An Anglo-Dutch Power Couple

<p>Power in international relations can be defined in several different ways. Power can be understood as a goal of states or leaders involving a measure of influence or control over outcomes, events, actors and issues; achieving victory in conflict and the attainment of security; control over resources and capabilities; or status, which some states or actors possess and other do not. Modern discourse in international relations generally speaks in terms of state power, indicating both economic and military power. The capabilities to handle those above functions are different from state to state and can be measured in different ways as well as with respect to different dimensions, among which “hard” and “soft” power can be taken into consideration. In the policy-making process of any states, hard power and soft power strategies are rarely separated but they are, in fact, closely related. The relationship between hard power and soft power has become an increasingly popular topic both inside and outside the USA in considering how to strengthen its status in the world arena, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. American politicians, businessmen and scholars have constantly stressed the need and the opportunities of using soft power instead of hard power to manage the USA’s international relations, especially in this important region. The policy of the U.S. government towards this region is reflected through its strategic rebalance towards the Asia-Pacific region, which was announced by the Obama Administration in 2010. Since it came into being, this strategy has been described by several names including “return”, “pivot” or “rebalancing to Asia”. Although the strategy may be referred to by different names, it aims at describing the new prioritization in the foreign and national security policy of the United States. In order to examine the importance of both “hard” and “soft” power in international relations, American soft power and the implementation of its soft power in the “rebalancing” strategy, four research questions come to mind. They are: 1. What are the definitions soft power and hard power in international relations? 2. How does the US make use of both hard and soft power in building its capabilities and position in the region of Asia-Pacific? 3. What are the US’s intentions in its announced shift in focus to the Asia-Pacific region? 4. What are the regional responses to the US’ policy including by Vietnam? 5. What ensures the future success of the rebalance in the region? Due to the US’s growing emphasis on the use of soft power, the research will focus specifically on two questions; what are the soft power strategies of the US in this region; and what are Vietnam’s attitudes towards these strategies. If one can distinguish soft power elements in this policy shift, it is still important to consider the role of hard power elements and what larger regional role the US will play if its policy shift is successful. The focus of the research is on US actions and will exclude the effects of the policy on domestic policies in the Asia-Pacific, with the exception of briefly summarizing the changing stance of regional countries, thereby, showing the effects of American soft power on the region and on the US itself. Before examining the research questions, a theoretical framework will be provided in the first section of this paper discussing the content of hard power and soft power as described by several political analysts and theorists. This aims at giving an idea of the numerous definitions attached to hard and soft power as well as to lay out the analytical tools for the third section in which the “pivot” in the US’s Asia-Pacific policy will be examined. In the next section, regional attitudes towards the US’ “rebalancing” strategy, especially Vietnam’s, will be surveyed. The thesis will conclude with a discussion on whether these strategies are in line with the US’s use of soft power with their policies in other parts of the world and why the use of soft power, which can help to ensure the successes of this policy direction, does not yet seem to have received adequate attention. The significance of the study will be to enhance understanding of the role of hard and soft power in building the US’s status in the world arena, especially in realizing its “return to Asia” strategy. Moreover, this study may interest those whose work is closely related to the US and its policies, especially in the Asia-Pacific region, enabling them to have more understanding, which they can use to initiate appropriate strategies in their work. It is obvious from the broad audiences above that a census is not feasible for this study. Accordingly, the research approach includes informal interviews in which a sample from the target population of interested parties is used for the study. In total, a sample of 20 was selected. First, the target population was divided into political leadership, governmental officials and other relevant peoples in the Asia-Pacific region. Then they were grouped into those who are experienced, non-experienced and little experienced in working with the US. This ensured a fair representation of each group since their understanding and experiences are significantly different. The focus of the study is on personal attitudes and perceptions and the importance of primary data cannot be over-emphasized. Before the collection of actual data, the researcher sent introductory letters from the Vietnam Union of Friendship Organizations to the sampled offices and institutions. The initial visit to the selected offices and institutions was therefore to introduce the researcher, obtain familiarity with those offices and institutions as well as seek their consent for the study. The researcher collected data by administering a questionnaire. The questionnaire used open questions, consisting of five questions seeking to answer research questions related to soft power and the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. The results of the study should provide interested parties with a panorama of the US’s “return to Asia” strategy, its contributions to development in relations between the US and the region’s countries and Vietnam’s responses to it with specific respect to its soft power elements. In particular, the insights yielded by the study into the role of soft power should tell much about the likely success of this policy and its implications for those in the region who interact with the US. Although this research was carefully prepared, it still has some limitations. First, the research was conducted in such a short time that it was not possible for the researcher to read all the materials related to the topic. Therefore, the thesis cannot reflect all aspects of the issue. Second, the population of the sample population was small, only 20. In addition, since the researcher conducted the interviews herself, it is unavoidable that a certain degree of subjectivity can be found in this study.</p>

