Affective Resistance Against Online Misogyny and Homophobia on the RuNet

The ideal of an inclusive and participatory Internet has been undermined by the rise of misogynistic abuse on social media platforms. However, limited progress has been made at national – and to an extent European – levels in addressing this issue. In England and Wales, the tackling of underlying causes of online abuse has been overlooked because the law focuses on punishment rather than measures to prevent such abuses. Furthermore, online abuse has a significant impact on its victims that is underestimated by policymakers. This volume critically analyses the legal provisions that are currently deployed to tackle forms of online misogyny, and focuses on three aspects; firstly, the phenomenon of social media abuse; secondly, the poor and disparate legal responses to social media abuses; and thirdly, the similar failings of hate crime to tackle problems of online gender-based abuses. This book advances a compelling argument for legal changes to the existing hate crime, and communications legislation.

The authors analyze one of the most problematic areas in sphere of legal regulation – provision of protection of the copyright in Internet in Russia and in other countries. This sphere remains unregulated because of the difficulties with legal notion of Internet, which remains unclear and also technological aspects of the copyright protection with the means of civil legislation. The conducted analysis allowed to give the notion of Internet and revealed the types of breaches of copyrights in Internet. Authors come to conclusion that the lack of competent judges also leads to the insufficient protection of the copyright in Internet. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6p163

Russia’s Surveillance State

Online misogyny and the manosphere: Defending discourses of 'free speech' within the alt-right and beyond 2Popular discourse within the US and the UK on the topic of free speech suggests that free speech is under severe threat from liberal or left-leaning sensitivities.The view from the right tends to be that so called 'cancel culture' prevails and the 'woke mob' is intent on closing down debate and curbing sensible discussion in the name of 'right-on' cultural sensibilities (Steel 2024).These claims are often fuelled by an array of right-wing and libertarian sentiments that purport to defend free speech as a social good and guard against the erosion of wider freedoms and the slide towards conformity and authoritarianism.Yet these same sentiments, while purporting to advocate freedom of speech, also act to limit the voice of women, the marginalised and the oppressed.This paper examines how discourses within the 'manosphere' -the specifically misogynistic arm of the alt-right -reflect the prioritisation of certain free speech privileges whilst at the same time actively limiting and silencing voices of women online.The paper focuses on the language of free speech within these online spaces and in contemporary discourse which acts at the same time to both protect the free speech rights of misogynists and attack and undermine women.

Today, the internet has become a very fragmented research object that can be understood differently depending on contexts, research goals and methods. However, the internet [in this text, we write “internet” with a lower case “i”, following the process of decapitalisation of this term. The logic behind this process is that we understand internet as “computer network connecting a number of smaller networks” rather than as “the global network that evolved out of ARPANET, the early Pentagon network” (Herring S. Should you be capitalizing the word “internet”? Wired, 2015)] of a particular country is often treated by researchers as an umbrella term combining heterogeneous phenomena and practices. In this chapter we propose an alternative way of analysing the internet in Russia’s regions. Contrary to the concept of RuNet as common space, we explore diversity of what the internet is in different localities in Russia. The cases of five cities aim to illustrate the variety of histories and usage patterns of the internet in particular locations, such as in cities in Russia’s regions. Qualitative data consisting of interviews, observations, digital ethnography and archival documents have paved an additional (to more conventional quantitative data) way to explore the internet as a complex phenomenon rooted in previous development, local cultural and societal norms and political and economic situations. In particular, we stress the significance of the early internet, the diversity of basic and alternative platforms, the access and infrastructure divide as objects that are important to understand the development of the internet in a particular location.

The civilized transition to post- industrial (information) society is connected with transition from an extensive information (simple computerization) to intensive one, that is based on computer networks, forming the information space. Such a transition will increase an economic role of the information, will change the structure of the market and the character of market balance formation.

