jabung Barat District, Jambi, Indonesia. The uncertainty analysis used Monte Carlo simulation techniques using known inaccuracy of land cover classification and variation in carbon stocks assessment per land cover type. With decreasing spatial resolution of carbon emission maps, uncertainty in carbon estimates decreased. At 1 km2 resolution uncertainty dropped below 5 %, retaining most of the coarser spatial variation in the district. Fairness, efficiency and transaction cost issues in the design of REDD+ mechanisms were readily recognized by local stakeholders, who converged on an equal allocation to short-term efficiency (emission reduction activities) and long-term fairness (alternative livelihood development). A striking difference occurred in desirable transaction costs (which include monitoring, reporting and verification), with Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) aiming for 8 %, while government and researchers accepted transaction costs of 40 %. Feasible measures for emission reduction in the district, derived from a participatory planning process, are compatible with the 1 km2 spatial resolution of performance measures.

While numerous Marine Protected Areas (MPA) have been created in the last decades, their effectiveness must be assessed in the context of the country’s biodiversity conservation policies and must be verified by local observations. Currently, the observations of local stakeholders, such as those from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), academics, government civil servants, journalists, and fishers, are not considered in any MPA database. The Sea Around Us has added observations from local stakeholders to address this gap, adding their perspectives to its reconstructed fisheries catch database, and to at least one MPA in each country’s Exclusive Economic Zone. It is important to pursue and incentivize stakeholder knowledge sharing to achieve a better understanding of the current level of marine protection, as this information is a valuable addition to the existing MPA databases. To address this gap, we demonstrated that personal emails containing a one-question questionnaire about the fishing levels in an MPA are an excellent way to gather data from local stakeholders, and that this works especially well for respondents in NGOs, academia, and governments. Of the stakeholders who replied to our personalized email, 66% provided us with the fishing level of the MPA that we asked for. The paper also presents how to access this information through the Sea Around Us website, which details in anonymized form the most common fishing levels for each selected MPA, as perceived or observed by different local stakeholder groups. This information is a unique and novel addition to a website that is concerned with marine conservation and contributes to a more accurate and inclusive discourse around MPAs. This information also helps to identify the gaps that need to be addressed to turn ‘paper parks’ (i.e., MPAs that are legally designated but not effective) into effective MPAs, which can contribute to climate-resilient ‘blue economies’.

Rethinking zero deforestation beyond 2020 to more equitably and effectively conserve tropical forests

IntroductionWhile several studies have focussed on the experiences of women living with infertility, there is a paucity of information related to understandings, representations and actions of key stakeholders (i.e. organisations and individual actors involved in activities or professional care surrounding infertility) when it comes to infertility in Sub-Saharan Africa. This ethnographic study conducted in The Gambia, West Africa, focuses on how key stakeholders in the country understand infertility, and on their activities to improve the lives of people with infertility.MethodologyThis ethnographic study draws on primary and secondary data for thematic analysis. Primary qualitative data were collected using in-depth interviews, observations, informal conversations and group discussion with various stakeholders (i.e. health care providers and representatives of non-governmental, governmental and international organisations). Sources of secondary data included government and non-governmental reports and media outputs.ResultsResults illustrated that most key stakeholders had a good understanding of the cultural frameworks and social realities of women living with infertility, with less focus on, or awareness of, men’s experiences of infertility. We distinguished three different positions of these actors and organisations, first, the infertility supporters, i.e. those who despite political challenges and a lack of funding, initiated activities to raise awareness about the problems people with infertility are facing and aim to increase access to infertility services. The second are moderate supporters, i.e. those who recognise the problems infertility poses and whose organisations target some of the perceived causes of infertility (i.e. lack of health education and harmful cultural practices). A third group of neutral or moderate opponents consist mainly of formal health care providers who do not consider infertility a current priority, given many competing demands in the resource-constrained healthcare system.ConclusionWhile international donors still largely neglect the emotional and social implications of infertility in Sub-Saharan African countries, some local stakeholders are working to bring services closer to people with infertility. The efforts of these local stakeholders require support and integration, and should include engaging with different groups for widespread sensitisation to reduce stigma and promote attendance to health centres for reproductive health challenges.

