AFTER SECURITISATION: DIPLOMATS AS DE-SECURITISERS

Since the World War II, the Asia Pacific region was bound by the Cold War two superpowers between the United States and the Soviet Union. After the end of the Cold War, the multilateral security cooperation in Asia Pafific has been set up by the countries in Southeast Asia. In fact, the process of Asia Pacific’s multilateral security cooperation both develop at the “official level” and “unofficial level” at the same time, that is the unique “Daul-Tracks” model of this region. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) is responsible for the “Track One” diplomacy, and the Council for Security Cooperation in Asia Pacific(CSCAP) is responsible for the “Track Two” diplomacy. The “Track Two” diplomacy means the professional people ,experts and the people with offical background have the unofficial policy-revelant inter-state interaction through the knowledge, technology, and professional information.There is an unique characteristic of the “Track Two” diplomacy in Asia Pacific, a lots of government officals in private capacity join in the unofficial dialogues, and these unofficial dialogues are recognized by the government. The purpose of thses unofficial dialogues service the “Trakc One” diplomacy. The CSCAP is the most complete, most open, most positive, and the largest track-two diplomatic organization in Asia Pacific. The CSCAP is the case of this study, to reserch its development and position the interaction and relations with the ARF. Try to understand the influence of CSCAP, the track two diplomacy organization of regional multilateral security cooperation, to security affairs in Asia Pacific. And to discuss the fiction, development, and transformation of track two diplomacy in Asia Pacific. To prove the track two diplomacy can indeed be a supporting institution and to gain a meaningful conclusion. Otherwise, try to offer some suggestions about what Taiwan can do in CSCAP and track two diplomacy mechanism in the future that make Taiwan breakthrough the current status of diplomatic dilemma.

After Second World War, confronting the threat of Soviet Union, U.S. Government adopted cultural diplomacy positively to contain the spread of communism. Cultural diplomacy means a government with the way of cultural exchanges and propaganda to realize the purpose of ideological persuasion. In the early Cold War, Kennan’s containment policy had suggested U.S. Government carry out propaganda activities to shape a favorable international image for America. And then, in the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan, United States adopted a “savior” and “leader” attitude to rebuild post-war economy and modern civilization of Europe. In 1953, U.S. Government set up the United States Information Agency (USIA) responsible for cultural diplomacy. During the peak period of the Cold War, USIA was committed to the anti-communist work. Until the American-Soviet detente of the 1970s, however, USIA transformed to focus on the cultural exchanges between communist countries. To further understand how USIA operated cultural diplomacy in Asia, this article took World Today as the analyzing object. The Chinese magazine published by United States Information Service in Hong Kong not only introduced U.S. news and popular information, but also recruited the Hong Kong and Taiwan cultural elites involved in the editing. The discourse of World Today presented a paternal image to reinforce the significance of U.S. Aid in Asia, and showed the U.S. Capitalism society was so wealthy and equal that everyone could afford various consumer goods at low price. Under the subtle influence of cultural diplomacy, people around the world gradually accepted the U.S. culture and values. Therefore, the soft power of cultural diplomacy became the key element to make U.S. win the Cold War finally.

After Cold War, the international system turned into “unipolar”. To the United States, Britain’s status declined due to the collapse of Soviet Union. As a result, Britain had to find some solutions in order to go back to her glorious time. In 1997, Tony Blair came to power, proposing “the third way” as his guideline on governing. As to the foreign affairs, Britain was well-cooperative with the United States. Both Britain and the U.S. practiced “interventionism” through military operations. In addition, Britain promoted democracy and liberal economics to spread happiness for all the human beings. In 2001, “911 attack” happened. Later, Britain cooperating with the U.S. was strongly opposed to terrorism. Britain and the U.S. thus launched two important wars, Afghanistan war and Iraqi war, in 2001 and 2003. Successfully, Britain strengthened the relationship with the United States, and at the same time enhanced her power and security on both abroad and home. However, the continuous military actions made Britain isolated from European Union. The Blair’s administration was criticized seriously. The present study focusing on the Anglo-US relationship before and after “911 attack” analyzed the transfer of Britain’s foreign policy towards the U.S. The analyses based on Britain’s diplomatic tradition, the process of making her foreign policy, the spirits and the significance as well as some important disputes of her foreign policy. In the present study, neo-realism and Blair’s internationalism were used as the main methods. Firstly, the history background and the environments after World War II and Cold War were reviewed. Then, the goals, the intensions, and the contents of Blair’s foreign policy towards the U.S. were discussed. Finally, the effects of Blair’s foreign policy were generalized. The present study may provide readers some viewpoints and shed some lights on Britain’s future diplomatic relations with the U.S. as well as with other countries.