This research analyzes the soft power and cultural diplomacy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Over the years, the Kingdom has been using its cultural diplomacy as an instrument of foreign policy for the promotion of its soft power at regional and global level. The analysis suggest the use of soft power and cultural diplomacy are part of Kingdom’s foreign policy, bringing a wider gesture of aptness and goodwill. In this sense, the study of cultural diplomacy allows the understanding of new concepts and ideas of international insertion, with the participation of higher education institutions, research centers, government agencies and non-governmental organizations. King Abdullah has pioneered this initiative of soft power projection of the Kingdom through cultural diplomacy. The study revolves around the era of King Abdullah (2005-2015) while significant reinforcement of this policy is undertaken by King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS).

This study aims to examine the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), a prominent international organization representing Muslim-majority states, and its utilization of soft power tools to advance its objectives and influence global affairs. The authors use soft power as a theoretical framework throughout the research. The principal aim of the study is to analyze how the OIC leverages various soft power instruments, including diplomacy, cultural exchange, development assistance, and interfaith dialogue, to promote its agenda on issues like human rights, peacebuilding, and economic cooperation. This research employs a qualitative approach, utilizing content analysis of official OIC documents, speeches, and resolutions, alongside academic literature and secondary sources. This journal article reveals the specific soft power tools employed by the OIC and their relative effectiveness, the challenges and limitations faced by the OIC in utilizing soft power as well as the impact of the OIC's soft power efforts on international relations and global issues relevant to Muslim-majority states. It contributes to a deeper understanding of the OIC's role in international relations and its strategic use of soft power. It also provides valuable insights for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners interested in Muslim-majority states' engagement with the global community and the dynamics of soft power in the contemporary world.

Since its reunification, Germany has struggled with the dilemma of power. Many of Germany’s European allies feared the possibility of a resurgently powerful German nation that would revert to power politics and endanger the established European order. Such worries were prevalent even among many Germans who, still struggling with their past, weren’t sure that they could trust themselves with the use of power. Yet Germany, just as any other country, had foreign policy objectives and global responsibilities that sometimes required the use of power to achieve. This article examines how Germany responded to this dilemma and how the use of both hard and soft power have evolved in German foreign policy since reunification. It demonstrates that at first Germany relied almost exclusively on the use of soft power. As Germany established trust among its allies, the international community, and its own citizens, it gradually began to increase its use of hard power and to take on greater international responsibilities. Today Germany uses a mixture of soft and hard power – what Richard Armitage and Joseph Nye have dubbed smart power – to meet its foreign policy goals and to fulfill its international responsibilities.