In the Warner Bros. movie The Fighting 69th directed by William Keighley (1940), men arriving at Camp Mills discover army training akin to the assembly line. A montage sequence shows recruits sequentially receiving inspections, medicals, and uniforms. With a business-like efficiency, officers oversee the martial production line, charging tardy recruits with: "holding up the war!" The film's model for preparing to go to war reflects Warner Bros.' corporate and filmmaking factory identity within the studio system era. The movie's all-male cast demonstrates that the difficulty of preparing women for war was testing the studio's resourcefulness. Warner Bros.' movies throughout the 1930s appropriated corporate philosophy to troubleshoot the widening range of problems America faced: The Great Depression, political turmoil, rising crime, and the growing strength of belligerent nations.1 Often these social problem films feature male and female characters together negotiating the issues of the day. Presenting women in war pictures though can pose more problems than it solves.2 KeywordsDaily VarietyFemale CharacterFilm IndustryFunny BusinessTrade PaperThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Successful community-based wildlife monitoring necessitates a high degree of local participation during sampling design and data collection. Here, we describe a community-based monitoring framework to estimate density and habitat use of the threatened jaguar ( Panthera onca) in tropical montane forests in the Chinantla region of Oaxaca, Mexico. Community-based monitoring was completed involving integration with local communities, local governmental agencies, nongovernmental organizations, and academic institutions. In a camera-trap survey (37 stations, 2,553 trap-days), we recorded eight adult jaguars across 182.7 km2 of montane forest. Spatially explicit capture–recapture models estimated a density of 1.15 jaguars per 100 km2 (CI = 0.55–2.38) using a more traditional likelihood-based method and 1.16 jaguars per 100 km2 (CI = 0.89–1.57) using Bayesian methods. The locations of jaguar captures and their habitat use appeared to be influenced by normalized vegetation index and capture rate of prey. Density estimates in the Chinantla region were lower than recorded for other lowland populations in Mexico but were consistent with elevation-based and latitudinal gradients across the range of the species. The community-based monitoring of jaguars increased the communication and interaction of local community groups, stakeholders, and academic institutions. It also provided participants with an increased knowledge of wildlife identification, transferable skills, wildlife appreciation, and an interest in reaching compromises to achieve habitat conservation. Our study provides a framework for the execution of community-based monitoring for large carnivores in Mexico and can be readily replicated and applied to other threatened species.

Beyond emergency care: challenges to health planning in complex emergencies.

The revival of the civil society movement was triggered by the fall of communism in the east-bloc countries and the so-called third-wave democracy in many developing countries, and the notion of reinventing the government’s role in the west. Inspired by these phenomena, this written literature research examined the impact of these transitions occurring in the late nineties on environmental governance, especially regarding the role of civil society. The research focused on the role of civil society to provide a theoretical framework for the dynamic adaptations occurring in the Indonesian government in relation to the emerging civil society movements and the political turmoil (from authoritarian to more democratic governance) associated with them. This was done by emphasizing, first, the changing of acts regulating decentralization throughout the three-layered governmental structure. Secondly, I examined how governmental institutions dealt with environmental protection and how the civil society movements worked. This study demonstrated that civil society movements are not a single homogenous entity. Secondly, dissemination of power among governmental structures was not merely a technical matter aiming to provide a better service but also a notion of political power contestation. Thirdly, the dynamic relationships within civil society organizations, the multi-level governmental institutions, and the various stakeholders in the private sector have led to a mode of governance that cannot be designed to achieve a common goal. This formulated the main finding of my study, which proposes that “governance by accident” instead of “governance by designed” should be considered a new model of environmental governance.

Three overarching features characterize the recent economic evolution of Egypt and Tunisia. First, they were the celebrated macroeconomic “success stories” of neoliberalism in the Arab Mediterranean and participated fully in the worldwide economic boom of the 2000-2008 period. Second, the accompanying spread of negative features ultimately underpinned the uprisings of 2010-2011, including unemployment, especially among educated youth, poverty, especially in the neglected hinterlands, expanding informal sectors, corruption and cronyism, electoral fraud, and repression of labor, civil society organizations and political opposition. Third, as of March 2014, none of the governments that followed the ousting of the Mubarak and Ben Ali regimes had presented a coherent program for more equitable and sustainable economic transformation, while political turmoil, violence – two political assassinations in Tunisia and the overthrow of the elected president in Egypt -- and instability prevailed. Aside from the perpetuation of stagnation in an atmosphere of mistrust and uncertainty, there was a spectrum of possible approaches for economic transformation. From “right to left” these included (1) neoliberalism with an inclusive mask, as promoted by the IFIs and Deauville Partnership, (2) a developmental state and industrial policy in the East Asian mode, (3) a more egalitarian developmental state as proposed by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and International Labor Organization (ILO), and (4) a citizen-led developmental state as encoded in the work of NGOs and the independent trade union movement.