'All the different routes we walk and the knowledge they can’t take away from us.’

The article analyzes the political life of the Republic of Belarus in the period from 1991 to 2004. The events related to the election campaign of A. Lukashenko, first elections in Belarus in 1994, and elections of 2001 are directly covered in the study. Clearly defined plans and methods of Lukashenko's policy. The article shows the most important stages of the Belarusian domestic policy. The first steps of the Belarusian politicians after the collapse of the USSR, the struggle for the presidency, the formation of democratic opposition to the Belarusian Communist Party, the preparation and signing of the Belovezha Accords 1991 are analyzed. The author studied the perception, in Ukraine, of the reasons, preconditions, and fact of the Belovezha Accords 1991, the appearance in great politics of A. Lukashenko. The visions of some Ukrainian researchers, who believe that the process of building an independent Belarus was initially successful and gradually implemented all the plans of the new leadership of the country, were traced. Assessments of socio-political processes in Belarus after the collapse of the USSR in Ukraine have been submitted. The reaction of the Ukrainian public to A. Lukashenko's victory on the presidential election 1994 and the attitude of experts on referendums of 1995, 1996, and 2004 are highlighted. These political events returned the country towards growing a dictatorial regime headed by the president, who almost completely controlled the state, economic and social areas of life in the country. After that, parliamentary and presidential election campaigns became a formality in order to preserve the form of democracy in Belarus. The view of the Belarusians on independence and the Soviet past is analyzed. The events in the Republic of Belarus were a clear example, they say, of how the system should be stabilized after the overlong political, economic and social crisis caused by the collapse of the Soviet system in the post-Soviet countries. The dictatorial policy and absolute control of Moscow formed a specific image of the Republic of Belarus in the European political arena. Keywords Republic of Belarus, A. Lukashenko, S. Shushkevich, Kuropaty, presidential election

This paper evaluates Nigeria’s press coverage of political crises and conflicts during the President Obasanjo (Second Term) regime of 2003-2007. The major focus of this paper is to assess the role of the Nigerian press in the struggle for political positions, which breeds crises and conflicts especially in a pluralistic society. It is the position of the paper that the Nigerian press has not fared very well in reporting political conflicts and crises because of the advocacy position adopted by most of them. It is also observed that editorial influence on the part of publishers may not be unconnected with this trend. Using the content analytical research method as the main instrument of data generation, this paper submits that the Nigerian press has operated more as active players in political crises and conflicts than as an impartial judge of such crises and conflicts. This has negatively affected the management of such crises and conflicts. The paper therefore cautions against advocacy journalism in the Nigerian media industry and suggests more public participation in the media industry through “people” ownership. The press should also strive towards better professional and ethical practices in the industry and ensures that it only engages in constructive and balanced reporting of conflicts and issues.

Paul Kleppner, The Cross of Culture: A Social Analysis of Midwestern Politics, 1850-1900. New York: The Free Press, 1970. x + 402 pp., tables, appendixes, notes, bibl., index, $9.00. Richard Jensen, The Winning of the Midwest: Social and Political Conflict, 1888-1896. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971. xvii + 357 pp., tables, appendix, notes, guide to sources, index, $12.50. Studies of political behaviour in the late nineteenth century have customarily suffered from three defects: institutionalism, elitism, and partisanship. By focusing on the activities of leaders in election cam- paigns and governmental affairs, historians have neglected to explore the behaviour of the rank and file or to elucidate connections between political and social conflict. The inability to resist the compulsions of party con- flict has left us with a seemingly endless spiral of revisionist polemics. The appearance of these two books indicates that the quantitative his- torians are now having their day. Have they escaped the traps which ensnared their presumably less objective predecessors? To what extent do they revise older interpretations?

