Age, Gender, and Agency in Juvenile Migration from England to Canada, 1850–1900

Conceptual contours of migration studies in and from Asia

Overseas-born doctor migration 1962-66.

Since the mid-sixties of the last century, the area of Eastern Serbia has been facing a process of intensive emigration of the population. During the process of emigration, social migrant networks are created between the countries of origin of the migrants and the countries of their destination. As networks play a key role in shaping migration decisions and experiences, it is very important to examine their role and importance in the Republic of Serbia, and above all in its emigration zones. As the eastern part of Serbia (Braničevo and Zaječar regions) belongs to the oldest emigration zone, it is very important to determine how the networks were formed, their evolution and transformation, but first of all the influence on the attitudes and intentions of the population of this part of Serbia regarding migration. The work is based on the results of field research conducted in 2019, which investigated various aspects of migration phenomena, as well as the role of migrant networks, i.e. family, friends and acquaintances abroad in attracting new immigrants. In the research, the methods of focus group interviews , semi-structured interviews, as well as field observations in the urban and rural areas of the City of Zaječar were applied. The results showed that migrant networks shape decisions about migration and its outcomes, and their role is most often of key importance in making the decision about migration, because they represent the best and fastest way to obtain information about the potential country of destination, employment opportunities, but also in financial support upon arrival. The study of migration networks in Serbia, through comparison with other countries, will lead to a better understanding of this phenomenon, influence on future decisions on migration, as well as a more significant connection between local self-government and the diaspora in the function of development.

Cunning and Disorderly: Early Nineteenth-Century Witch Trials of Joseph Smith

Analysis of previously published characteristics of the downstream migration of juvenile cyprinids (Cyprinidae) and percids (Percidae) from the Volga and Ivankovskoe, Volgogradskoe, and Tsimlayanskoe reservoirs is presented. In case of river damming, migrations of river fish are modified first of all due to transformation of the hydrophysical and morphological structure of the water course creating a different biotopic pattern influencing life activities of fish, including migratory behavior. In contrast to the natural river, where the conditions controlling the characteristics of the downstream migration change gradually from the upper reaches to the lower reaches, ecological barriers are formed in the dammed river—the water reservoir and the dam—which essentially change these conditions. A leading role in formation of these barriers and in regulation of the downstream migration is performed by the morphological complexity of a water body and by the intensity of water exchange. These factors act both on the scale of the whole water reservoir and on the scale of local biotopes where the downstream migration takes place and behavioral mechanisms act efficiently. The synergistic effect of these factors (a high ramification index of the reservoir at a low water exchange) may decrease the intensity of emigration of fish juveniles from a reservoir by several orders of magnitude.

Southeastern Geographer Vol. 22, No. 2, November 1982, pp. 110-129 ORIGINS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF MISSISSIPPI INMIGRANTS IN THE LATE 1970s* Ronald W. Snow Two highly significant national population redistribution trends occurred during the 1970s which have been the subjects of considerable research and public interest. The first is a dramatic acceleration in the movement of both whites and blacks from the Midwest and Northeast to the South and West. (J ) The second is the reversal ofthe long standing rural-to-urban migration trend which has resulted in a net movement from metropolitan to nonmetropolitan areas. (2) A number ofrecent studies have discussed the factors responsible for the two movements and have generally categorized these factors as either "economic" or "noneconomic ." (3) Economic factors are primarily employment related, such as job transfers, the taking of new jobs, or the search for employment. Noneconomic factors include a more favorable physical climate, recreational facilities, a rural or small town setting, and the desire to live near friends and relatives. Economic factors have long been recognized as major determinants of migration, and many of the traditional models of migration have been based primarily upon labor market conditions such as income and unemployment levels. The growth of employment opportunities in the South and West, and in nonmetropolitan areas, has undoubtedly been a major factor contributing to recent population movements. However, recent changes in traditional migration patterns, particularly the ruralto -urban "turnaround," have given rise to questions concerning the adequacy of the economic models of migration. Several researchers have suggested that economic factors are becoming less important while noneconomic factors are becoming more important in the migration decision -making process. (4) Roseman has argued that many, perhaps most, individual migration decisions are based on both economic and noneco- * The author expresses his appreciation to Mr. Al Richburg of the Mississippi State Highway Safety Patrol for assistance and cooperation in providing the data for this study, and to Curtis C. Roseman for his valuable comments and suggestions on an earlier version of this study. Dr. Snow is Development Officer, Social Science Research Center, Mississippi State University, in Mississippi State, MS 39762. Vol. XXII, No. 2 111 nomic factors, and it would appear that both types of factors have contributed to the two major national population redistribution trends. (5) However, it is likely that contrasting kinds of migrants (old/young, white/ black, return/nonreturn) differ with respect to their reasons for moving. It is also likely that migrants moving between various regions of the country and between different types of places are responding to different factors. PURPOSE. The purpose of this study is to compare the characteristics ofmigrants who moved to Mississippi from different regions ofthe United States and from different types of places during three months in 1978 and 1979, and to make inferences concerning the factors (economic/ noneconomic) influencing the migration decisions of Mississippi's inmigrants from different migration origins. The characteristics of race (white/black), age (younger/older), and migration status (return/nonreturn ) of the inmigrants are examined to identify differences by origin region and type of origin place (metropolitan/nonmetropolitan). (6) Two major assumptions are employed to assess the factors influencing inmigration to Mississippi. First, it is assumed that younger persons are moving to Mississippi primarily for jobs while noneconomic factors play more important roles in the migration decisions of older persons. Migration studies have long recognized that economic factors are more influential in the migration decision-making processes ofthe young than the old. (7) Older migrants are more likely than younger migrants to be free of the residential restraints of employment because of retirement and, therefore, have considerable freedom of choice with respect to their residential locations. They are more likely than are the young to be able to make their migration decisions on the basis of factors other than employment . Especially among the "older-elderly" (those over 75), health considerations are important motives for moving. As Wiseman stated: (S) . . . environment, interpersonal relations, health, and a search for residential amenities are probably the most influential factors in an older person's decision to move. Clearly, migration motivations for older people are different from those of most younger groups. A number of studies...