Globalization and the changing balance of power in the world have led to changes in international politics and the emergence of new forms of diplomatic activity. In their foreign policy, states increasingly attach importance to the public opinion of citizens of other countries, as well as forms of communication and interaction that these societies establish with each other. The new understanding of diplomacy now attaches more importance to soft power, culture and civil society, building a national brand. Policies and ways of using soft power are implemented primarily through cultural diplomacy, which is based on finding commonalities between different cultures. This article discusses the concept of soft power which is an important issue in modern theory of international relations. The concept of soft power which expresses another dimension of power is a type of power that is more difficult to define, express, measure, and evaluate. Today, it can be argued that the use of soft power is the most common method used by international actors which is changing with the international structure and the development of conditions in this direction. In this context the article examines the soft power of the Republic of Turkey, its role in foreign policy, and ways of implementing it. The authors focus separately on the cultural and educational aspects of Turkey’s formation of its identity in the world, the directions of its public diplomacy, and the role of individual institutions and state bodies in this process. After the end of the Cold War, Turkey underwent several stages of political transformation and changes in the ideological concepts of its foreign policy. Guided by the ideas of Pan-Turkism and the need for economic development, in the last decade of the 2000s TR increased its presence in the region, especially in Turkic-speaking countries. Cultural expansion becomes a model of the use of soft power, creates the national image of the country, but does not give the desired results. It is argued that the concept of soft power has played a greater role in Turkey’s foreign policy since The Justice and Development Party came to power and has become a new dimension of its foreign policy strategy.

This chapter examines the use and effectiveness of Japan's soft power. It describes the objectives, actors, and budget of Japan's public diplomacy, and compares them with those of other countries. The chapter then evaluates the effect of Japan's soft power on the relationship between Japan and the United States. It also evaluates the effectiveness of Japan's use of soft power in achieving its foreign policy objectives toward the United States. It is difficult to determine the relative weight given to public diplomacy in the overall structure and activities of Japan's foreign policy. Public diplomacy is considered important at the Embassy of Japan in Washington, DC. The embassy is the center of the JET (Japan Exchange and Teaching) Program in the United States, with two resident JET coordinators. Ambassador Kato Ryozo and other key members of the embassy support the embassy's efforts in conducting various cultural, educational, and academic programs as well as exchanges to enhance Japan's images in the United States.

Using four emerging powers as a case study (China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey), this paper examined how the current redistribution of power in the contemporary world has affected the Western Balkan region. The objective was to shed light on the ability of the emerging powers to make use of soft power to increase their influence. This paper demonstrated that the growing presence in the Western Balkan region of these emerging powers occurred to the detriment of traditional actors in the region, in particular to the European Union and the United States. While Russia favored political instability in the region to increase its grip, China proposed a new economic project to reach the European market and expand its own norms. As far as Saudi Arabia and Turkey were concerned, both states privileged the use of religious soft power in Muslim-majority countries. The paper concluded that a rapid European response is required today if the EU wants to remain the most influential actor in the Western Balkans.

The article examines the concept of soft power in the context of Chinese political culture and its significance. The main focus is on the adaptation and transformation of the concept of soft power in China's political strategy, as well as its role in promoting the country's interests in the international arena. The novelty of the study is a comprehensive analysis of the use of soft power in Chinese political culture, focusing on the country's traditional values, the "One Belt, One Road" initiative, the activities of Confucius Institutes, and interaction with modern tools such as digital technologies. The purpose of the study is to identify the features of China's use of soft power and assess its effectiveness in the context of geopolitical processes. The main objectives of our study are to study the theoretical foundations of the concept of soft power and its adaptation in Chinese political culture; analyze the main tools of China's soft power; assess the results of the use of soft power in the international arena; identify the main difficulties and limitations of the use of soft power in China's strategy. The research methods include the analysis of official documents, strategies, media sources, and a comparative analysis of the works of researchers devoted to the concept of soft power. The results of the study show that China actively uses soft power to strengthen its international image and expand its influence. The article identifies both successful examples of the implementation of soft power and the difficulties associated with its perception by the international community. Keywords: soft power, Chinese political culture, international influence, "One Belt, One Road" initiative, Confucius Institutes, digital diplomacy, geopolitics, cultural policy.