This is a special case, the ROC and the PRC diplomatic missions stayed in the same country at the same time lasting almost half year, in the 1960s. In the beginning, the Dahomey authority tried to recognize the TWO CHINAs, so some of the international-law scholars take this case as an example as ”dual-recognition”, on recognizing separating countries which claim the overlapping sovereign field. This point of view provokes the argument, both cannot coexist in the same place (漢賊不兩立), on the creed of the ROC's diplomatic policy after 1949. Some of the international-law scholars might misunderstood the situation in Dahomey from 1964 to 1966, so this article will tell the whole story, based on the archives of MOFA of the ROC, to gain a clear idea of what took place. This survey shows that the face of the COLD WAR had changed after the movement of decolonization on 1960. These newly independent countries, more than 20, became actors on the international affairs. Some of them proclaimed that they would not allied with the poles of COLD WAR, the USA nor the USSR, form the day as independencies. Some of them took the diplomatic policy for recognizing all countries in the world, no matter what system of government they are, so they took TWO CHINAs policy as well. However, both of the ROC and the PRC government would not shift ”both cannot coexist in the same place” position on the foreign affairs. Consequently, one of the ROC or the PRC governments tried to enroll some of the politicians, soldiers or masses in other countries to maintain the official relation, another one tried to enroll other politicians, soldiers or masses for making official relation. In short, the process is straddle, but the consequence on official, limited in the legitimism concept, should be undoubtedly ”both cannot coexist in the same place”.

Capone and Bucca argue that legal interpretation can go significantly wrong when founded upon a false conception of language and linguistic practices. This claim is correct. Specifically, semantic-based theories of linguistic meaning that are based upon the idea that a “core” semantic meaning can be identified outside of context and then needs to be “pragmatically enriched” for specific applications get the project of understanding language use in the legal context profoundly backwards. This paper emphasizes the primacy of an embedded pragmatics over other conceptions of linguistic meaning and practice in law. Herman Oliphant, in “A Return to Stare Decisis” offers an argument that helps strengthen the claim for the “primacy of pragmatics” in law. His work also shows that if the primacy of pragmatics is accepted, not only does this have significant impact upon actual legal practice, but it also highlights worrisome blind spots in currently dominant philosophical theories of law. His argument is that a conception of law that is centered upon such an appeal to principle, stare dictis, leads to a legal practice based upon distorting abstractions and a false conception of language use in law pulled out of its worldly roots. Because of this, he argues that stare dictis is detrimental to a living and empirically effective and informed legal system. Hence the need for a return of stare decisis properly understood. His article gives some grounds for critiquing many dominant philosophical theories of law. Oliphant’s theory is, importantly, compatible with, and supported by, a picture of language use offered by Jaszczolt and recent work in neuropragmatism. This, in turn, can be thought as further verification of Capone and Buccas’ assertion that the adoption of a false theory of language can have far ranging and detrimental effects upon legal practice and legal theory.

Dominican – Asian foreign affairs have its roots in the establishment of strategic political relations that for a period of time were juggled between the extremist changes in ideological power of the socialist regions versus the already established democratic capitalism, fueled by the growth of communism and a later on fallen Soviet Union together with the representative democracy of the west, meaning Western Europe and the United States. These relations, however, were directly affected by the constant changes in the international community, a community that with the end of the cold war opened up to a new system of contemporary foreign affairs, which resulted from the globalization of the systems of government, social values and relations. Dominican – Asian relations are primarily based in the expansion of the foreign affairs of the Dominican Republic to Asia-Pacific and Oceania. This fomented the diplomatic, economical & commercial, cooperation, trade and cultural interchange of relations between the Dominican Republic and the Asian countries. Making it so that each were taken into consideration in the participation of forums and dialogues available for the regions, propelling the initiation of official visits. The United States plays an important role in the process of the establishment of foreign affairs between Asia and Latin America. The United States is a very important sponsor for both regions and both parts adjust their foreign affairs attitude depending of the influence of this big player. For Latin American, the United States is the main actor in the processes of foreign economical and political affairs because of obvious geopolitical circumstances, which influences their allies in times of negotiations. The ties of the Dominican Republic with the United States are date back for a long period of time and have influenced the Dominican nation’s foreign affair for a while. It is why the main focus that will be addressed would be Henry Kissinger’s’ soft power, an American theory. Kissinger writes about American foreign affairs as one of the most influential in the International Relations of the world. He describes American diplomacy as a strategic system that regulates internal democracy and expands itself abroad through its values. The United States may intervene in others’ affairs but it does not compromise in irreversibly, making itself a missionary of democracy, free trade and international law, the contradiction between isolation and an agent looking for an international mission. The role that the United States has played in international diplomacy gives it a moment of significant evolution that sees itself as a super power that a point was stuck until their interventions cannot be ceased but they also cannot acquire total power in the international community. Now a days, the United States faces sharing the wheel with other emergent powers like China, Russia, Europe, Japan, and India, without leaving behind the developing nations on the rise. To understand these processes and the lines of the relations during the timeline specified the next topics will be analyzed thoroughly: • Historical data. • Foreign Affairs. • Framework & theory in foreign affairs. • Importance of foreign affairs for every region and nation specified. • Foreign affairs between the nations stated. • General conclusions.