Substantially revised for the sixth edition, Constructive Conflicts explains how large-scale political and social conflicts can be waged more constructively, with more positive consequences and fewer destructive consequences for those involved. Drawing on research from political science, sociology, social-psychology, neuroscience, cultural studies, and other disciplines, Dayton and Kriesberg follow the lifecycle of social and political conflicts as they emerge, escalate, de-escalate, become settled, and often emerge again in new forms. The sixth edition presents numerous new examples and cases of conflict episodes that have avoided extreme coercion or violence and which have resulted in the advancement of the interests of most parties involved. The book gives policymakers, concerned citizens, and students a powerful analytical framework, supported by data, for understanding and constructively intervening in conflicts of different type and scale, offering a way out of the destructive cycles of conflict management which have come to characterize contemporary social and political relations. Key revisions and features include: Increased attention to changes in the social and political landscape including the rise of nationalism, the erosion of liberal internationalism, conflicts related to COVID response, political polarization, and the Black Lives Matter movementThoroughly revised cases and examples throughoutKey content revisions such as the growth of bottom-up strategies for peace and conflict management, the rise of misinformation in a ‘post-truth‘ era, and insights from neuroscience Table of contents now organized around three distinct book sections and chapter titles revised to reflect new contentNumerous new figures and tables in every chapterEnd-of-chapter summaries, discussion questions, and activitiesNew ancillary teaching materials, including experiential exercises, simulations, and lecture outlines with teaching tips

This research paper explores Allama Muḥammad Iqbāl’s concept of the Muslim Ummah (Millat) in the context of the Palestinian issue. Iqbāl conceptualized the Ummah not as a racial, ethnic, or territorial entity but as a spiritual and ideological community grounded in Islamic faith and shared moral values. His vision of Muslim unity transcends geographical boundaries and emphasizes a collective consciousness shaped by belief, purpose, and a common destiny. The paper examines Iqbāl’s deep concern for the suffering of Palestinian Muslims, as reflected in his poetry, prose writings, speeches, and letters. Iqbāl viewed the Palestinian issue not merely as a regional or political conflict but as a matter of profound significance for the entire Muslim world. He perceived it as a symbol of the broader decline and disunity of the Ummah. His writings strongly criticize Western imperialism and Zionist occupation, warning Muslims against political subjugation and intellectual dependency. Through a critical analysis of Iqbāl’s thought, the study highlights how his philosophy links spiritual awakening with political consciousness and moral responsibility. Iqbāl consistently called for self-realization (khudī), unity, and resistance against oppression as essential elements for the revival of the Muslim Ummah. The paper concludes that Iqbāl’s ideas remain highly relevant in the contemporary era. His emphasis on unity, faith-based solidarity, and resistance to injustice offers enduring intellectual and moral guidance for addressing ongoing challenges faced by Muslims, particularly the persistent humanitarian and political crisis in Palestine.

ABSTRACTThis paper uses a case study approach to explore issues of social work policy and practice in three sites of political conflict in Europe: Northern Ireland; Bosnia and Herzegovina; and Cyprus. It begins with a review of the international literature on social work and political conflict and then discusses the strengths and limitations in engaging with comparative case study approaches. The authors explain how they view the writing of the paper as an intellectual encounter that helped establish the beginning stages of their comparative analysis. This starts with an analysis of the existing knowledge base about the three case studies that each share similar patterns of colonial histories, political and community conflict and the social work response. The second part of the paper extends this analysis to a critique of the impact of neo-liberal social and economic policies that often adversely impact upon the role of social workers in resolving conflict and building peace. The paper concludes with an appeal for social work to rediscover its rights-based role in working with victims and survivors of political conflict, what the authors describe as: ‘social work for critical peace’.