The authors develop the hypothesis that aversion to risk rather than expectations of higher income is the primary motivation for rural-urban migration in developing countries. This hypothesis maintains that an optimizing risk-averse small-farmer family will try to place a family member in the urban sector in order to diversify its income portfolio. An additional hypothesis related to risk is also considered at the individual rather than the family level. (ANNOTATION)

This book focuses on the study of migration at the individual microlevel. This approach emphasizes the process of migration decision making. The book addresses the need for a systematic evaluation of microlevel theories and models of migration decision making in the work of demographers economists geographers planners anthropologists and psychologists. Several trends indicate the rising significance of migration in population studies: 1) there is a slowdown in the rate of natural increase which results in the dynamics of internal population growth patterns shifting to migration 2) the enlarged size of rural-urban population movement in developing countries excerbate serious problems of unemployment housing and education 3) there is the emergence of a population deconcentration trend through metropolitan-nonmetropolitan area migration in developing countries and 4) there is increasing attention to migration policy in developing countries. The microlevel determinants of internal migration are predicated on the knowledge that transfers of population will be internal and not international. The concept of decision making is used in its most general form to refer to the formation of an intuition or disposition towards migration behavior. 3 themes are addressed by the authors: 1) systematic review and evaluation of microlevel frameworks and models of the migration decision 2) applicability of microlevel migration models and frameworks to developing and developed countries and 3) general policy implications of microlevel migration models. One of the more fundamental arguments in this book is that all noncoercive migration-related policies must respond to individual and/or household-level migration decisions. Commonalities in the authors migration decision analysis are: 1) emphasis on microlevel decisions 2) an assumption that the decision makers are rational 3) the emphasis on the motivations of migration information and actualizing decisions to move 4) the design of research on microlevel aspects of migration and 5) explanation of the decision to move or stay and different types of movement.

1. Commodities, ports and Asian maritime trade since 1750: The foundations of the modern Asian 'economic miracle'? Ulbe Bosma and Anthony Webster 2. Asia in the growth of world trade: A reinterpretation of 'The Long Nineteenth Century' Kaoru Sugihara 3. Outside engagements: Makassar's mercantile networks and traders, eighteenth totwentieth centuries Heather Sutherland 4. The Port of Semarang circa 1775, an early modern regional emporium under colonial rule Gerrit Knaap 5. Bombay, and the port complex of Gujarat: Merchants and the political economy of Western India in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries Ghulam A. Nadri 6. Western merchants in East Asian treaty ports (c. 1850-1890) Ferry de Goey 7. Neglected orphans and absent parents: The European mercantile houses of mid-nineteenth century Java G. Roger Knight 8. Building intra-Asian and transcontinental mercantile networks in the age of the British East India Company: The rise and fall of the house of John Palmer Anthony Webster 9. The invisible circulation of capital among Hong Kong, Taishan and North America: An analysis of the remittance business of Ma Tsui Chiu, 1900s-1940s Pui-Tak Lee 10. British overseas banks and Southeast Asia's regional economy in the late nineteenth century Tomotaka Kawamura 11. Transcending the Empire. Western merchant houses and local capital in the Indian cotton trade (1850s-1930s) Christof Dejung 12. Liverpool shipping, gentlemanly capitalism and intra-Asian trade in the twentieth century Nicholas J. White and Catherine Evans 13. Pursuit of profit in the shadow of decolonization: Indonesia in the 1950s Thomas Lindblad 14. The Chinese and Indian Corporate Economy: A Radical Construction of Law, the State, and Corporations Raj Brown