The 21 century has often been touted as the Asian Century. However, for exactly half a century, the China’s surrounding has often registered at the list of the world's military hot spots. China’s diplomatic policy often makes troubles in the region from unresolved conflicts, intense nationalism, and competing strategic interests. However, many international and internal reasons change China’s diplomatic policy gradually from the dernier period to the end of the Cold War. In the last few years, China has fundamentally altered the negative image of international society. Yet it is not clear whether these changes have made the region (Asia) a hotter flash point or a cooler one. The theory of the social constructivist would be the important predict and analysis of this situation. After the end of the cold war, the good-neighbor policy carried out by the PRC successfully changes the image of the PRC from an unstable factor to a benign development country, at least in the economic, political and military fields in Eastern Asia. In other words, the attempt of the PRC to maintain regional peace and stability meets the need of its neighboring countries. Today, the rising in the posture of the China has given many watchers reasons for optimism by conventional standards, the China threat in aggregate terms is less than it was during the Cold War. Communist leaders have reduced the China’s conventional invasion capabilities. However, the power of China becomes much stronger than before. Of course, some researchers consider that the China might not be certainly peaceful. In the future, China would make the tension on the situation of the countries in Asia. No matter what situation of China’s rising will be, undoubtedly, the situation affects Taiwan’s national status and interests deeply. All in all, recent rising of the status of China have impact the common framework of the traditional national powers in Asia. Thus, with China’s steady development, in what ways China uses to keep the future peace in her surrounding for her further development is the major theme of this research. Thus, I try to research the series of conflicts and engagements through the social constructivist perspective, the true nature of recent developments in China would become clear. Moreover, through analyzing the issue by social constructivism, I also try to develop an interactive model of countries in Eastern Asia research, and the thesis discuss these and related issues. To what degree of China, as a rising power, is affected by the existing regional political and economic order? What will be the probable impact of China’s growing power on regional security and stability? How does the extent of China’s good neighbor diplomacy reconstruct China’s image in the Asia-Pacific region? How does the factors of United States affect to China’s Good-Neighbor diplomacy from the past to the future? At last, we will support our government with a policy reference for keeping the national interests and international status of Taiwan in the future.

This article analyzes the different public relations (PR) activities Esso (Standard Oil New Jersey's Italian affiliate) carried out in post-World War II Italy, and how they intersected with US forms of cultural diplomacy during the Cold War and with an effort to shape the country's economic reconstruction and oil politics. It argues that between the late 1940s and the mid-1960s, the company advanced new and original interpretations of the role firms should have in a consumer economy and society, and in a modern democracy. In a context characterized by low levels of consumption, by limited forms of advertising, and by a general unwillingness to open up corporations to new forms of communication with the public, Esso imported a series of PR techniques from the US and adapted them to the Italian context. Its influence was particularly clear in the various professional associations that emerged in Italy during the 1950s, which drew inspiration from Esso and its «PR men». The article contributes to existing studies about US forms of influence on Italy's economic and political reconstruction, and about the importance of cultural diplomacy during the Cold War.

Freedom of religion or belief and religious dialogue were major policy goals of Norway’s 1997–2000 Bondevik government, in which I served as State Secretary of Foreign Affairs. The leading party of this coalition government, the Christian Democrats, and its Foreign Minister, Knut Volleb2ek, took a major interest in promoting freedom of religion as well as in engaging religious leaders in peace and reconciliation work. Thus, it was only natural that we would seek to reinvigorate this emphasis in the work of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). During Norway’s chairmanship of this organization in 1999, we took several initiatives in this regard, seeking to implement freedom of religion as a human right as well as to increase awareness of the importance of religion both as a factor in conflicts and as a source of peaceful conflict resolution.