This study aimed to describe the social and political conflicts contained in the collection of short stories Drama Tells Too far work of Puthut EA and to describe thecorrelation between the short story collection The play was a story Too far work of PuthutEA with reality night history of Indonesian society. Sources of data in this study is the textcontained in the collection of short stories Drama Tells Too far work of Puthut EA. Whilethe research data is an excerpt sentence, description, dialogue, and other important mattersin the collection of short stories Drama Tells Too far work of Puthut EA. Data obtained byreading and writing techniques. Data were analyzed with the approach of sociology ofliterature and descriptive analysis techniques. The validity of the data obtained byconducting triangulation is triangualasi methods, sources of data and theory. These resultsindicate the existence of social and political conflict are contained in the collection of shortstories Drama Tells Too Far work of Puthut EA, containing social conflicts, among others:(1) gender conflict, namely: the oppression of women, (2) racial conflict, namely:discrimination of race Chinese, (3) inter-religious conflicts, namely: distrust ofcommunism, (4) conflict of interest, namely: the imposition of a leader, (5) interpersonal conflicts, namely: distrust of others, (6) the conflict between social classes, namely: socialinequality. Containing the political conflict, among others: (1) the weapons of battle and (2)the strategy politik. Correlation between the short story collection That play was a storyToo Far of Puthut EA works with historical reality of Indonesian society, among others: (1)The 1998 riots (2) The increase in fuel (3) Ethnic Discrimination (4) Dispute people of thesame religion (5) arrest Without Accompanied Official Letter (6) Violations of humanrights and (7) Poverty.

1. Introduction and Synthesis Part I: Analytical Overview and Cross Country Analysis 2. Political Instability, Institutional Quality and Social Conflict in the Andes 3. Poverty, Inequality and Public Policy in the Andean Region: A Comparative Perspective Part II: Country Studies 4. The Political Economy of the Crisis in the Andean Region: The Case of Bolivia 5. The Economy, Conflict and Governance in Colombia 6. Political Economy of Ecuador: The Quandary of Governance and Economic Development 7. Governability and Economic Performance in Peru in the 1990s 8. Venezuela: From Stability to Turmoil.

Understanding social conflict is one of the key problems of contemporary social sciences. This article views the phenomenon of social conflict as an important form of social interaction. Social conflict is seen as a manageable process, which can be controlled by an external force. Modern Russian society is characterized by an increase in the number of citizens expressing their dissatisfaction with governmental response to social demands. This article is an attempt to analyze social conflict in modern society as a phenomenon that also has a political component. Pertaining to the stated goal, the article focuses on the problems of social inequality in present-day reality. It is stated that mitigation of socio-political tensions is related to government policy, and a high level of social differentiation of society can pose a threat to political stability. The increase in the degree of social inequality is related to inequitable social interchange that takes place in society. Exceeding the permissible degree of inequality leads to a large difference in the standard of living of social groups, which is regarded as discrimination and infringement of rights of certain demographics. This circumstance causes social tensions and serves as a ground for the emergence, development and spread of social conflicts. The novelty and practical significance of the work consists in presenting a comprehensive analysis of how social and political conflicts are interrelated and, in case of contemporary Russian reality, intertwined. The author examines the specific character of social conflicts in modern Russia and points out the need for development and use of methods - adequate to the current state of information technology - that would effectively regulate social conflicts.

Religious conflict remains a pressing issue in plural societies, particularly where political and social tensions intersect with religious identity. In Indonesia, one of the world’s largest Muslim-majority countries, understanding the drivers of religious conflict at the local level is vital for fostering social cohesion. This study investigates the role of social capital—specifically bonding, bridging, and linking—in influencing religious conflict in Pasuruan Regency, East Java, with particular attention to the mediating roles of political and social conflict. Using a quantitative approach, data were collected through structured face-to-face interviews with 400 respondents, selected using multi-stage sampling. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) via SmartPLS was employed to analyze both direct and indirect relationships between the constructs. The results reveal that bonding and bridging significantly reduce political and social conflict, which in turn significantly reduce religious conflict. However, their direct effects on religious conflict are not significant. Linking was found to significantly reduce social conflict but did not show a significant influence on political or religious conflict directly. Indirect effect analysis confirmed that bonding, bridging, and linking can mitigate religious conflict through their effects on political and social tensions. This study contributes to the growing literature on social capital and conflict by highlighting the importance of indirect pathways. Practically, the findings suggest that policies aiming to reduce religious conflict should strengthen both horizontal (bonding and bridging) and vertical (linking) social ties, while also addressing underlying political and social grievances. The study underscores the need for integrated, community-based conflict prevention strategies.