Migration decision-making has been a central theme in migration studies, with extensive research and attempts at theoretical analysis. The existing theoretical literature frequently limits decision-making to specific migrant categories and pre-mobility stages of migration, leaving out other groups such as forced migrants (including refugees), as well as later stages of migration. This paper critically explores the present discourse on migration decision-making and proposes a new approach that sees decision-making as inherent in all types of migrants and all migration stages. The proposed model depicts choice and coercion as extremes on a continuum, and emphasising decision-making as a critical component of every migration phase. The analysis was carried out using two complementary methods: expert identification of key theoretical perspectives and a systematic literature review. First the sample was built with a use of a Scopus database search and the themes of papers were identified, then a qualitative analysis of the top cited papers followed. As a result, a new model of migration decision-making is developed and presented in the paper.

Recent global challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic, economic crises, and wars have not impeded transnational migration to continuously unfold. The question of why some people migrate while others choose to stay remains one of the important preoccupations in migration studies. It underlines the need to further conceptualise transnational migration to identify the drivers behind individuals’ aspiration or intention to (re)migrate or stay where they are. Drawing from several migration theories and perspectives in various disciplines, this paper proposes the situated framework of “humanising research on (non-)migration decision-making”, that is, highlighting its human aspects. This scholarly enterprise is critically important as mainstream migration theories put more emphasis on individuals’ rationality, thereby overlooking other human aspects of migration and stasis. Viewing individuals as persons, this framework offers three ways to humanise the analysis: thick contextualisation, life dimensions-focused analysis, and time-situated inquiry. It also calls for the engendering of the analysis and decolonising the methodologies adopted in the study of (non-)migration decision-making.

The question of why some people (re)migrate while others choose to stay remains one of the important preoccupations in migration studies. It underlines the need to further conceptualise transnational migration to identify the drivers behind individuals’ aspiration or intention to (re)migrate or stay where they are. Drawing from several migration theories and perspectives in various disciplines, this paper proposes the situated framework of “humanising research on migration decision-making”, that is, highlighting its human aspects. This scholarly enterprise is critically important as mainstream migration theories put more emphasis on individuals’ rationality and some life dimensions, thereby overlooking other human aspects of migration and stasis. Viewing individuals as persons, this framework offers three ways to humanise the analysis: thick contextualisation, life dimensions-focused analysis, and time-situated inquiry. It also calls for the engendering of the analysis and decolonising the methodologies adopted in the study of (non-)migration decision-making.

Uruguay is a country rarely studied or even mentioned by migration scholars, even though its history provides a rich testing ground for many of the paradigms that have been debated in migration studies over the last half-century.1 Uruguay’s British-supported independence as a buffer state between Argentina and Brazil in 1828 was first followed by the near-extermination of the small remaining indigenous population, and then by the arrival of many European immigrants, principally from Italy, Spain and France. These were joined by smaller contingents from Portugal, Germany, Switzerland, Austria and the British Isles and, after the First World War, by eastern Europeans and Middle Easterners. For much of the period from 1850 to 1930, during which most immigrants arrived, the ratio of newcomers per decade to resident population matched or even surpassed that of the United States, making Uruguay’s population grow sevenfold in the second half of the nineteenth century, the highest rate in Latin America by far.2 Immigration has also played an important role in attempts to explain the peculiarities of Uruguay’s twentieth-century political history. The arrival of so many Europeans, so goes the argument, led to the creation of working and middle classes, a process that ultimately found its expression in the progressive ideas of José Batlle y Ordóñez (president from 1903 to 1907 and from 1911 to 1915), who promoted welfare provisions, democratic institutions and secularization.3 In spite of this, the scholarship on immigration in Uruguay is limited to a few publications rarely read outside the country, which are often rather anecdotal and have tended to focus on the smaller and more ‘exotic’ groups, such as Waldensian or German agricultural colonies or the Jews or Armenians in the capital city of Montevideo. In relation to their size, the two largest groups by far, the Italians and the Spanish, who together made up roughly 70 per cent of all European immigrants from 1850 to 1930, have been rather neglected.4 This article seeks to redress this shortcoming by discussing the process through which these two groups blended into a Uruguayan society that was itself being formed, situating its findings within the wider international context of the transatlantic migrations of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

The nineteenth century saw the beginning of large-scale migration of population from western Europe to various countries of the world. North and South America had proven hospitable in previous centuries and the southern tip of Africa presented an equable climate as well as strategic location. The islands of the southern seas reached by Cook and Van Diemen proved equally attractive if more remote. In retrospect it seems inevitable that, with the exception of South America, they were bound to be English-speaking. Even South America had its British farming colonists at one stage. In 1826 just under two hundred Highland Scots embarked for Topo in the highlands of Colombia (United Kingdom, 1827). Significantly, one hundred and two of them were under fourteen years of age.

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