意識形態為一國的外交要素之一，美國開國以來深受古典自由主義哲學和基督新教之影響。因此，為理解美國之外交行為，了解其思維是有必要的。本文試圖從意識形態的角度切入，探討後冷戰時期意識形態與美國外交，並且以民主黨和共和黨的意識形態分析。 本論文共有六章。第一章緒論為研究動機與目的、研究途徑與方法、研究範圍、研究架構與文獻檢閱。第二章探究了美國當代政治意識形態的起源、發展與分岐，比較自由主義與保守主義之異同，和探討政黨意識形態與國際關係哲學間的關係。此章為本論文的知識和理論基礎，為接下來的內容陳述做舖路。第三章至第五章為後冷戰美國三位總統老布希(George W.H. Bush)、柯林頓(Bill Clinton)和小布希(George W. Bush) 的意識形態與外交戰略。本論文的研究設計將這三章分為四個節為流程，探討三位總統期間的意識形態如何影響到外交。第一部份為政治意識形態，說明該總統任期意識形態光譜的變動與走向，第二部份是意識形態的外交偏好，第三部份為整體的外交戰略，第四部份是各別以兩個案例做為探討，一例為亞太戰略，另一例為外交干預。此設計主要以國內意識形態和外交戰略做探討和比較，由內而外以了解政治意識形態與外交戰略間的對應關係。第六章為本論文的結論，包含研究回顧、研究發現與研究檢討。 本論文試圖以心理學的人格心理分析，將美國視為一個個人。首先探討他的出生背景、發生過的歷史、思想演變及轉換如何影響了他的行為；再來研究兩個主要政黨民主黨和共和黨不同的思考模式如何造成了外交行為上的不同；最後，更進一步探討本論文的研究核心-美國後冷戰時期三位總統的意識形態上如何影響了他們的外交決策。作者最主要的研究發現包含：一、美國政治建立在兩元對立的模式的基礎之下。二、內政意識形態與外交行為息息相關。三、意識形態做為分析工具雖有缺點，但不可或缺。

Israeli foreign policy towards Iran in the period 1948-1979 has been generally explained through the Realist perspective, claiming that Israeli relations with Iran were established and developed due to converging strategic interests and common threats. This thesis argues that the existing literature does not fully appreciate the role that individuals, especially with their perceptions and misperceptions and human agency played in the formation and implementation of Israeli foreign policy. By not fully appreciating the role of human agency, the existing literature on Israeli relations with Iran has not fully explored the methods that made Israel’s foreign policy with Iran a success. For instance, the existing accounts do not examine how the actions of specific Israeli diplomats in Tehran such as Ambassador Meir Ezri prevented attempts from groups in Iran such as the Iranian Foreign Ministry and certain religious clerics to stop Israeli-Iranian relations. For three decades, the relationship between Israel and Iran, though discreet and often kept secret, flourished within the context of the Cold War and the rise of Pan Arabism. Many covert joint operations yielded widespread collaboration in the areas of trade, civilian technology, oil, agriculture, and extensive military intelligence collaboration on areas such as Yemen, Iraq and the Kurds. That changed with a shift in Israeli personnel in 1973, and ended completely after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. If Israeli-Iranian relations did solely stem from converging strategic interests, relations would have been more likely to survive the 1979 Revolution. Rather, the Israelis’ change in personnel in Tehran, their relationships with the Iranians, and their perceptions of world events greatly influenced the 1973 and 1979 shifts. This thesis concludes that any analysis of Israeli foreign policy formation and implementation towards Iran must include the multidimensional role of decision-makers, diplomats, and other foreign policy actors in order to complete the analysis presented by the existing Realist-leaning accounts. The thesis bases its argument on extensive International Relations-based examination of Israeli diplomatic history. Analysis of the role of prime ministers and diplomats such as David Ben Gurion, Tzvi Doriel and Meir Ezri; including their perceptions and misperceptions and human agency—forges a new understanding of Israeli foreign policy towards Iran from 1948 to 1979. Through the use of personal interviews, memoirs in Hebrew, English and Farsi, recently de-classified documents from the Israel State Archives, and unseen documents from private family collections, this thesis presents an argument that addresses the gaps in the existing literature.