The communicative affordances of the participatory web have opened up new and multifarious channels for the proliferation of hate. In particular, women navigating the cybersphere seem to be the target of a disproportionate amount of hostility. This paper explores the contexts, approaches and conceptual synergies around research on online misogyny within the new communicative paradigm of social media communication (KhosraviNik 2017a: 582). The paper builds on the core principle that online misogyny is demonstrably and inherently a discourse; therefore, the field is envisaged at the intersection of digital media scholarship, discourse theorization and critical feminist explications. As an ever-burgeoning phenomenon, online hate has been approached from a range of disciplinary perspectives but has only been partially mapped at the interface of meaning making contents/processes and new mediation technologies. The paper aims to advance the state of the art by investigating online hate in general, and misogyny in particular, from the vantage point of Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS); an emerging model of theorization and operationalization of research combining tenets from Critical Discourse Studies with scholarship in digital media and technology research (KhosraviNik 2014, 2017a, 2018). Our SM-CDS approach to online misogyny demarcates itself from insinuation whereby the phenomenon is reduced to digital communicative affordancesper seand argues in favor of a double critical contextualization of research findings at both digital participatory as well as social and cultural levels.

law of public employment has come long way since 1892. That's when Oliver Wendell Holmes made his infamous statement, The petitioner may have constitutional right to talk politics, but he has no constitutional right to be policeman. (1) Back then, public employment was seen as privilege, not right. Today, it's clear that public employee does not shed his constitutional rights at the workplace door. While public employees have more rights than they did in the 19th century, their legal protections have been decreasing in the past two decades. Public employees' constitutional rights reached peak during the 1960s and 1970s. Since then, the Supreme Court has been diluting their rights. Some of the most significant court decisions shaping the employment environment for public school teachers have come in the areas of freedom of expression, procedural due process, and search and seizure. FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION landmark case in terms of setting constitutional standards for teacher employment came in 1968 in Pickering v. Board of Education, in which the Supreme Court ruled that a teacher's exercise of his right to speak on issues of public importance may not furnish the basis for his dismissal from public employment. (2) In Pickering, the Court ruled that public employer had to show compelling state before firing teacher for speaking about matters of public concern. In such case, the court must balance the rights of the employee against the public employer's right to run an efficient workplace. Pickering represents the closest that the free speech rights of teachers approached those of the general public. In 1983, the Supreme Court clarified public employees' free speech rights in Connick v. Myers. (3) Court ruled that when public employee speaks out on matter of private or personal interest and not as citizen on matters of public concern, the speech is not protected by the First When employee expression cannot be fairly considered as relating to any matter of political, social, or other concern to the community, government officials should enjoy wide latitude in managing their offices, without intrusive oversight by the judiciary in the name of the First Amendment. In the school setting, courts assess whether teacher's speech is made mostly in the teacher's role as citizen or as an employee of the school. (4) But even teacher whose speech is matter of public concern can be disciplined if such speech disrupts the school environment. In 2006, the Supreme Court ruled in Garcetti that when public employees make statements pursuant to their official duties, they are not speaking as citizens for First Amendment purposes, and the Constitution does not insulate their communications from employer discipline. (5) Some scholars have argued that this new employer-friendly rule constitutes sharp break from the traditional Pickering test and discourages public employees from speaking out. Subsequent cases involving teachers illustrate how the Garcetti ruling is weakening the First Amendment rights of teachers both inside and outside the classroom. In Michigan case, the court upheld the termination of teacher who wore t-shirt complaining of lack of contract. Citing Garcetti, the court simply ruled that the t-shirt caused disharmony in the workplace. (6) Similarly, the Seventh Circuit ruled in 2007 that an Indiana teacher who was dismissed for sharing her views against the war in Iraq in class discussing current events was unprotected by the First (7) In 2008, school psychologist sued her school district, alleging that the district retaliated against her after she spoke about noncompliance with the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). A federal district court ruled that she was speaking as an employee rather than as citizen. Citing Garcetti, the court concluded, Plaintiff has not alleged that she was speaking as citizen when she voiced her concerns about alleged IDEA violations. …

The growth of online communities and social media has led to a growing need for methods, concepts, and tools for researching online cultures. Particular attention should be paid to polarizing online discussion cultures and dynamics that increase inequality in online environments. Social media has enormous potential to create good, but in order to unlock its full potential, we also need to examine the mechanisms keeping these spaces monotonous, homogenous, and even hostile toward some groups. With this need in mind, I have developed the concept and theory of othering online discourse (OOD). This chapter introduces and defines the concept of OOD and explains the key characteristics and different attributes of OOD in relation to other concepts that deal with disruptive and discriminatory behavior in online spaces. The attributes of OOD are demonstrated drawing on examples gathered from the Finnish Suomi24 (Finland24) forum.