Current instability in the world emphasizes the importance of using soft power tools to promote state interests in other regions of the world. A key example in this regard is China's soft power strategy, supported by the appropriate communication strategy tools. The aim of this paper is to identify China's strategy in using various communication tools, including cultural exchanges, media projects, and educational programs to strengthen its soft power and influence in the East Asian region. Paper provides an analysis of China's strategic use of the concept of soft power to expand its influence on the international arena, with an emphasis on the East Asian region. The paper analyzez how China abandoning traditional methods of direct coercion (military force, economic sanctions), focuses on engagement and cooperation through cultural appeal, economic initiatives, and diffusion of values. It is determined that for the region of East Asia, the central element of this strategy is the Belt and Road Initiative, which is aimed at deepening economic integration and cultural exchange, which is supported by measures in the fields of education, science, technology, as well as active participation in international organizations. The importance of information policy and media space in shaping global opinion and a positive image of China is emphasized, including the expansion of media space abroad through platforms such as CGTN and Xinhua. In addition, the use of social media and digital platforms to promote Chinese views and values plays a key role in the soft power strategy. The effectiveness of China's soft power in building sustainable international partnerships and strengthening its position in the region is highlighted, paying attention to the challenges and prospects of such an approach. China's efforts to develop infrastructure, promote cultural exchange and economic interaction with countries in the region are analyzed, emphasizing the strategic importance of soft power to ensure China's long-term global influence. The proposed paper may be useful for researchers, analysts in the field of diplomacy in East Asia, state and local authorities. Future research is planned to focus on the study of China's communication strategy in the context of the use of soft power, analyzing the possible bans of Chinese social networks in the leading countries of the world considering the situation with the potential ban of TikTok in the US. Keywords: Soft Power; Communication Strategy; China; East Asia; Economic Diplomacy

The article explores the formation of a positive international image of states as an element of political and legal strategy in the context of global competition and transformations in the international information environment. A comparative analysis of soft power tools used by countries in the states in three key regions of the world: Asia-Pacific Region (APR), the European Union (EU), and the Middle East to construct a positive international image, enhance national influence, and legitimize political and legal narratives on the global stage was conducted. Particular attention is given to instruments such as cultural diplomacy, international broadcasting, educational exchange programs, digital presence, legal rhetoric in international forums, and humanitarian initiatives. The comparative approach reveals the regional specifics of soft power models: the EU’s value-driven approach, the pragmatic influence policies of APR countries (particularly China, Japan, and South Korea), and the hybrid model of Middle Eastern states combining religious, media, and economic levers. Attention is drawn to the challenges and limitations in the use of soft power as part of a legal strategy, including narrative competition, information wars, crises of trust in state actors, and ethical dilemmas. Examples of successful practices (South Korea, Japan, France, UAE) are analyzed and conclusions are drawn regarding the prospects for the use of soft power as a tool of influence in a global context. The final part of the article provides practical recommendations for Ukraine on the adaptation of successful models. The study concludes that the effective construction of a state’s image requires a systematic combination of political, legal, and informational tools within a coherent public diplomacy strategy.

The domestic policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the use of soft power. On the basis of this policy, the promotion and promotion of spiritual and cultural values is carried out as its special direction. Cultural diplomacy, the main instrument of soft power politics, characterized as a form of cultural struggle, is the basis of the ethics of peaceful coexistence. The only way to avoid controlled conflicts and wars is to expand the influence of cultural and spiritual values as a tool of "soft power" in diplomacy. The Azerbaijani government knows that the most powerful technologies and weapons of the 21st century are helpless before the influence created through cultural diplomacy, and carry out extensive activities to preserve, popularize and promote the national and spiritual values of our people.