After Nationalist China severed diplomatic relation with Germany in July of 1941, the close political and diplomatic relations established from the 1930s failed to resume. The Cold War began after the end of World War Ⅱ. Limited by her ”One Germany” policy, the newly formed West Germany tried to avoid getting involved in the controversy over sovereignity on the two sides of the Taiwan Straits. Except for the economic and cultural activities existing between these two countries, it was extremely difficult to set up any political channels for dialogue. Although there were no diplomatic relations between these two countries, West Germany and Nationalist China still maintained unofficial relation with each other by means of intelligence cooperation, military advisers, and officer training program from the 1960s. Until 1972 when West Germany recognized the Peking regime and decided to interrupt the military exchange, West Germany and Nationalist China had overcome political obstacles and opened up new political space through military exchanges and intelligence cooperation outside traditional diplomatic channels The exchanges not merely maintained connections between these two countries at government levels after the war, but also gave a special historical significance to the bilateral relations within the international framework of the Cold War.

ABSTRACTWhile the technical dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade proceeds, inter-ethnic tensions in the city of Mitrovica in north Kosovo continue to instil uncertainty and insecurity among its inhabitants. This article delves into the im/mobilities for NGO work that the ethnic and conflict related division of the town poses for local Serb NGO workers. The division of the city into a Serbian north and a Kosovo Albanian south, with separate political systems and influence from the international peacebuilding mission, poses obstacles for inter-ethnic cooperation between north and south NGOs. The article explores the ways in which Serb NGO workers navigate these obstacles in order to create physical, social and economic mobility for themselves. It identifies two interrelated dynamics essential to understanding the impact on NGO workers of the conflict reality: one is between national identity and ethno-political space in the context of the specific community; the other, between the local moral order of being ‘good Serbs’ and internationally formulated aims to engage the locals in peace and reconciliation work. The paper argues that the focus of international peacebuilding missions on inter-ethnic cooperation and policy influencing activities, at least for Serb NGO workers in Mitrovica, impedes the mobility of local NGOs.

At the beginning of the 1960s, cotton was Mexico’s most valuable crop and its biggest export, and the Mexicali Valley in Baja California was Mexico’s most productive cotton-growing region as well as a centerpiece of its agrarian reform. So when the waters of the Colorado River, whose water provided arid Mexicali its irrigation water, suddenly became highly salty in the autumn of 1961 as a result of agricultural drainage upstream in Arizona, locals and government officials alike reacted with alarm, sparking what became a twelve year long diplomatic dispute between Mexico and the United States and a political crisis within Mexico itself. The story of the Colorado River salinity crisis provides new insights into one of the most persistent questions of Mexican history: how the country’s single-party regime evolved and endured for so long, and how its features shaped contemporary Mexico. While scholars have detailed how corruption, co-optation, and culture supported the regime, few have examined how environmental change shaped and reflected the state’s rule, even though its claim to revolutionary credibility rested in large part on its promise to nationalize water and subsoil rights and to remake agrarian society. Combining environmental and political history, this dissertation argues that the changing ecology of the Lower Colorado River undergirded the evolution of Mexico’s authoritarian political system during the Cold War of the 1960s and early 1970s. The problem of salinity gave teeth to a nationwide leftist challenge to the ruling party’s grip on power, inspired in part by the Cuban Revolution, and which took up salinity as a rallying cause. With the resolution of the problem mired in ecological complexity and diplomatic impasse, the Mexican government sought a solution through foreign policy. Tacking leftwards and embracing relations with revolutionary Cuba as a sop to domestic leftists, Mexican officials warned their U.S. counterparts that the salinity problem was catalyzing Communist agitation within Mexico. To increase the pressure, the government began encouraging and facilitating anti-U.S. protests in Mexicali, while ruthlessly repressing those that targeted the regime itself. The strategy won concessions from the United States in 1965 and 1973 agreements, and helped to defuse the leftist challenge by the mid 1960s. At the same time, the dissertation argues that the nature and exigencies of Mexican authoritarianism were the driving force in the ecological transformation of the Colorado River Delta from the late 1960s onwards. The political utility of the salinity issue to induce loyalty to the ruling party at a time of increasing opposition caused the regime to double down on its pursuit of irrigated cotton agriculture in Mexicali, against the evidence from its own scientists of cotton’s unsustainability, not just from salinity but from other ecological and hydrological problems. Concessions from the United States helped to fund a massive irrigation infrastructure project in the 1970s, designed to restore both the prosperity of cotton and political stability, which eventually achieved neither but inadvertently nudged forward a trend towards bi-national cooperation and ecological restoration along the river. Based on a wide range of archival sources, the dissertation contributes to our understanding of Cold War Mexico’s domestic politics and foreign policy, and shows how techno-ecological change and political authoritarianism both strengthened and undermined each other, a finding with broad implications beyond Mexico.

At the 42nd New York Film Festival in 2004, an enthusiastic audience viewed a selection of propaganda films rarely seen in the USA. The exhibit, ‘Selling Democracy—Welcome Mr. Marshall. Films of th...