Although the courts have ruled that companies are legal persons, they have not yet made clear the extent to which political free speech for corporations is limited by the strictures legitimately placed upon corporate commercial speech. I explore the question of whether or not companies can properly be said to have the right to civil free speech or whether corporate speech is always de facto commercial speech not subject to the same sorts of legal protections as is the right to civil free speech. In the absence of clearly defined legal precedent, I emphasize moral reasons for determining the appropriate limits of corporate civil free speech. Appealing to arguments typically used to justify individual rights to civil free speech, I examine the extent to which this sort of justification may or may not be legitimately extended to corporations. I conclude that corporate rights to civil free speech must be restricted because granting rights of free speech to institutions may, in practice, undermine the moral rationale and practical feasibility of guaranteeing rights of civil free speech to individuals. Furthermore, I argue that granting corporations full rights to civil free speech will undercut attempts to develop good moral character in corporate institutions by undermining the efforts of watchdog organizations.

Hate crime charges offer enhanced sentences for prejudice‐motivated acts in recognition of the injury that extends beyond the victim to other members of the targeted group. The present study builds upon and extends previous work illuminating how anti‐Black prejudice influences application of free speech protections to justify criminal acts against Black (vs. White) targets, which subsequently reduces support for hate crime charges for the act by investigating the potential effects of environmental cues that increase the salience of free speech rights. The present work tested the main and interactive effects of act target (Black vs. White), anti‐Black prejudice, and the salience of freedom of speech on perceived free speech protections for a prejudice‐motivated criminal act and the consequent influence on support for hate crime charges. Replicating previous findings, greater anti‐Black prejudice predicted more perceived free speech protections for Black‐targeted acts, which predicted less support for hate crime charges. Low‐bias participants viewed Black‐ versus White‐targeted acts as less protected by free speech rights and more deserving of hate crime charges; high‐bias participants viewed the two acts similarly. Making the right to free speech (compared to protections from search and seizure) salient amplified differential perceptions of free speech protections based on prejudice and target group, which predicted support for hate crime charges. This work holds implications for justification processes and highlights the importance of studying culture‐specific values.

Representing Online Hostility against Women

An issue was raised in the Chronicle of Higher Education last January that could have severe implications for our campus. The article entitled, “Messages in Questionable Taste on Computer Networks Pose Thorny Problems for College Administrators,” talked about electronic mail, bulletin boards, and discussion groups available through campus and international computer networks.

This essay explores new avenues towards challenging inequity in these dark times. In these dark times, neoliberalism has coopted discourses that once challenged inequality and systems of power. Social justice, diversity, and identity politics—once powerful discourses that challenged inequality—have now been adopted by those in power to sustain neoliberalism and systemic inequalities. Using the concept of “re-sistence” rather than “resistance,” I argue for new forms of resistance. Rather than standing firm, relying upon common areas of focus, including identity politics, music educations interested in social justice might look for new forms of resistance, adapting to the changing terrain of neoliberalism and its cooption of previously subversive discourses. Using the work of musicologist Jacques Atalli’s description of noise, I explore how this has sonic aspects, and how music educators might address these issues through curriculum and music making.

This article examines the applicability to the Chinese context of a western power typology by Fleming and Spicer. In particular, we extend this power framework to exploring the relationship between language policies and organizational power. Drawing from 30 interviews in addition to 6-months of participant observation in a multinational corporation’s subsidiary in China, we question the separability of the different faces of power, and observe the absence of certain corresponding forms of resistance – most notably that of voice. We found Fleming and Spicer’s faces of power to prioritize individualistic and active as opposed to more collectivist and passive dynamics, potentially indicating cultural bias. Drawing on defaced account of the structures of power, we highlight the absence of an adequate emphasis on sociocultural and historical context in power discourse and expand the traditional conceptualization of power to a more multifactorial understanding of the interaction between faced and defaced structures of power as influenced by the historical, economic, socio-cultural and organizational reality of our lived experiences.