This research delves into the evolving nature of power in international relations, focusing on the concept of soft power. Introduced by Joseph Nye in the 1990s, soft power is defined as the ability to influence others through attraction and persuasion rather than coercion or force. The study highlights how nations leverage cultural diplomacy, public opinion, and historical narratives to enhance their soft power and achieve foreign policy objectives. The article examines various methods through which soft power is projected, such as cultural exchanges, media influence, and the promotion of national values and ideals. It explores the role of non-state actors, including NGOs and multinational corporations, in shaping global perceptions and aligning foreign populations with a nation’s policies. Case studies of countries like China, Turkey, India, and the United States illustrate diverse approaches to employing soft power in international affairs. China’s strategic use of environmental diplomacy and Turkey’s deployment of the Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency (TIKA) are highlighted as examples of how emerging powers utilize soft power to strengthen their global influence. The research also underscores the importance of integrating regional historical narratives and cultural elements into foreign policy to sustain diplomatic relations and promote national interests, with the depiction of the vibrant regional-historical narratives of India. By employing qualitative analysis, reviewing academic literature, policy documents, and specific national case studies to uncover patterns and strategies in the use of soft power, the findings reveal that effective soft power strategies are crucial for modern diplomacy, offering nations a means to project power and achieve foreign policy goals without resorting to military force. The article asserts that understanding and harnessing soft power is essential for navigating the complexities of global diplomacy in a multipolar world. By appealing the shared cultural values and fostering positive international relations, nations can enhance their global standing and influence through non-coercive means.

The two-way nature of the use of soft power, which requires the presence of cultural "recipients" and "donors", is considered. It is noted that in the digital age, the role of non-state actors is increasing, one of which is TNCs acting as creators and conduits of soft power. A brief retrospective analysis of the role of TNCs in the cultural expansion of the West is carried out. The history of TNCs is divided into three periods, depending on the methods of cultural expansion used. It is explained for what reason the modern period is an active use of soft power. It is noted that the use of soft power is impossible without cultural donors supporting and symbolizing the broadcast ideas. The role of PR in the process of creating a wide range of cultural "donors" is described, which is based on creating a positive image of the broadcast culture among its representatives, formed by influencing the emotional level. The use of soft power has been compared to impression management. A channel connecting participants in the process of using soft power is described, based on the psychological phenomena of a crowd formed in virtual reality, which is a feature of the cultural expansion of the digital era. Due to the dissolution of personal and cultural individuality, a virtual crowd creates an extra-cultural space in which the values of one culture become universal. In the future, versatility allows them to be integrated into the "recipient" culture. Integration takes place through the promotion of a positive image of a "donor" culture based on broadcast ideals, which forms the opposition "problematic friend - ideal stranger".

Türkiye has grabbed the world’s attention in the last three decades for its strategic use of soft power as an instrument of cultural diplomacy. Buoyed by relative economic success in the post-Cold War period, the new ruling elites of Türkiye used Islamic practices and value-system, particularly its Ottoman past, as tools of the soft power in cultural diplomacy. Turkish dizis (television series), particularly those based on historical figures, have played a critical role in the nation branding exercise of Türkiye. These dizis have not only created a soft spot for the country, and boosted its tourism, but it also helped the government, particularly President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan project himself as a leader with potentials to lead the Muslim world or Ummah. This article assesses the role of Turkish dizis as a soft power instrument in cultural diplomacy and the nation branding of Türkiye. Interestingly, Turkish dizis were primarily produced for domestic consumption, and were not necessarily targeting foreign audience, at least in the beginning. Thus, they perform the dual function of molding public opinion within the country, while also helping create a positive image about Türkiye and its past among the foreign audience. But nostalgia of the past alone is not sufficient, if not complemented by reciprocal actions on the ground.

Since 1958, China has constructed over 140 sports facilities around the world. Previous research into stadium diplomacy lacks definitional clarity, has not systematically investigated the phenomenon, and crucially, has failed to explain why China employs stadium diplomacy where it does. This article defines the phenomenon and locates all known cases without temporal or geographic restrictions. We create a classification system and typology, permitting a comparison of theoretically-like types to develop and test a multi-determinant theory. We find empirical evidence that China employs stadium diplomacy to secure natural resources and to secure diplomatic recognition in line with the One-China policy. These findings have important implications for scholarship into the use of soft power within interstate rivalry, and the methodology demonstrates that a clear typology of soft power which is mutually exclusive and logically exhaustive can be created and is informative. Keywords: China, stadium diplomacy, soft power, interstate rivalry