Neoliberalization is a variegated series of processes with a core policy set that comprises: liberalization, deregulation, privatization, recommodification, internationalization, reductions in direct taxation, and decriminalization of predatory economic activities. Compared to the era of Atlantic Fordism and Spatial Keynesianism, neoliberalization promotes uneven development in the name of competitiveness and pursues policies that largely neglect its adverse economic, social, and political repercussions. Growing inequalities of income, wealth and life-chances have been ascending the political risk agenda and, through works such as Piketty’s Capital in the twenty-first Century, have been ‘conversationalized’. Yet little concrete action occurs to remedy the results of uneven development in societies undergoing neoliberal regime shifts. This contribution relates these issues to Brexit as a symptom of the organic crisis of British society, marked by manifold economic, political and social crises, and the continuing failure to address uneven development. The referendum question falsely posited that Brexiting would resolve many of these problems. However, the real issue should have been ‘in’ or ‘out’ of neoliberalism. Failure to deliver the anticipated benefits of Brexit will interact with the continuing crisis of British society to reinforce environmental, economic, social, and political crises and provide further grounds for right-wing populist mobilization.

ABSTRACTNeoliberalization is a variegated series of processes with a core policy set that comprises: liberalization, deregulation, privatization, recommodification, internationalization, reductions in direct taxation, and decriminalization of predatory economic activities. Compared to the era of Atlantic Fordism and Spatial Keynesianism, neoliberalization promotes uneven development in the name of competitiveness and pursues policies that largely neglect its adverse economic, social, and political repercussions. Growing inequalities of income, wealth and life-chances have been ascending the political risk agenda and, through works such as Piketty’s Capital in the twenty-first Century, have been ‘conversationalized’. Yet little concrete action occurs to remedy the results of uneven development in societies undergoing neoliberal regime shifts. This contribution relates these issues to Brexit as a symptom of the organic crisis of British society, marked by manifold economic, political and social crises, and the continuing failure to address uneven development. The referendum question falsely posited that Brexiting would resolve many of these problems. However, the real issue should have been ‘in’ or ‘out’ of neoliberalism. Failure to deliver the anticipated benefits of Brexit will interact with the continuing crisis of British society to reinforce environmental, economic, social, and political crises and provide further grounds for right-wing populist mobilization.

Much of the time, when confronted with a crisis of national dimensions, businesses do exactly what we expect them to do: they look to their own survival. Occasionally, however, firms in some contexts go beyond this. Based on qualitative, country-based fieldwork in Eastern and Southern Africa, Antoinette Handley examines how African businesses can be key responders to wider social and political crises, often responding well in advance of the state. She reveals the surprising ways in which business responses can be focused, not on short-term profits, but instead on ways that assist society in resolving that crisis in the long term. Taking African businesses in Kenya, Uganda, Botswana and South Africa as case studies, this detailed exploration of the private sector response to crises, including HIV/AIDS and political violence crises, introduces the concept of relative business autonomy, exploring the conditions under which it can emerge and develop, when and how it may decline, and how it might contribute to a higher level of overall societal resilience.

Neoliberalization is a variegated series of processes with a core policy set that comprises: liberalization, deregulation, privatization, recommodification, internationalization, reductions in direct taxation, and decriminalization of predatory economic activities. Compared to the era of Atlantic Fordism and Spatial Keynesianism, neoliberalization promotes uneven development in the name of competitiveness and pursues policies that largely neglect its adverse economic, social, and political repercussions. Growing inequalities of income, wealth and life-chances have been ascending the political risk agenda and, through works such as Piketty’s Capital in the twenty-first Century, have been ‘conversationalized’. Yet little concrete action occurs to remedy the results of uneven development in societies undergoing neoliberal regime shifts. This contribution relates these issues to Brexit as a symptom of the organic crisis of British society, marked by manifold economic, political and social crises, and the continuing failure to address uneven development. The referendum question falsely posited that Brexiting would resolve many of these problems. However, the real issue should have been ‘in’ or ‘out’ of neoliberalism. Failure to deliver the anticipated benefits of Brexit will interact with the continuing crisis of British society to reinforce environmental, economic, social, and political crises and provide further grounds for right-wing populist mobilization.

Diplomats in Science Diplomacy: Promoting Scientific and Technological Collaboration in International Relations**